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HON.  LITT.D.  (CANTAB.),  D.C.L.  (OxoN.),  LL.D.  (EDEN.)  ; 

Late  Senior  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  and  sometime  Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the 
University  of  Dublin  ; 



HON.  LL.D.  (GLASG.); 

Senior  follow  of  Trinity  College,  and  sometime  Professor  of  Latin  in  the 
University  of  Dublin. 

VOL.  V. 







WHEN  in  February  of  last  year  the  publishers  informed  me 
that  the  fifth  volume  of  our  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  CICERO  was 
out  of  print,  and  that  a  second  edition  had  been  asked  for, 
and  was  desirable  in  order  to  render  possible  a  continuous  sale 
for  the  work  as  a  whole,  I  felt  considerably  perplexed.  For 
I  knew  that  Dr.  Tyrrell  was  in  such  precarious  health  that  he 
could  no  longer  act  as  the  guiding  and  commanding  spirit  in 
any  continuance  of  the  work ;  and  I  was  fully  conscious  that  my 
own  powers  were  not  equal  to  the  task  of  producing  a  new 
edition  such  as  would  meet  even  remotely  the  exacting  require- 
ments of  modern  scholarship,  or  provide  the  many-sided  erudition 
now  expected  of  a  commentator.  But  Dr.  Tyrrell  was  so 
pressing  in  his  desire  that  the  new  edition  should  be  produced 
(and  in  the  circumstances  he  could  hardly  be  refused),  and  the 
authorities  of  the  College  so  readily  approved  of  the  proposal, 
that,  though  with  considerable  misgiving,  I  undertook  the  task. 
Only  three  sheets  of  the  Commentary  were  even  glanced  at  by 
Dr.  Tyrrell  before  his  death :  we  did  not  think  that  he  was  so 
soon  to  be  lost  to  us  and  to  scholarship.1  In  those  three  sheets 
the  familiar  *  we '  had  been  used,  and  I  continued  it  throughout, 
not  only  for  the  sake  of  consistency,  but  also  because  I  am  faiu 
to  hope  that  there  would  not  have  been  much  diversity  of 
opinion  between  us  in  most  of  the  views  advanced.  But  I 
may  well  be  mistaken ;  and  I  must  take  on  myself  full  respon- 
sibility for  whatever  is  said.  The  dates  of  some  of  the  letters 
as  given  in  the  first  edition  seem  to  be  wrong ;  but,  as  in 
re-editions  of  the  first  three  volumes,  the  order  has  been  left 
unchanged,  lest  references  in  the  succeeding  volumes  and  in  the 
Index  should  prove  untrustworthy.  This  defect  is  remedied  to 
some  extent  by  the  table  given  on  pp.  460-465.  A  chapter  has 
been  added  to  the  Introduction  under  the  title  "  Antony  succeeds 
Caesar,"  dealing  with  the  history  of  the  five  and  a-half  months 
from  March  15  to  August  31  of  the  year  44  B.C. 

1  It  was  only  after  Dr.  Tyrrell' s  death  (Sept.  19,  1914)  that  Dr.  Sihler's  volume,- 
Cicero  of  Arpinum,  dedicated  to  him,  reached  this  country. 


As  this  volume  in  its  revision  has  not  had  the  advantage  of 
Dr.  TvrrelPs  scholarship,  it  asks  for  every  indulgence  that  the 
reader  can  bring  himself  to  grant  it.  It  makes  no  claim  to 
anything  even  approaching  a  full  treatment  of  the  subject. 
Neither  this  nor  any  other  volume  of  our  work  is  to  be  regarded  as 
other  than  a  mere  transitory  contribution  to  the  study  of  Cicero's 
Correspondence ;  the  best  that  our  edition  can  hope  for  is  that  it 
may  prove  a  sort  of  scaffolding,  by  the  aid  of  which  some  of  the  very 
learned  and  acute  young  scholars  of  to-day  may  erect  a  permanent 
building  "  four-square,  a  work  without  flaw."  Even  with  this 
limited  aim  the  present  volume  can  claim  but  little.  Though  it 
has  been  in  great  part  re-written,  I  am  only  too  conscious  of 
what  even  indulgent  criticism  must  regard  as  grievous  short- 
comings ;  and  I  feel  little  doubt  that  there  is  a  great  quantity  of 
literature  on  the  subject  which  has  wholly  escaped  my  notice. 
But  I  have  done  my  best  to  render  it  here  and  there  a  little  less 
inadequate  than  it  was  in  its  original  form.  That  little,  I  fear, 
would  have  been  hardly  attained  (if  it  has  been  attained  at  all) 
were  it  not  for  the  invaluable  assistance  given  me  by  my  friend, 
Dr.  J.  S.  Reid,  Fellow  of  Caius  College,  and  Professor  of  Ancient 
History  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  not  only  from  his  published 
works,  but  from  a  great  number  of  learned  manuscript  notes  which  he 
was  good  enough  to  put  at  my  disposal.  Of  this,  as  of  nearly  every 
other  work  on  Cicero  issued  by  British  scholars,  Professor  Reid 
pars  magna  fuit.  I  desire  here  to  render  him  my  warmest  thanks. 
The  last  two-thirds  of  the  Commentary,  and  the  whole  of  the 
Introduction,  have  been  read  by  another  friend,  Dr.  W.  A.  Groligher, 
Professor  of  Ancient,  History  and  Classical  Archaeology  in  the 
University  of  Dublin,  whose  trenchant  and  acute  criticisms  have 
been  of  the  greatest  service,  and  to  whom  I  am  very  grateful. 
I  am  also  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  J.  T.  GKbbs,  Manager  of  the 
Dublin  University  Press,  who  has  devoted  no  little  time  to 
reading  through  the  several  sheets  before  they  went  to  press,  and, 
by  his  accurate  knowledge  of  English,  has  saved  me  from  many 
errors  of  expression. 

L.  C.  P. 

August,  1915. 




I.  CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR,      ....  ix 




2.  MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER,     ...  cii 

IV.  ADDENDUM  TO  FAM.  iv.  5  (555),       ...  ex 

THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  CICERO.    PART  VIII,         .        .  1 

»         IX,  237 





Page    26,  lines  1,  2,       for  '  21 '  read  <  12  '. 

,,       27,  line    1,  for  '21'  read  '12'. 

,,       67,     ,,    13,  for  'March'  read  'May'. 

,,       84,     ,,    10,  for  '  Tusculanum  '  read  'Tusculum'. 

,,      93,  col.  b,  line  9,  omit  'this'. 

,,    117,  line    8,  for  'Rome'  read  'Tusculum'. 

,,     128,  col.  a,  line  1 ,  omit  '  aliquid'. 

„    130,  line    6,  for  'tuest'  read  'tues'. 

,,    141,  col.  a,  line  8  from  end,  after  '  tenere}'  add  "  see  Introd.,  p.  xvi,  note  2  '. 

,,  172,  ,,  bt  ,,  5  from  end,  before  '  commulcium*  add  'as  0.  E.  Schmidt  has 
suggested  and  Sjogren  (Comm.  Tull.,  p.  56) 
approved ' . 

„    191,  line    3,          for  '  August  25  '  read  «  August  24  '. 

,,    211,    ,,      5,  omit  '  17  (about)'. 

,,    275,     ,,    15,          for  '  mi  hi '  (italics)  read  'mihi'  (roman).     See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    291,     ,,     17,          for  '  reddendas — quod'  read  '  reddendas  :  quod'. 

,,  291,  col.  b,  lines  26-28,  for  ' the  conjunction  .  .  .  Atticus  would '  read  'quod, 
taking  it  as  a  conjunction.  But  Lehmann  (p.  80), 
in  a  learned  discussion,  shows  that  it  is  not  necessary. 
We  may  take  quod  as  a  relative  pronoun  with 
idem  (cf.  Acad.  i.  35,  quod  vides  idem  significare 
Pomponium],  Atticus  would  '. 

,,    295,  line  11,          for  '  pudentem'  read  'impudentem  '.     See  Adn.  Crit. 

„    300,  col.  a,  line  6,  for  '  728  '  read  '  727  '. 

„    314,       „       „    7,  for  'Klotz'  read  '  Orelli '. 

,,  349,  line  17,  for  '  Haec  '  read  'Hanc';  and  for  '  scribenda  '  read  '  scri- 
bendam  '.  See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    353,  col.  b,  line  4,  after  ' praebere  '  add  '  also  in  660.  1  (bene  de  nostro) '. 

,,  356,  ,,  a,  lines  1-6,  This  interpretation  is  incorrect.  See  Introd.,  p.  Ixxxi, 
note  4. 

,,  365,  line  10,  Perhaps  we  should  put  a  comma  after  'velim',  and  govern 

'memineris'  (line  11)  by  that  word,  as  is  done  by 
Miiller  and  Baiter.  But  it  is  possible  with  other 
editors,  e.g.  Wesenberg  and  Klotz,  to  put  a  full  stop. 
We  can  then  take  '  memineris '  as  a  case  of  the  future 
used  for  the  imperative  (cp.  Madvig,  384  obs. :  Robyr 

,,    365,  line  12,          for  'sum'  read  'swm'. 

„    376,    „      7,         for  « vi  Idus  '  read  «  vn  Idus '. 

„    382,    ,,    14,         for  'aBruti'  read  'aBruti'. 

,,    383,    ,,    13,         for  'quo'  read  'quo*. 

,,    385,    „    13, 14,   for  '  te  exspectare '  read  '  exspectare  te'.     See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    387>     ,,    15,         for  'cumeo'  read  'cum  eo'. 

,,    396,    „      3,         for  *huius  modi  videtur  '  read  '  huius  modi  mihi  videtur  '„ 

,,    406,    ,,      4,         for  'quod  praesens ',  read  '  ut  praesens  ' .     See  Adn.  Crit. 



IN  September  of  the  year  B.C.  46,  Cicero  delivered  in  the  Senate 
a  very  fine  speech,  which  has  come  down  to  us,  the  pro  Marcello. 
This  Marcus  Marcellus  had  been  Consul  in  the  year  51,  and 
had  taken  a  very  active  part  against  Caesar.  Among  his  enemies 
exiled  after  Pharsalia,  there  was  not  one  whom  Caesar  had 
greater  reason  to  regard  with  feelings  of  vindictive  indignation. 
Knowing  that  one  of  the  strongest  of  Caesar's  political  principles 
was  the  enfranchisement  of  the  Transpadane  Grauls — nay,  more, 
that  he  had  always  treated  them  as  actually  of  right  full  Roman 
burgesses2 — Marcellus  in  his  consulship  seized  the  opportunity 
of  wounding  him  in  his  most  sensitive  part.  A  distinguished 

1  This  section  of  the  Introduction,  which,  with  some  additions,  originally  appeared 
as  an  article  in  the  Quarterly  Review  (No.  368,  October,  1896,  pp.  395-422),  is  here 
republished  by  the  kind  permission  of  the  proprietor  and  editor.     A  few  notes  have 
been  added,  and  some  corrections  made. 

2  It  was  inevitable  that  sooner  or  later  Roman  citizenship  must  be  extended  to  the 
Transpadanes,  once  it  had  been  conceded  to  all  Italians  up  to  the  Po  by  the  legislation 
which  followed  the  Social  War :  the  Alps,  and  not  the  Po,  are  the  natural  boundaries 
of  Italy.     And  in  89  the  first  step  in  that  direction  was  taken  by  giving  the  Transpa- 
danes Latin  rights.     The  full  enfranchisement  of  the  Transpadanes  became  a  plank  in 
the  democratic  platform,  and  one  which  Caesar  was  especially  solicitous  to  strengthen 
in  every  possible  way  since  his  tour  of  agitation  in  that  district  in  68.     Caesar  always 
treated  the  Transpadane  soldiers  in  his  army  as  full  Roman  citizens  ;  and  Hirtius,  B.  G. 
viii.  24.  3,  speaks  of  the  colonies  in  that  region  as  colonia*  civium  Romanorum.    Further, 
Novum  Comum  was  a  colony  founded  by  Caesar  and  treated  by  him  as  a  citizen-colony : 
cp.  Suet.  lul.  28,  Marcellus  .  .  .  rettulit  etiam  ut  colonis,  quos  rogatione  Vatinia  Novum 
Comum,  deduxisset,  civitas  adimeretur,  quod  per  ambit  ionem  et  ultra  praescriptum  data, 
esset ;  but  citizenship  had  not  been  formally  granted  by  the  government  at  Rome,  and 
therefore  the  inhabitants  of  Novum   Comum   and  the  Transpadane  towns  might, 
according  to  the  strictest  law,  be  regarded  as  not   possessing  Roman  citizenship. 
We  find  that  it  was  one  of  Caesar's  first  acts,  when  he  got  possession  of  Rome  in  49, 
to  pass  a  Lex  lulia  de  Transpadanis,  formally  granting  them  full  Roman  citizenship  : 
Dio  Cass.  xli.  36.  3. 


citizen  of  Novum  Comum,  one  of  the  towns  recently  founded 
by  Caesar  as  a  burgess-colony,  was  staying  in  Rome.  In  the 
view  of  Caesar  this  man  should  have  been  regarded  as  a  full 
burgess  of  Rome,  and  as  such  have  enjoyed  as  complete  an  immunity 
from  corporal  punishment  as  the  Consul  himself.  Marcellus  had 
him  publicly  scourged.  So  much  for  Caesar  and  his  Transpadane ! 
After  Pharsalia,  Marcellus  retired  to  Mitylene.  Cicero,  who 
was  at  this  time  leading  a  somewhat  subdued  but  not  unpleasant 
life  in  Rome,1  on  terms  of  the  closest  intimacy  with  leading 
Caesarians,  such  as  Dolabella,  Hirtius,  and  Pansa,  to  whom  he 
was  teaching  declamation  in  return  for  their  instruction  in  the 
art  of  dining,2  no  doubt  felt  that  there  was  an  invidious  contrast 
between  his  own  lot  and  that  of  the  exiled  Optimate.  He  felt 
that  while  a  great  patrician,  a  consular  and  a  devotee  of  re- 
publicanism, was  living  in  obscurity  and  loneliness  in  Mitylene,  it 
looked  awkward  (ajuiopQov  or  <roAoticoi>  he  himself  would  have 
called  it)  that  he  should  pass  a  gay  existence  among  the  leading 
men  of  Rome.3  It  was  almost  essential  to  his  dignity,  even 
to  his  comfort,  that  Marcellus  should  be  restored.  But  a 
very  obstinate  resistance  was  encountered  from  the  staunch 
republican  himself,  who  much  preferred  the  freedom  of 
Mitylene  to  an  enslaved  life  in  the  metropolis.  But  at  last 
the  consent  of  Marcellus  to  accept  pardon  if  tendered  to  him 
was  obtained.  The  friends  of  Marcellus  probably  had  not  much 
hope  of  success;  but,  to  their  infinite  delight,  they  found  Caesar, 
ready  to  offer  to  his  enemy  a  full  pardon.4  This  striking  act  of 

1  Cp.  Fam.  ix.  26  (479).         2  Fam.  ix.  16.  7  (472) ;  18.  3  (473) :  cp.  vol.  iv. 

3  Cp.  vol.  iv,  p.  li.    Ferrero  (ii.  303)  says  :  "  "Worn  out  by  the  burden  of  his  years 
and  misfortunes,  Cicero  accepted  these  invitations  just  for  the  pleasure  of  society,  though 
from  time  to  time  he  felt  a  sting  of  remorse  when  something  happened  to  recall  the 
miserable  catastrophe  which  had  cost  him  so  many  of  his  friends."     Such  passages  as 
Fam.  ix.  16.  5  (472),  where  he  defends  his  conduct,  show  that  his  conscience  was  far 
from  easy. 

4  We  have  a  cordial  letter  of  thanks  from  Marcellus  to  Cicero,  Fam.  iv.  11  (406), 
in  reply  to  a  letter  from  Cicero  (unfortunately  lost — but  a  letter  to  Servius  Sulpicius, 
Fam.  iv.  4  (495),  supplies  the  deficiency),  which  told  him  of  the  scene  in  the  Senate 
on  the  occasion  that  he  delivered  the  pro  Marcello.     The  letters  of  Cicero  to  Marcellus 
(Fam.  iv.  7  to  10)  are  all  earnest  appeals  to  him  to  consent  to  take  steps  to  obtain  his 
recall.     Marcellus  said  that  Cicero's  advice  finally  decided  him  to  permit  efforts  to  be 
made  to  secure  his  pardon.     But  when  the  pardon  was  granted,  Marcellus  did  not 
make  any  haste  to  return:  cp.  Fam.  iv.  10(536).     He  was  not  at  Athens  on  his 
journey  home  until  May  45  :  cp.  Ep.  613. 


magnanimity  broke  down  Cicero's  resolution  to  hold  his  peace. 
Carried  away  by  his  enthusiasm  in  his  first  speech  since  Pharsalia, 
he  gave  a  loose  rein  to  his  unbounded  powers  of  panegyric  in 
the  oration  pro  Mar  cello.  It  is  on  this  speech  that  Froude 
has  based  his  fiercest  attack  on  the  character  and  motives  of 
Cicero.  The  whole  indictment  is  a  farrago  of  misstatement  and 

'  Such,'  he  writes,  '  was  the  speech  delivered  by  Cicero  in  the  Senate  in 
Caesar's  presence  within  a  few  weeks  of  his  murder.' 

The  speech  was  delivered  in  September,  46,  more  than  a  year 
and  a  half  before  the  deed,  which  was  done  on  the  Ides  of  March 
in  the  year  44.  The  sentiments  of  admiration  for  Caesar,  and  con- 
fidence in  his  patriotism,  which  Froude  so  scathingly  contrasts 
with  the  language  of  the  Second  Philippic,  written  two  years 
afterwards,  were  sincerely  felt  by  Cicero  when  he  delivered  the 
speech.  In  his  private  correspondence,  which  he  never  intended 
to  meet  the  eyes  of  anyone  except  his  correspondent,  the  sentiment 
is  in  spirit  the  same,  though  of  course  the  tone  is  that  of  a  private 
letter,  not  of  a  public  speech.  Writing  to  his  friend  Servius 
Sulpicius  immediately  after  the  incident,  he  relates  how  Caesar, 
after  dwelling  severely  on  the  *  bitter  spirit '  (acerbitate)  shown  by 
Marcellus,  declared  that  he  would  not  allow  *  his  opinion  about 
an  individual  to  bring  him  into  opposition  to  the  declared  will  of 
the  Senate.'  Was  it  any  wonder  that  Cicero  interpreted  such  a 
statement  as  an  official  declaration  that  Caesar  intended  to  restore 
the  republic,  and  had  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  establishing  a 
monarchy  ? 

'  You  need  not  askjrae,'  he  proceeds,  '  what  I  thought  of  it.  I  saw  in 
my  mind's  eye  the  Republic  coining  back  to  life.  1  had  determined  to 
hold  my  peace  for  ever ;  not,  God  knows,  through  apathy,  but  because  I 
felt  my  former  status  in  the  House  was  lost  beyond  recall.  But  Caesar' s 
magnanimity  and  the  Senate's  loyalty  swept  away  the  barriers  of  my 

1  Fam.  iv.  4.  3,  4  (495)  ita  mihi  pulcher  hie  dies  visus  est  ut  speciem  aliquam  viderer 
videre  quasi  reviviscentis  rei  publicae  ...  Statueram  non  mehercule  inertia  sed  desiderio 
pristinae  dignitatis  in  perpetuum  tacere.  Fregit  hoc  meum  fonsilium  et  Caesaris  magni- 
tude animi  et  senatus  officium. 



Froude  gives  copious  extracts  from  this  speech,  which  he  repre- 
sents as  being  at  best  a  cowardly  effort  to  curry  favour  with  a 
conqueror,  and  which  he  hints  was  designed  to  lull  Caesar  into  a 
false  security,  and  thus  facilitate  the  assassination,  which  he  sup- 
poses to  have  taken  place  in  a  few  weeks,  but  which  really  was 
perpetrated  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  afterwards.     It  is  for- 
tunately quite  possible,  chiefly  by  means  of  Cicero's  correspon- 
dence, especially  since  the  fruitful  labours  of  Schmidt  and  others 
have  arranged  it  so  accurately  in  its  chronological  order,  to  trace 
the  steps  by  which  the  sincere  admiration  of  Caesar's  character, 
expressed  throughout  the   speech   for  Marcellus,  was  converted 
into  cordial   sympathy  with  the  conspiracy,  though  Cicero  was 
denied   actual   participation  in  the  deed.     It  may  be  premised 
that  in  making  this  attempt  we  shall  have  sometimes  to  advert  to 
incidents  and  expressions  which,  to  a  careless  reader  of  the  corre- 
spondence, might  seem  trivial.     If  we  are  right  in  thinking  that 
the  untrammelled  utterances  of  a  great  thinker  and  an  unrivalled 
litterateur  on  events  passing  under  his  eyes,  and  in  which  he  took 
an  important  part,  at  a  most  critical  period  of  the  world's  history, 
will  always  have  a  deep  interest  for  English  students  of  the  past,, 
we  feel  that  no  apology  is  needed  for  details,  and  that  no  reader 
will  suggest,  as  Horatio  did  to  Hamlet,  that  '  'Twere  to  consider 
too  curiously  to  consider  so.'     And  let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  in 
nearly  every  other  case  in  literary  history,  to  see  an  author's  mind 
in  his  letters  as  in  a  mirror  would  be  to  meet  a  reflection  far  too 
flattering.     In  Cicero's  letters  no  effort  was  made  to  produce  an 
impression  more  favourable  that  the  facts  would  warrant.    Cicero'a 
letters  express  nearly  always  his  actual  feelings  at  the  moment 
of  writing.     He  was  conscious  that  his  actions  had  been  on  th& 
whole  guided  by  right  motives,  and  he  had  the  greatness  of  mind 
not  to  be  ashamed  of  confessing   that   he   had  at  times  been 
imprudent  and  even    weak.     Hence   it   is   that  we   can  regard 
his   correspondence    as    historical  material    of  a  most  valuable 

The  speech  of  Cicero  does  not  appear  to  have  been  regarded  at 
the  time  as  overstrained.  Paetus,  in  a  letter  to  Cicero,  refers  to  an 
attempt  which  he  had  made  to  imitate  the  pro  Marcello,  and  quotes- 


a  verse  from  Trabea  about  the  fate  of  him  who  tries  to  wield  the 
levin-bolt  of  Jove.    Cicero  politely  answers  : 

'  You  have  surpassed  me  ;  it  is  I  who  have,  in  comparison,  made  a 


Even  the  uncompromising  Marcellus  himself,  in  thanking  Cicero 
for  his  services  to  him,  has  not  a  word  to  say  about  any  reports 
having  reached  him  of  Cicero  having  unduly  praised  Caesar.  In 
the  letter  already  quoted,  in  which  he  describes  the  scene  in  the 
Senate  to  Servius  Sulpicius,  Cicero  attributes  the  stringent  repres- 
sion exercised  at  Kome  '  not  to  the  victor  —  nothing  could  surpass 
his  moderation  —  but  to  the  fact  that  there  has  been  a  victory, 
which,  in  civil  warfare,  cannot  but  be  outrageous/8  Writing  to 
Cornificius,  probably  about  the  same  time,3  Cicero  referred  to  the 
celebrated  incident  of  the  humiliation  of  Laberius  by  Caesar, 
which  produced  the  protest  of  Laberius,  preserved  by  Macrobius, 
and  containing  the  words  : 

'  Certes,  I've  lived  a  day  too  long.'4 

The  passage  is  interesting,  because  it  puts  the  part  which  Caesar 
took  in  a  more  amiable  light  than  that  in  which  we  are  accustomed 
to  regard  it.  In  recording  the  presence  of  Munatius  Plancus 
Bursa  at  the  games,  and  the  enforced  appearance  of  Laberius  as 
an  actor  in  competition  with  Publilius  Syrus,  his  comment  is  : 

'  Peace  prevails  here,  but  one  marked  with  incidents  which  would  give 
you  no  pleasure  if  you  were  here,  which  indeed  give  no  pleasure  to  Caesar. 

1  Fam.  ix.  21.  1  (497). 

2  Fam.  iv.  4.  2  (495)  nee  id  Victoria  vitio  quo  nihil  moderating  sed  ipsius  victoriae 
quae  civilibus  bellis  semper  est  insolens. 

3  Ep.  670  (Fam.  xii.  18)  is  often  placed  much  later,  in  the  autumn  of  45.     In  our 
original  arrangement  of  the  letters  we  placed  it  there,   and  considerations  of  the 
numbering  of  the  letters  for  the  Index  have  compelled  us  to  leave  it  at  that  place 
But  it  is  more  probable  that  the  games  at  which  Laberius  was  compelled  by  Caesar  to. 
appear  were  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris,  which  began  about  September  23  in  46.   We 
do  not  know  how  many  days  they  lasted  at  first.     Before  the  death  of  Augustus  they 
lasted  ten  days.   In  subsequent  years,  when  the  Calendar  was  reformed,  they  began  on 
July  20,  which  day  corresponded  to  September  23  of  the  unreformed  Calendar.    In  45 
Caesar  did  not  return  to  Rome  until  the  middle  of  September.     It  is  not  likely  that 
Caesar  would  insist  on  Laberius  appearing  on  the  stage  at  games  at  which  he  was  not 
himself  present;  and  according  to  the  story  (Macrobius  ii.  7.  5)  he  was  present. 

4  Nimirum  hoc  die 
TJno  plus  vixi  quam  mihi  vivendum  f  uit.* 


That  is  the  worst  of  civil  wars.  When  they  are  over,  the  victor  must  not 
consult  his  own  wishes  merely,  but  must  humour  those  to  whom  he  owes 
his  victory.  But,'  Cicero  continues,  '  for  my  own  part  1  have  grown  so 
callous  that  at  Caesar's  games  I  saw  without  a  pang  (ammo  aequmimo) 
T.  Plancus,  and  heard  the  verses  of  Laberius  and  Publilius.' 

This  shows  how  soon  Cicero  began  to  lose  confidence  in  his  hope 
that  Caesar  would  restore  the  free  State. 

In  a  letter  to  Caecina,1  he  dwells  on  the  '  kind  and  clement 
nature '  of  Caesar,  his  sympathy  with  literary  excellence,  and  his 
willingness  to  give  ear  to  *  expressions  of  feeling  which  have 
justice  and  the  fervour  of  sincerity  to  support  them  rather  than 
those  which  are  hollow  or  dictated  by  self-interest.'  All  his  letters 
to  exiled  Pompeians  during  this  autumn  express  a  favourable 
opinion  of  Caesar,  and  it  was  about  this  time  that  Cicero  made  a 
mot  which  is  recorded  by  Plutarch.  Caesar  had  ordered  the  restora- 
tion of  statues  of  Pompey  which  had  been  thrown  down.  '  By 
this  act  of  generosity,'  said  Cicero,  '  he  is  setting  up  the  statues  of 
Pompeius,  but  firmly  planting  his  own/2  Indeed,  we  have  to 
turn  to  the  speech  for  Marcellus,  which,  according  to  Froude, 

*  most  certainly  did  not  express  his  real  feelings,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  purpose  which  they  concealed/  to  find  anything 
approaching  a  criticism  of  Caesar,  anything  pointing  to  an  obliga- 
tion still  resting  on  him,  a  solemn  duty  still  unfulfilled.     This  we 
have  in  the  most  unambiguous  language  in  the  speech  itself.    The 
whole  eighth  chapter  is   devoted  to   the    consideration  of  what 
Caesar  has  yet  to  do,  and  the  speech  continues  with  the  words, 

*  This  then  is  what  still  remains,  this  is  the  act  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  drama,  this  the  crowning  feat,  the  restoration   of  the 
Republic.'*    The  reader  of  'Caesar,  a  Sketch,'  will  look  in  vain 

1  Fam.  vi.  6.  8  (488).  In  Caesare  haec  sunt,  mitts  clemensque  natura.  (This  recalls 
the  words  of  Laberius,  Viri  excellent™  tnente  clemenle  edita  Summissa  placidg  blandi- 
loquent  oratio)  .  .  .  Aecedit  quod  mirifice  \ngen\is  excelkntibus  delectatur  (cp.  Fam.  iv. 
8.  2  (485) ;  vi.  6.  3  fin.  (533))  .  .  .  Praeterea  cedit  multorum  ittstis  et  officio  incensis, 
turn  \nan\bu9  aut  ambitiosis  voluntatibus :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  12.  2  (490). 

•  roii  Miy  noMmrfow  T<TTTj<rt  TO&J  8*  a&rov  ^yvvffiv  foSpiarras  (Plut.  Cic.  40). 
It  must,  however,  be  noticed  that  Plutarch  here  quotes  this  remark  as  an  example  of 
flattery  on  the  part  of  Cicero—unjustly,  as  we  think.  He  would  also  in  all  probability 
hare  regarded  as  flattery  the  fine  praise  of  Caesar  in  the  pro  Marcello :  cp.  vol.  ir, 
p.  liii,  note. 

»  27.  Hate  iyitur  tibi  reliqua  pan  *st :  hie  rettat  actus,  in  hoc  elaborandum  est  ut 


for  any  allusion  to  these  words  in  the  pages  in  which  Froude 
gives  *  in  compressed  form,  for  necessary  brevity,  the  speech 
delivered  by  Cicero  in  the  Senate  in  Caesar's  presence  within  a 
few  weeks  of  his  murder.' 

Caesar  obviously  had  despotic  power  within  his  grasp.  His 
actions  seemed  to  show  that  he  was  not  about  to  seize  it.  Why 
should  not  Cicero,  who  saw  as  clearly  as  Mommsen  that  the  soul 
of  Caesar  had  room  in  it  for  much  beside  the  statesman,  foster  the 
thought  of  which  his  ardent  wish  was  father,  that  Caesar  might 
rise  to  the  act  of  self-renunciation  which  surely  elevates  to  dignity 
the  somewhat  narrow  character  of  Pompey,  who,  however,  return- 
ing victor  from  the  Mithridatic  War,  scorned  to  hurl  his  victorious 
legions  on  defenceless  Home  ?  It  is  surprising  that  an  historian 
of  a  people, 

*  Where  freedom  slowly  broadens  down 
From  precedent  to  precedent.' 

has  nothing  to  say  about  this  crisis  in  Roman  history.  When  we 
turn  to  Mommsen,  we  are  prepared  for  the  censure  directed  against 
the  *  coward/  who,  when  the  Kepublic,  the  goddess  of  Cicero's 
idolatry,  was  in  his  grasp,  refused  to  throttle  her.  Nearly  a  year 
after  this  time  Brutus  cherished  the  same  fond  dream.  '  So  Brutus 
thinks  Caesar  is  being  converted  to  constitutionalism,'  writes 
Cicero  (Ep.  660)  in  August,  45.  He  had  himself  been  disillusioned 
considerably  before  that  time. 

About  two  months  and  a  half  after  the  pro  Marcello,  Cicero 
delivered  the  pro  Ligario,  of  which  Plutarch  gives  us  such  a 
lively  account.1  He  tells  us  that  when  Ligarius  was  put  on  his 
trial,  and  it  became  known  that  Cicero  would  be  his  advocate, 

rempublicam  constitttas,  eaque  tu  in  primis  summa  tranquillitate  et  otio  perfruare : 
turn  te,  si  voles,  cum  et  patriae  quod  debes  solveris  et  naturam  ipsam  expleveris  satietate 
vivendi,  satis  diu  vixisse  dicito. 

1  The  speech  pro  Ligario  was  delivered  in  the  First  Intercalary  month.  Caesar 
inserted  two  intercalary  months  and  ten  days  between  November  and  December,  46. 
Cicero  seems  on  November  26  to  have  gone  on  a  sort  of  deputation  to  Caesar  on  behalf 
of  Ligarius :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  14  (498),  and  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxii.  Caesar  would  appear  at 
this  time  to  have  surrounded  himself  with  something  of  the  ceremony  of  monarchy  : 
cp.  Fam.  iv.  7.  6  (486)  ius  adeundi  .  .  .  non  habemus  ;  vi.  13.  3  (489)  aditus  ad  eum 
difflciliores ;  vi.  14.  2  (498)  cum  .  .  .  omnetn  adeundi  et  conveniendi  illius  indignitatem 
et  mokstiam  pertulissem. 


Caesar  said,  *  Of  course  it  is  well  known  that  he  is  a  villain  and  a 
traitor,  but  why  should  we  not  have  the  pleasure  of  a  speech  from 
Cicero  P  '  The  trial,  accordingly,  proceeded.  Cicero  at  once  made 
an  impression  ;  as  he  went  on,  by  his  appeals  to  the  feelings  on 
every  side,  and  by  his  amazing  charm  of  style,1  he  so  strongly 
moved  Caesar  that  his  colour  was  seen  to  come  and  go.  When 
the  orator  touched  on  Pharsalia,  Caesar  was  quite  transported,  his 
whole  frame  shook  ('  'Tis  true  this  god  did  shake/  as  Cassius  says), 
and  he  let  fall  from  his  hands  some  papers  which  he  was  holding 
(probably  proofs  of  Ligarius'  treachery).  Finally  he  was  coerced 
by  the  orator  into  an  acquittal.2  The  speech  for  Ligarius  is  not 
pitched  in  so  high  a  key  as  that  for  Marcellus,  delivered  more 
than  two  months  before,  but  it  shows  no  suspicion  of  Caesar. 

Tracing  the  growth  of  Cicero's  feelings  about  Caesar,  in  the 
Second  Intercalary  month  we  find  him  receiving,  with  expressed 
reluctance,  his  son's  desire  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain: 

'  He  wants  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain,  and  he  wants  a  liberal  allowance. 
I  told  him  I  would  give  him  an  abundant  allowance,  as  much  as  Publilius 
or  the  Flamen  Lentulus  allowed  their  sons.  But  as  to  Spain,  I  urged  first, 
that  people  would  say,  Was  it  not  enough  to  abandon  Pompey's  cause  ? 
must  they  even  embrace  Caesar's  ?  Secondly,  I  urged  that  it  would  be 
galling  to  him  to  be  distanced  in  the  race  for  Caesar's  favour  by  his  cousin 

J  x«/)tTt  9avu.affr6s  (Plut.  Cic.  39). 
2  avt\vfft  Qffraff/jLfvos.  In  the  difficult  passage  in  Att.  xiii.  20.  4  (634)  Schiche 
(Zu  Ciceros  Briefen,  Berlin  Programm,  No.  59  (1905),  p.  27)  for  toto  conjectures  isto, 
and  supposes  (if  we  understand  him  rightly)  that  it  refers  to  one  of  the  Ligarii  who 
had  criticized  Cicero  to  Atticus  on  the  ground  that  his  present  behaviour  towards  the 
Caesareans  was  not  consistent  with  the  outspokenness  displayed  in  the  speech  pro 
Ligario,  which  he  had  published  shortly  before  the  letter  was  written  (beginning  of 
July,  45)  :  and  that  Cicero  in  reply  says  that  his  defence  of  Ligarius  was  not  made  in 
order  to  evince  his  supremacy  as  an  advocate,  but  simply  not  to  fail  a  friend  in  need. 
This  is  possible,  but  it  involves  the  assumption  that  a  Ligarius  did  criticize  Cicero  on 
the  ground  alleged,  which  seems  unlikely.  We  rather  think  that  Cicero  is  defending 
himself  against  Atticus  alone,  and  would  add  <negotio>  after  in  toto.  Atticus  would 
readily  understand  that  it  was  Quintus  Ligarius  whom  he  meant  by  <?».  Schiche  goes 
on  to  suggest  that  for  ^  7ekp  avro?s  we  should  read  &  ykp  aS0<y,  '  Never  again,'  i.e. 
may  I  never  again  undertake  pleadings  in  the  courts  as  an  advocate.  This  is  ingenious 
and  probable  :  but  in  the  absence  of  knowledge  as  to  the  exact  quotation  Cicero  was 
making,  it  cannot  be  regarded  as  certain.  In  defence  of  iudicia  tenere  Schiche 
adds  Brut.  106  Hie  (Carbo)  optimus  illis  temporibus  est  patronus  habitus,  eoque  forum 
ttnente  plura  fieri  iudicia  coeperunt.  We  regret  that  this  learned  Programm  of 
Schiche's  did  not  come  under  our  notice  until  the  commentary  had  been  printed  off. 
«Att.  xii.  7.  1  (500). 


As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  boy  did  not  join  Caesar,  but  went  to  the 
University  of  Athens,  where  his  father  allowed  him  about  £800 
a  year.  But  the  first  definite  sign  of  distrust  is  given  in  a 
letter  to  Atticus,  written  a  little  later,  about  a  month  after 
he  had  pleaded  the  cause  of  Ligarius.  Caesar  had  left  for  Spain 
in  the  Second  Intercalary  month,  having  assumed  for  the 
third  time  the  Dictatorship,  and  having  appointed  Lepidus 
(though  the  latter  was  Consul)  Master  of  the  Horse.  He  had 
given  directions  to  Lepidus  to  procure  his  election  as  sole 
Consul  for  45.  *  As  Dictator,  and  at  the  same  time  Consul,'  says 
Ferrero  ii.  319,  *  without  a  colleague,  he  was  for  all  practical 
purposes  an  autocratic  ruler.'  He  postponed  the  election  of  tlie 
other  magistrates.  This  wound  to  republican  feelings,  which 
rankled  sorely  afterwards,  drew  from  Cicero  his  first  definite 
expression  of  mistrust  since  Caesar's  clemency  towards  Marcellus 
had  given  him  hopes  that  he  might  apply  to  Caesar,  whom  he 
loved  and  admired,  the  affectionate  noster  which  he  had  always 
reserved  for  the  cold  and  unsympathetic  Pompey.  Cicero  is  not 
certain  if  the  report  is  true.  He  asks  Atticus  to  find  out  from  his 
father-in-law,  •  Will  the  master  proceed  to  the  Plain  of  the  Fennel- 
bed  or  the  Plain  of  Mars  for  the  purposes  of  the  election  ?  ?1 — that 
is,  will  Caesar  nominate  the  magistrates  in  Spain,  or  leave  the 
election  to  the  people  in  Eome  ?  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Caesar  did 
not  trouble  himself  about  the  Field  of  Fennel  or  the  Field  of  Mars. 
He  elected  no  magistrates,  but  left  the  administration  in  the  hands 
of  eight  (or  six)  praefecti*  nominally  subject  to  Lepidus.  The 
real  power  was  held  by  Balbus  and  Oppius,  as  we  learn  from  a 
letter  to  Aulus  Caecina,  written  in  December,  46 :  *  I  have 
come  to  see  that  all  the  acts  of  Balbus  and  Oppius  during 
the  absence  of  Caesar  are  usually  upheld  by  him/ 3  When 


Cicero  wrote  those  words,  he  must  have  almost  begun  to  fear  thai 
Caesar  had  abandoned,  if  he  had  ever  entertained,  the  thought  of 
restoring  the  Republic.  In  the  remaining  letters  of  46  and  the 
beginning  of  45  up  to  February,  when  Cicero  was  afflicted  so 
severely  by  the  death  of  his  beloved  daughter  Tullia,  we  have 
occasional  allusions  to  the  clemency  of  Caesar,  alternating  with 
gloomy  comments  on  public  affairs,  as,  for  instance,  when  he 
comforts  his  friend  Titius  for  the  loss  of  his  children  by  the 
reflection — 

*  The  best  source  of  consolation  is  the  state  of  public  affairs  .  .  .  Those 
who  are  in  your  case  now  are  far  less  to  be  pitied  than  such  as  lost  their 
children  when  there  was  a  good,  or  indeed  any,  form  of  free  consti- 
tution.' ! 

Early  in  January,  45,  he  tells  Cassius  that  his  best  chance  of 
happiness  will  lie  in  keeping  clear  of  trifling  things  (aiavoo-TrouSoe), 
in  avoiding  vain  pursuits  such  as  the  restoration  of  the  free  State.2 
Cassius,  in  reply,  writes  : — 

'  Let  me  know  what  is  going  on  in  Spain.  1  declare  I  am  nervous 
about  this  young  Cn.  Pompeius,  and  1  prefer  the  clemency  of  our  present 
master  to  the  possible  ferocity  of  a  new  one.  You  know  what  a  dullard 
he  is,  and  how  he  mistakes  cruelty  for  firmness.  He  fancies  we  are 
always  making  fun  of  him.  I  fear  his  repartee  will  be  an  unpolished  one 
— a  slit  weasand.'3 

In  the  end  of  March,  45,  shortly  after  the  news  reached  Rome 
that  Caesar  had  been  saluted  as  Imperator  on  the  capture  of 
Ategua,  we  find  Cicero  attempting  a  literary  tour  de  force,  an 
experiment  whether  originality  could  be  achieved  in  a  letter 
of  introduction.  The  whole  composition  (Ep.  571),  recommending 
one  Precilius  to  Caesar,  is  stilted — studded  with  not  very  apt 

1  Fam.  v.  10.  3  (529),  Neque  hae  neque  ceterae  consolationes  .  .  .  tantum  videntur 
pro/icere  debert  quantum  status  ipse  nostrae  civitatis  et  haec  perturbatio 
tern  for  urn  perditorumt  cum  beatissimi  sint  qui  liberos  non  susceperunt,  minus 
autem  miseri  qui  his  temporibus  amiserunt  quam  si  eosdem  bona  aut  den  ique  aliqua 
republic n  perdidissent. 

'  Fam.  xv.  17.  4  (541).     For  iuctroffwovSos,  cp.  Marcus  Aurelius  i.  6. 

lFam.  XT.  19.  4  (542),  Scis  Cn.  quam  sit  fatuuif.ids  quomodo  crudelitatem 
virtutem  putet;  scis  quam  se  semper  a  nobis  derisum  putet;  vereor  ne  nos  rustic* 
ylndio  velit  ' 


quotations,  four  from  Homer  and  one  from  Euripides.  It  has  a 
strained  and  unnatural  tone  of  gaiety,  such  as  might  well  have 
been  assumed  by  a  writer  with  an  aching  heart — Tullia  had  been 
about  six  weeks  dead.  But  he  is  still  appreciative  of  Caesar's 
personal  courtesy.  In  the  middle  of  April,1  in  a  letter  to  Servius 
Sulpicius,  he  speaks  of  'that  leisure  which  his  kind  permission 
allows  us.'  But  he  is  in  deep  depression.  He  says  to  Lucceius 
|  in  May  :  '  Your  love  is  acceptable  and  desirable  :  I  would  say 
pleasant,  were  it  not  that  I  have  lost  that  word  for  ever." 

After  he  has  recovered  from  the  first  agony  of  his  grief  for  the 
death  of  Tullia,3  which  occurred  in  February,  45,  we  trace  in  his 


letters  a  growing  antipathy  towards  Caesar.     A  statue  of  Caesar, 
with  the  inscription  Deo  Invietof-  was  erected  now  in  the  Temple  i 

years  before  to  dedicate  some  important  treatise  to  Cicero,  but  was  a  '  slow -coach,' 
and  he  had  not  made  much  progress  (626.  3).  Taking  all  these  matters  into  con* 
sideration,  Cicero  determined,  after  the  suggestion  of  Atticus,  to  make  the  first  stepi 
himself,  and  dedicate  the  'Academica'  to  Varro.  Atticus  had,  indeed,  as  far  back 
as  54  urged  Cicero  to  find  a  place  for  Varro  in  the  De  Republiea  or  some  other  dialogue; 
but  Cicero  gave  reasons  why  he  did  not  do  so,  chiefly  (1)  the  unsuitability  of  Varro  for 
any  previous  treatise;  (2)  the  principle  he  had  adopted  not  to  introduce  any  living) 
person  into  his  dialogues ;  and  (3)  that  Varro  could  not  be  introduced  into  the 
Le  Republiea,  as  he  was  not  contemporary  with  Africanus  (Att.  iv.  16.  2  (144)  : 
cp.  626.  3  ;  631.  3,  4).  On  receipt,  then,  of  the  letter  from  Atticus  on  June  23,  Cicero 
at  once  proceeded  to  remodel  the  treatise  so  as  to  give  Varro  the  part  which  Lucullus 
and  Brutus  had  held  in  his  previous  arrangements.  The  transference  of  speakers 
was  effected  by  June  25,  and  the  treatise  altered  from  two  to  four  books,  the  work! 
enlarged,  and  the  points  put  more  concisely.  Cicero  did  not  hesitate  to  make  the 
alteration,  even  though  Atticus  had  already  had  the  former  edition  copied  out 
(627.  1).  It  is  possible  that  Atticus  sold  both  editions :  hence,  probably,  both  got 
into  extensive  circulation,  and  it  became  well  known  that  both  had  been  madei 
by  Cicero  (Quintil.  iii.  6.  64).  We  enjoy  the  good  fortune  of  having  the  «  Lucullus  * 
extant  which  Plutarch  mentions  (Lucull.  42).  Besides  Varro,  Cicero  was  the  othen 
principal  speaker  defending  the  New  Academy  :  and  Atticus  was  introduced  as  a  third.1 
Cicero  says  he  introduced  Atticus  «  with  the  greatest  pleasure  '  (afffifvairaTa,  635.  1  i 
cp.  628.  3).  This  edition,  in  four  books,  with  Varro  as  the  principal  character,  is 
known  as  the  Academica  Posteriora  ;  and  we  have  still  extant  portion  of  the  first  booki 
of  it.  Yet  immediately  after  this  re -arrangement  of  speakers,  on  June  26  Cicero  wasi 
still  beset  with  misgiving  as  to  the  advisability  of  dedicating  the  treatise  to  VarrOI 
(628.  3).  But  he  did  not  give  up  the  idea,  and  on  June  30  sent  the  work  to  Rome  to  bej 
copied  out  on  fine  large  paper  (macrocolla)  for  Varro  (632.  4  ;  642.  3).  Varro  was  not  a 
genial  man,  and  Cicero  did  not  welcome  a  visit  Varro  paid  him  on  July  9  (636.  1)  at 
Tusculum,  turning  up  like  the  lupus  in  fabula,  just  as  the  company  were  talking  on 
him  (or  does  loqucbamur  mean  *  you  and  I  have  been  talking  so  much  about  himJ 
recently  '  ?)  The  final  corrections  were  being  made  in  the  work  on  July  10  (637.  2)3 
and  about  July  12  Cicero's  letter  (641),  which  was  to  be  sent  with  the  work  to  VarroJ 
was  composed  with  scrupulous  care,  '  syllable  by  syllable,'  as  he  says  himself  (642.  3).l 
Cicero  thought  a  great  deal  both  of  the  book  (627.  1  ;  630  [18];  631.  3,  5)  and  of 
the  letter  (642.  3) ;  but  still  he  was  for  a  considerable  time  in  no  little  uncertainty  as] 
to  how  the  austere  and  cross-grained  Varro  would  receive  the  book.  Atticus  did] 
not  seem  to  be  quite  certain  as  to  the  ground  of  Cicero's  hesitation,  and  asks  him! 
f  he  feared  that  people  would  regard  him  as  a  'tuft-hunter'  (0tA.ej/5o£oj,  631.  3: 
cp.  640.  2)  if  he  were  to  dedicate  a  work  to  such  a  great  man  as  Varro  without  having  I 
first  received  a  dedication  from  him.  Cicero  says  that  was  not  the  case  (631.  3).  The! 
real  reason  is  that  stated  in  642.  3  (cp.  640.  2).  Varro  he  fears  may  grumble  that] 
hw  own  part  was  not  so  ably  put  as  Cicero's ;  and  so  Cicero  laid  the  final  responsibility  I 
of  the  presentation  to  Varro  on  Atticus  (642.  3  :  cp.  640.  2  ;  643.  2).  He  could  always  I 
(he  said)  fall  back  on  the  intermediate  edition  of  the  work  which  introduced  Brutus 
i  Cato  (642.  3).  But  about  July  20  the  work  was  at  last  presented  to  Varro.  We 
iave  no  definite  indication  how  he  received  it,  but  probably  with  satisfaction,  as  he 
edicated  later  a  portion  of  his  De  Lingua  Latina  to  Cicero  (Gell.  xvi.  8.  6). 
Cass.  xliii.  45.  3). 


I  of  Quirinus,  near  the  house  of  Atticus,  on  the  Quirinal  Hill,  a& 
|well  as  another  in  the  Capitol  among  those  of  the  kings. 

'  I  see,'  Cicero  writes,  on  May  17,  45,  '  that  your  house  will  rise  in 
value  now  that  you  have  Caesar  for  a  neighbour.  Well,  I  would  rather 
see  him  share  the  honours  of  Quirinus  than  be  enshrined  with  Sains  in 
the  same  Hill,'  —  that  is  (Cicero  means),  <  1  should  not  care  to  see  him  in 
Safety  ;  I  should  rather  see  him  in  the  situation  of  Romulus,  who  was 
torn  to  pieces  just  before  he  was  acknowledged  as  a  god.'  (  Hipp.  594,  595.  ) 

We  have  here  a  sentiment  which  goes  far  to  prepare  us  for  Cicero's 
I  exultation  over  the  death  of  Caesar,  and  his  expressed  regret  that 
[he  was  not  an  active  participator  in  the  deed.1  A  little  more  than 

a  week  after,  May  25,  writing  to  Atticus  concerning  a  projected 
!  letter  of  political  counsel  to  Caesar,  like  the  erv/ufiov  Actmica  of 

Aristotle  and  Theopompus  to  Alexander,  he  says  :  — 

*  Yes,  I  always  was  for  submitting  the  letter  to  those  friends  of  yours 
and  his,  Hirtius,  Oppius,  and  Halbus.  I  am  glad  they  did  not  conceal 
their  real  opinion,  and  gladder  still  that  they  suggest  so  many  changes  as 
to  give  me  a  good  reason  for  dropping  the  whole  thing.  Although  as 
regards  the  Parthian  war,  what  view  should  1  have  taken  except  that 
which  I  thought  he  wished?  What,  indeed,  was  the  tenor  of  the  whole 
letter  but  kotowing  (woAa/ce/a)  ?  If  I  advised  him  what  I  really  thought 
he  should  do,  should  I  have  lacked  words  ?  The  whole  thing  was  uncalled 
for.  When  I  cannot  make  a  coup  (CTT  IT  61/7^0),  and  a  coup  manque 
(a7roT€u7Aia)  would  be  painful,  what  is  the  use  of  putting  it  to  the 
hazard  (TrapaKivtivveveiv}  ?  Besides,  he  might  suppose  that  I  had  waited 
till  the  war  was  completely  over  before  writing,  or  might  even  think  I 
wanted  to  gild  the  pill  of  my  Cato  '  (quasi  Catonis  ^i\iyna  esse,  603.  I).2 

1  Cp.  Fam.  xii.  4.  1  (818).   Vellem  Idibus  Martiis  me  ad  eenam  invitasses  :  reliqui- 
arum  nihil  fuisset. 

2  The  first  notice  we  have  of  Cicero's  intention  to  write  this  letter  is  on  May  9 
(584.  2).     Cicero  says  he  has  beside  him  the  letters  addressed   by  Aristotle  and 
Theopompus  to  Alexander,  but  that  the  circumstances  in  their  case  and  in  his  are  not 
similar,  and  accordingly  he  does  not  know  what  to  say.     "  What  they  wrote  was 
honourable  to  themselves  and  pleasing  to  Alexander.     Can  you  think  of  anything  of 
the  kind  in  my  case  ?  "     However,  he  took  the  matter  in  hand  and  had  the  letter 
completed  by  May  13  (591.  2).     If  we  accept  the  reading  of  lenson's  edition  in  597.  2 
Epistulam  ad  Caesar  em  (Ciceronem  codd.)  tibi  misi,  the  letter  was  sent  on  the  19th. 
It  really  looks  as  if  we  should  accept  this  reading  :  for  otherwise,  though  Cicero  was 
writing  to  Atticus  every  day,  we  should  have  no  express  mention  of  his  having  sent  to 
him  the  letter  addressed  to  Caesar  ;  and  Atticus  appears  to  have  desired  to  see  it,  and 
Cicero  also  desired  that  he  should  see  it,  for  he  was  convinced  that  he  had  not  fundamen- 
tally abandoned  therein  any  of  his  political  principles  (598.  2).  On  the  21st  he  is  awaiting 


Finally,  at  the  end  of  May,  Cicero  dismisses  the   subject  with 
these    words:    'As   to   the    letter   (i.e.   the    political   letter)   to 
Caesar,  I  give  you   my  honour  I  cannot  write  it.     It  is  not  the 
baseness  of  it  that  stops  me,  though  it  ought  to  be;  for  how 
very  disgraceful  is  flattery  when  even  to  be  alive  is  disgraceful  * 
But  that  is  not  what  stops  me  :  I  wish  it  was ;  then  I  should  be 
what  I  ought  to  be.     But  I  can  think  of  nothing  to  say.' 1    On  th( 
13th  of  July  of  the  same  year  he  has  a  sneer  at  Caesar's  schem< 
for  rebuilding  the  city,2  'as  if  it  were  too  small  to  hold  him. 
At  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  in  the  latter  half  of  July  the  statue  ! 
of  Caesar  was  carried  amongst  those  of  the  gods  beside  that  of 
Victory3 ;  and  at  the  same  time  it  was  rumoured  that  Cotta4  was 
about  to  bring  before  the  Senate  a  proposal  that  Caesar  should 
have  the  title  of  King,  as  Parthia  was  alleged  to  be  declared  by 
the  Sibylline  books  to  be  unconquerable  save  by  a  royal  invader. 
This  was  probably  a  ruse  of  Caesar's,  who  now  appears  to  navel 

information  as  to  what  Atticus  is  doing  with  the  letter  (599.  2),  and  on  the  23rd  is  j 
eagerly  expecting  the  judgment  of  Balbus  and  Oppius  (601.  3).  By  May  24  he  has  * 
heard  of  their  adverse  verdict  (602— a  very  short  letter,  exhibiting  the  deepest  morti- 
fication). On  the  25th  Cicero  is  somewhat  calmer,  and  writes  the  letter  translated 
above  (603.  1) ;  but  the  bitterness  of  disappointment  is  still  rankling.  Atticus  would 
appear  to  have  written  suggesting  that  he  might  make  some  alterations.  On  May  26 
Cicero  replies  that  he  cannot  think  what  to  say.  On  the  28th  he  has  definitely  made 
up  his  mind  (««'*?«««>  6°7.  3)  not  to  send  any  letter  at  all,  to  cast  such  ideas  aside, 
and  to  he  at  least  half-free  (semiliberi  saltern  simus) — a  condition  to  M'hich  he  can  ] 
attain  by  keeping  silent  and  living  in  retirement.  He  alludes  to  the  letter  once  again 
on  June  9  (619.  1)  when  he  was  definitely  informed  that  Caesar  had  said  that  on  his 
return  he  would  remain  in  Rome  to  see  that  his  laws  were  enforced — '  a  point,'  says 
Cicero,  '  which  was  contained  in  my  letter* :  cp.  607.  3.  Some  time  later  he  wrote 
another  letter  to  Caesar — not  political,  but  literary,  on  the  subject  of  Caesar's  Anti- 
Cato — which  was  highly  praised  by  Caesar's  friends  (667.  1) :  see  below,  p.  xxiv. 
Brutus,  Gallus,  and  Cicero  had  written  Catos,  or  panegyrics  on  Cato,  while  Hirtius 
and  Caesar  himself  had  countered  with  Anti-Catos.  Caesar  greatly  admired  Cicero's 
Cato,  which  he  compared  favourably  with  that  of  Brutus.  The  lines  on  which  it  was 
written  are  described  by  Cicero  himself  in  a  masterly  summary  Att.  xii.  4.  2(469), 
Sed  vere  landari  ille  vir  non  potent  nisi  haec  ('  the  following  topics ')  ornata  sint :  quod 
\IU  ca  quac  nnnc  aunt  et  futura  viderit  et  ne  Jierent  contenderit  et  facto,  ne  viderit  vitam 
reliqmrit.  For  Caesar's  judgment  on  Cicero's  work  cp.  663.  2,  multa  (scripsit 
Caesar)  de  meo  «  Catone  '  quo  saepitsime  legendo  se  dicit  copiosioremfactum,  JBruti  '  Catone ' 
keto  it  tibi  vintm  diserlum.  Cicero  highly  approved  of  Caesar's  Anti-Cato  (667.  1) 
as  far  as  literary  style  went.  ..- 

>Ep.  604.2.  8Ep.  643.  1. 

8  For  similar  extravagant  honours  bestowed  on  Caesar  cp.  Suet.  lul.  76  :   Dio 
Caa.  xliii.  14.  i  EP.  646.  1. 


I  craved  the  external   insignia  of  a  monarch.1     Cicero's  comment 
I  when  the  proposal  was  first  mooted  in  July  is  biting  : — 

'  How  delightful  to  get  your  letter,  though  the  procession  was  a  bitter 
pill  to  swallow  !  But  it  is  high  time  for  us  to  know  everything,  even 
Cotta's  rumoured  proposals.  How  well  the  people  acted  in  not  even 
applauding  Victory,  on  account  of  the  had  company  she  was  in  ! ' 2 

But  sorely  as  lie  feels  about  Caesar,  he  dismisses  with  curt  expres- 
sions of  absolute  disbelief  (in  which  he  says  Brutus  concurs)  charges 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  Caesar,  such  as  his  complicity  in 
the  murder  of  Marcellus  by  Magius  Chilo,3  or  alleged  rapacity  : 

'  Bahullius,'  he  writes,*  '  has  left  one -twelfth  of  his  property  to  Caesar, 
and  to  Lepta  one-third.  Lepta  is  afraid  Caesar  won't  allow  the  will  to 
take  effect :  absolutely  without  cause.' 

On  August  2,  in  a  letter  to  Atticus,  for  the  first  time  he  actually 
calls  Caesar  King.  Young  Quintus,  whom  Cicero  justly  calls  '  a 
thorough  blackguard'  (cp.  658.  1,  Hoc  quidquam  pote  impurius), 
was  trying  to  blacken  not  only  Cicero,  but  his  own  father,  in  the 
estimation  of  Caesar,  while  Hirtius  was  defending  them  with  all 
his  might. 

*  Nothing,  says  Cicero,  *  is  so  vraisemblable  as  his  statement  that  1  am 
utterly  opposed  to  Caesar,  but  he  adds  that  he  ought  to  be  on  his  guard 
against  me — which  might  alarm  me  were  I  not  aware  that  the  King 
knows  I  have  no  fight  in  me.' 5 

Caesar  returned  to  Rome  in  September.  He  deposed  the  Praefecti, 
and  resigned  his  consulship.  He  then  convened  the  electors,  and 
had  Q,.  Fabius  Maximus  and  Graius  Trebonius  made  consuls  for 
the  remainder  of  the  year,  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  elected 
at  the  comitia.  This  all  seemed  to  Brutus  so  hopeful  that  he 

1  Shakespeare  has  caught  the  right  view  when  he  makes  Casca  say  in  describing 
the  scene  at  the  Lupercalia  in  February,  44  (Julius  Caesar,  1,  2.  237) :  *  I  saw  Mark 
Antony  offer  him  a  crown,  and,  as  I  told  you,  he  put  it  by  once ;  but  for  all  that,  to 
my  thinking,  he  would  fain  have  had  it.     Then  he  offered  it  to  him  again  ;  then  he 
.put  it  by  again  ;  but,  to  my  thinking,  he  was  very  loth  to  lay  his  fingers  off  it.' 

2  Ep.  646.  1.  3  Ep.  624.  3.  4  Ep,  656.  1. 
*  Ep.  657.  1.  (pofiepbv  &P  ?iv  nisi  viderem  scire  regem  me  animi  nihil  habere. 


announced  to  Atticus  the  conversion  of  Caesar  to  constitutionalism 
Cicero  is  not  so  optimistic.     He  writes,  on  August  7  or  8 :— 

•  So  Brutus  announces  the  conversion  of  Caesar  to  the  cause  of  the 
Optimates.  Good  news  indeed  !  But  where  will  he  find  them  ?  Unless 
he  hangs  himself  and  goes  to  join  them  in  another  world.  What  is  Brutua 
himself  going  to  do  about  restoring  the  Republic  ?  You  say,  it  is  idle  to 
expect  it.1 l 

So  at  this  time,  about  seven  months  before  the  Ides  of  March, 
even  Atticus  seems  to  have  thought  a  blow  for  the  Republic  was 
out  of  the  question.  We  agree  with  Schmidt  that  the  counsel  of 
Atticus  so  allusively  and  obscurely  referred  to  in  664.  1  (dated 
August  13,  45)  was  that  Cicero  should  for  the  moment  abandon 
the  philosophical  works  on  which  he  was  then  engaged,  and  apply 
himself  to  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to  Caesar.  Cicero  wrote  the 
letter  and  sent  it,  not  to  Atticus  (669.  1)  in  the  first  instance,  but 
to  Balbus  and  Oppius,  with  a  message  that,  if  they  approved  of  it, 
they  should  forward  it  to  Dolabella,  who  would  hand  it  to  Caesar. 
It  was  not  a  political  letter,  but  a  literary  one,  on  the  subject  of 
Caesar's  Anti-Cato.  They  declared  that  they  had  never  read  any- 
thing better,  and  forwarded  it  to  Dolabella.2  In  the  same  letter  he 
says  that  Dolabella  is  to  visit  him  for  the  purpose  of  instructing 
him  in  the  proper  attitude  to  be  observed  towards  Caesar.  *  Oh/  he 
exclaims,  *  what  a  tiresome  taskmaster  I  shall  find  him  !'  A  week 
afterwards,  in  a  letter  to  Fadius  Gallus,  he  declares  he  will  no- 
longer  endure  the  insolence  of  Caesar's  creature,  the  Sardinian 
musician  Tigellius,  mentioned  also  by  Horace.  There  was  a  certain 
Cipius  who,  having  a  frail  wife,  was,  in  the  words  of  Juvenal, 
doctus  spectare  lacunar.  On  one  occasion,  when  a  slave,  taking 
advantage  of  his  simulated  slumber,  was  making  away  with  some 
wine,  Cipius  started  up  with  the  words  non  omnibus  dormio.  This 
expression,  which  became  proverbial,  is  parodied  by  Cicero  in  the 

1  Ep.  660.  1.    We  read  partly  with  O.E.  Schmidt,    Tu    'futilum  eat:     On  the 
marriage  of  Brutus  and  his  actions  during  the  latter  half  of  45  we  have  written  at 
length  in  vol.  >i,  pp.  civ  f. 

2  Ep.  667.   1.   We  fear  from  Cicero's  apologies  to  Atticus  (669.  1)  that  it  waa 
written  in  a  somewhat  flattering  tone,  though  Cicero  declares  that  such  was  not  the 


form  non  omnibus  sermo.  He  passionately  resents  some  insolence 
on  the  part  of  Tigellius  : — 

»'  There  are  cases  in  which  I  will  not  play  the  slave,  and  this  is  one. 
"When  I  was  considered  a  sort  of  despot  (cum  reynare  existimdbamur),  1 
had  no  greater  observance  than  I  now  enjoy  from  all  the  leading  Caesareans, 
save  only  this  creature.  It  is,  however,  clear  gain  not  to  have  to  endure 
the  society  of  a  fellow  who  is  more  pestilent  than  his  pestilential  birth- 
place, one  moreover,  who  has  been  knocked  down  as  a  cheap  lot  by  the 
scazontic  hammer  of  Calvus.' l 

Calvus,  the  rival  of  Catullus,  had  written  on  Tigellius  a  poem  in 
scazons,  beginning — 

'  Sardi  Tigelli  putidum  caput  venit.' 
(For  sale,  Tigeliius,  the  Sardinian  oaf.) 

This  outburst  shows  that  Cicero  feels  far  from  satisfied  with  the 
attitude  which  he  holds  towards  Caesar.  So  does  a  letter  (668) 
written  to  the  same  friend  a  few  days  after : — 

'  So  you  are  afraid  that  if  we  offend  Tigellius  we  may  have  to  laugh 
at  the  wrong  side  of  our  mouths.  But  1  say,  Hands  off  the  slate;  the 
schoolmaster  has  come  back  sooner  than  we  expected :  I  am  afraid  he 
will  give  us  Catonians  the  cat.  Well,  we  will  stick  to  the  pen,  come 
what  may.' 

Gallus,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  author  of  a  Cato.  In 
a  letter  (669)  written  about  the  same  time  we  find  Cicero 
apologizing  to  Atticus  for  having  forgotten  to  send  him  a  copy  of 
a  letter  which  he  had  written  to  Caesar,  praising  his  Anti-Cato 
(see  above,  p.  xxii,  note) : — 

4  It  slipped  my  memory ;  it  was  not,  as  you  hint,  that  I  was  ashamed 
to  show  it  to  you.  I  did  not  assume  in  it  the  humble  friend  too  much,  nor 
yet  was  I  hail,  fellow  !  well  met  with  him.  I  have  really  a  high  opinion  of 
his  Anti-Cato,  as  I  told  you  when  we  met.  So  I  wrote  to  him  without 
any  soft  sawder,  but  in  a  way  which,  I  fancy,  must  have  been  very 
pleasing  to  him.' 

During  the  autumn  Cicero  wrote  some  letters  (672-674)  to 
Land  Commissioners,  Valerius  Orca  and  C.  Cluvius,  who  were  ap- 
i  pointed  by  Caesar  to  carry  out  distributions  of  land  to  his  veterans. 

*Ep.  665.  1,  2. 
VOL.  v.  c 


These  letters  asked  the  Commissioners  to  deal  as  favourably  as  they 
could  with  the  property  of  the  municipality  of  Volaterrae,  with  the] 
property  owned  by  a  certain  C.  Curtius  in  the  territory  of 
Volaterrae,  and  with  the  property  which  the  town  of  Atella 
owned  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.  At  the  end  of  this  year  we  meet  a 
passage  in  a  letter  which  takes  us  by  surprise.  Vatinius,  whose 
successes  in  Dalmatia  had  been  recognized  by  a  supplicatio,  was 
forced  by  the  severity  of  the  winter  season  to  abandon  a  town 
which  he  had  captured.  He  writes  to  Cicero,  under  date  of 
December  5  (Ep.  678),  asking  him  to  use  his  good  offices  with 
Caesar  on  his  behalf.  What  a  strict  account  Caesar  exacted  from 
his  generals,  and  how  high  must  have  been  the  opinion  of  Cicero's  i 
influence  with  Caesar,  when  one  of  the  ablest  of  Caesar's  lieutenants 
applies  to  him  for  help !  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Der  Briefwech&el,  p.  360)  i 
notes  that  feelings  of  unfair  treatment  like  this  probably  led  some 
of  Caesar's  generals  to  join  the  conspiracy. 

We  now  come  to  the  celebrated  entertainment  given  by  Cicero 
to  Caesar  at  Puteoli,  on  his  return  from  Spain : — 

'  Oh,  what  a  formidable  guest !  yet  I  have  no  reason  to  regret  his 
visit :  we  had  a  very  pleasant  party  ...  In  a  word,  we  were  very  friendly 
together,  but  he  was  not  the  sort  of  guest  to  whom  you  would  say :  My 
dear  fellow,  you  must  drop  in  on  me  again  when  next  you  are  coming  this 
way.  No;  once  is  enough.  "We  had  no  political,  but  much  literary 

The  last  words  are  very  significant.     Caesar  knew  that  he  could 
have   no   political   sympathy   with    Cicero  until  he   fulfilled  the 
aspiration  of  the  pro  Marcello,  and  restored  the  Republic — a  course! 
which  was  very  far  from  his  thoughts.     In  the  end  of  Decemberf 
Cicero  went  to  Home,  and  we  have  no  letters  to  Atticus  until  thd 
7th  of  April,  about  three  weeks  after  the  death  of  Caesar.  The  last! 
letter  to  Atticus,  just  before  he  left,  was  written  from  Tusculuml 
It  ends  thus  : — 

1  But,  I  say,  you  know  my  birthday  is  on  January  3.  You  will  comJ 
and  see  me  here.  Just  as  I  write  these  words,  lo  and  behold,  a  pressinJ 

1  Ep.  679.  I,  2  avovla.'iov  ovftv  in  sermone  :  <(n\6\oya  multa.  We  hear  elsewherJ 
of  Caesar's  entertaining  Cicero  at  dinner :  cp.  767.  4  eum  (libellum)  mihi  ded\ 
(Atticu*)  ut  daretn  Caesari.  Eram  enim  cenatimis  apud  eum  illo  die. 

CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.          xxvii 

call  to  Rome  from  Lepidus  !  He  wants  me  to  be  with  the  other  Augurs  at 
the  dedication  of  the  temple  to  Felicitas.  Go  I  must,  or  else  I  shall  catch 
it.'  J 

About  November  Cicero  delivered  a  speech  pro  Rege  Deiotaro 
before  Caesar,  who  heard  the  case  in  his  own  house.  The  King 
was  accused  by  his  own  grandson,  Castor,  of  having  attempted  to 
poison  Caesar  two  years  before,  when  Caesar  was  his  guest.  Cicero 
had  a  poor  case,  and  did  not  think  much  of  his  speech.2 

The  letters  of  the  early  part  of  next  year  show  much  depression. 
Cicero  begs  Curius  in  February  to  come  to  him,  *  lest  the  very 
seed  of  wit  be  lost  to  Rome,  together  with  her  liberty  '  (697.  2). 
There  is  an  interesting  letter  from  Vatinius  (696)  in  which  lie 
expostulates  with  Cicero  pleasantly  for  writing  in  favour  of  a 
certain  Sex.  Servilius  and  of  one  Catilius,  an  atrocious  criminal. 
Others  avoid  all  allusion  to  public  topics.  We  have  no  letters 
which  express  the  indignation  which  Cicero  must  have  felt  at  the 
extravagant  honours  bestowed  on  Caesar  during  the  early  part  of 
44,  and  at  the  scene  of  the  Lupercalia.  But  we  can  gather  to 
what  force  it  had  attained  from  Cicero's  marked  approval  of  the 
assassination  of  Caesar.3 

We  have  now  followed  the  shiftings  of  opinion  in  the  mind  of 
Cicero  during  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  from  the  time  when, 
in  the  speech  for  Marcellus,  he  declared  (§  32),  *  We  will  stand 
as  sentries  over  your  safety,  and  will  interpose  our  own  bodies 
between  you  and  any  danger  which  may  menace  you,'  to  the 
day  when  (as  would  appear)  he  despatched  to  Basilus  his  excited 

1  681.  2,  3.     The  last  words  are  eatur:    /*$)  <ric6p5ov  (sc.  ^ayw).     The  proverb 
CKopSa,  or  <rK6p$ov  (paye'iv,  for  '  getting  into  trouble,'  is  recognized  by  the  Schol.  on 
Aristophanes,  Lys.  689,  and  is  quite  appropriate  here.  It  involves  hardly  any  change, 
the  MSS.  giving  /J.L  CKTKO  pSov.     The  common  reading,  /itoo-fio  Spv6s,  besides  being 
palpably  absurd,  involves  a  far  greater  departure  from  the  MSS. 

2  Cp.  680.  2  (enclosing  to  Dolabella  a  copy  of  the  speech)  Ham  tibi  misi:  quam 
velim  sic  legas  ut  causatn  tenuem  et  inopem  nee  scriptione  magno  opere  dignam.    Sed  ego 
hospiti  veteri  et  amico  munusculum  mittere  volui  levidense  crasso  Jilo,  ctiiusmodi  ipsius 
solent  esse  munera.     We  rather  wish  Cicero  had  not  written  the  last  clause. 

3  Fam.  vi.  15  (699)  to  Basilus  was  probably  written  on  the  Ides  of  March,  but  it 
cannot  be  proved  to  belong  to  that  date.     We  think  Basilus  was  the  first  person  who 
informed  Cicero  of  the  deed,  and  Ep.   699  is  the  reply.     See  note  on  the  letter. 
Professor  Merrill  wishes  to  put  the  letter  in  47,  and,  comparing  Att.  xi.  5.  3  (416), 
to  refer  it  to  some  intercession  which  Basilus  may  have  made  with  Caesar  in  that 
year  on  Cicero's  behalf  (Classical  Philology  viii  (1913),  pp.  48-56). 

c  2 

xx  viii  INTR  OD  UCTION. 

congratulations  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Caesar.  The  two 
expressions  of  feeling  were  equally  sincere.  Cicero  would  never  have 
derogated  from  the  sentiment  of  the  first,  if  Caesar  had  restored 
the  Republic.  The  question  whether  his  projected  measures  were 
as  good  as  Fronde  thinks  them,  and  whether  his  accomplished 
acts  were  valid  or  invalid,  need  not  be  discussed.  For  ourselves 
we  completely  agree  with  Mr.  Strachan -Davidson,  who  has  so 
ably  vindicated  for  Cicero  his  place  among  the  Heroes  of  the 
Nations,  that  Caesar's  action  was  quite  unconstitutional ;  that  to 
appeal  directly  to  the  people  against  the  opinion  of  the  Senate 
was  at  Kome  precisely  what  appealing  to  the  personal  wishes  of 
the  Sovereign  against  the  policy  adopted  by  Parliament  would  be 
in  England;  and  that  he  transgressed  in  just  the  same  way 
as  Charles  I  when  he  met  the  stoppage  of  supplies  by  levying 
ship-money  without  consent  of  Parliament.  Intercessio  and 
obnuntiatio  were,  no  doubt,  constitutional  fictions ;  but  they  were 
fictions  which  were  regarded  as  essential  to  the  working  of  the 
cumbrous  machine  of  government.  When  Caesar  refused  to 
submit  to  the  perfectly  constitutional  obnuntiatio  of  Bibulus,  he  was 
guilty  of  treason  to  the  constitution.  But  whether  his  measures 
were  good  or  bad,  legal  or  invalid,  it  was  not  his  measures  which 
led  to  his  death.  Cicero  puts  the  question  in  a  nutshell  when, 
writing  to  Matius,  the  close  friend  of  Caesar,  he  says : — 

'  You  are  to  be  commended  for  loving  the  memory  of  a  friend  who 
is  no  more  ;  but  you  are  bound  to  prefer  the  liberty  of  your  country  to 
the  life  of  your  friend,  if  you  allow  that  he  made  himself  King.' l 

If  anyone  had  advised  Cicero  to  qualify  the  glowing  eulogy  of 
the  pro  Marcello.  he  would  probably  have  replied  in  words  used 
by  him  three  years  and  a-half  before,  when  certain  expressions  of 
his  in  a  letter  to  Caesar  were  criticized  as  too  adulatory  :  *  When 
my  theme  was  the  liberty  of  my  country,  the  charge  of  adulation 
had  no  terrors  for  me :  in  such  a  cause  I  would  gladly  have 
thrown  myself  at  his  feet.'2 

The  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  Caesar  could  not  be  more 
completely  misrepresented  than  when  it  is  described  by  Froude  as 

1  784.  8,  Si  Caetar  rex  fuerit. 

2  Att.  viii.  9. 1  (340),  Tali  in  re  libenter  me  ad  pedes  abiecissem. 


arising  from  the  hatred  felt  by  the  Senate  for  the  person  of  Caesar, 
and  their  indignation  against  his  good  and  righteous  determina- 
tion to  check  their  career  of  misgovernment.  After  the  victory 
at  Pharsalia  it  began  to  grow  clearer  and  clearer  every  day  that 
Caesar  was  determined  not  to  restore  the  Republic.  He  had  a  far 
better  opportunity  than  presented  itself  afterwards  to  Octavian. 
He  had  never  shed  the  blood  of  Roman  fellow-citizens  except  in 
open  fight.  Yet  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  his  design  of 
making  himself  King.  He  was  heard  to  say1  that  the  Republic 
was  an  empty  name,  and  that  when  Sulla  threw  down  the  dagger 
and  abdicated  his  dictatorship  he  showed  himself  to  be  a  fool. 
He  had  established  himself  by  refusing  to  respect  the  forms  of  the 
constitution.  When  established,  he  took  a  malignant  pleasure  in 
heaping  scorn  on  them.  Thus  he  made  Caninius  Rebilus  consul 
for  half  a  day.  When  Cicero  jests  (694.  2)  on  the  vigilance  of 
the  consul  who  never  slept  while  he  held  office,  and  during 
whose  tenure  of  it  no  one  breakfasted,  we  can  see  that 

*  The  bubbles  of  Ms  mirth  all  spring 
From  the  deep  anguish  round  his  heart.' 

The  idea  of  taking  Caesar's  life  arose  simultaneously  in  two 
ddely  different  quarters — among  the  vanquished  at  Pharsalia,  and 
among  his  own  victorious  generals  (e.g.  Basilus2),  who,  no  doubt, 
were  also  to  some  degree  indignant  with  him  for  not  having 
given  them  more  substantial  and  honourable  rewards.  Cicero 
says  (Phil.  ii.  26)  that  Cassius  conceived  the  design  of  murdering 
him  on  the  banks  of  the  Cydnus.3  Trebonius  had  already  in 

1  Suet.  lul.  77.  2  Dio  Cass.  xliii.  47.  5  :  cp.  also  note  to  696.  3. 

3  This  is  mentioned  only  by  Cicero.  It  has  been  supposed  that  it  is  a  confusion 
with  the  surrender  of  a  fleet  at  the  Hellespont  by  a  Cassius  who  is  mentioned  by  Suet, 
lul.  63;  Dio  Cass.  xlii.  6.  2.  Appian  (ii.  88,  111)  says  it  was  Gaius  Cassius  the 
tyrannicide  who  surrendered  the  fleet ;  but  Dio  and  Suetonius  both  say  explicitly  that 
it  was  Lucius  Cassius  :  and  it  would  appear  that  this  Lucius  Cassius  was  not  even  the 
brother  of  Gaius  :  he  must  have  been  some  other  Cassius  (cp.  Groebe's  note  to 
Drumann,  ii2.  p.  544).  Gaius  was  near  Sicily  at  the  time  when  Caesar  crossed  the 
Hellespont  in  pursuit  of  Pompey  (Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  101).  If  Cicero  was  not  wholly 
misled  by  a  false  rumour  (and  we  think  it  probable  that  he  was),  it  must  have  been 
in  47,  when  Caesar  was  on  his  way  from  Egypt  to  Asia  to  wage  war  against 
Pharnaces,  that  Gaius  Cassius  conceived  this  idea  of  murdering  Caesar  on  the  Cydnus. 
Yet  Cassius  seems  to  have  been  a  legatus  of  Caesar  at  this  time  :  cp.  Fam.  vi. 
~  LO  (488). 



August,  45,  thoughts  of  a  plot  to  assassinate  Caesar.1  Cassiuf 
was,  no  doubt,  the  originator  of  the  plot,  which  united  defeatef 
enemies  like  M.  Brutus  and  Cassius  with  attached  generals  lik< 
Trebonius  and  D.  Brutus.  Personally  the  latter  were  not  more 
attached  than  the  former  to  Caesar ;  both  were  equally  animated 
with  hatred  against  the  man  who  set  himself  above  them  all. 
Cicero  was  not  taken  into  the  confidence  of  the  conspirators,  but 
his  well-known  principles  no  doubt  contributed  to  bring  about 
the  event,  and  to  justify  it  when  over,  not  only  by  the  sentiments 
constantly  expressed  in  his  private  letters,  but  by  an  occasional 
thunder- word  in  those  philosophical  works  on  which  he  was  then 
engaged.  '  I  am  ashamed  to  be  a  slave/  he  writes  to  Cassius, 
before  the  murder.2  '  Freedom  never  bites  so  savagely  as  after 
she  has  been  muzzled/ he  writes  in  the  *  De  Officiis/  after  the 
event.3  He  recognizes  himself  that  his  philosophical  works  are 
often  the  vehicles  of  political  reflections.  *  My  books  take  for  me 
the  place  of  the  Senate  and  the  public  assembly';*  and  in  the 
*  Brutus '  he  apostrophizes  his  friend  with  the  words,  *  The  ruin 
of  the  Republic  descended  on  your  triumphant  career  in  the  bloom 
of  your  youth,  and  robbed  it  of  the  glories  that  were  its  due.  The  i 
State  lost  its  Brutus,  and  Brutus  lost  his  State/5 

It  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  essential  to  the  success  of 
the  conspiracy  that  Brutus  should  take  an  active  part  in  it.  It  is  j 
not  easy  to  see  how  this  young  man — he  was  only  seven-and- 
thirty  when  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  was  fought — had  acquired 
such  a  commanding  position  in  Rome.  His  usurious  transactions 
in  Asia  have  been  exposed  in  the  Introduction  to  vol.  in,  buti 
neither  they  nor  his  cold,  unsympathetic  nature  rendered  him  less 
picturesque  in  Roman  eyes.  Atticus  said  to  Cicero  when  he  was 
starting  for  his  province,  *  If  you  bring  back  nothing  from  it 
except  the  friendship  of  Brutus,  you  will  have  done  well  '6 ;  and 
Cicero  wrote  to  Appius  Claudius  about  the  same  time,  *  He  is 

^Plut.  Ant.  13 :  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  34.  2  Fam.  xv.  18.  1  (530).  3  ii.  24. 

4  De  Div.  ii.  7,  in  libris  enim  sententiani  dicebamus,  contionabamur,  philosophiatn 
nobit  pro  rei  publicae  procuration  substitutam  putabamus. 

*  Brut.  331,  Sfd  in  te  intuens,  Erute,  doleo,  cuius   in  adulescentiam  per  medias 
laudei  quMi   qttadrigis  vehentem    traversa  incurrit  misera  fortuna   rei  publicae.  .  .  .  | 
Ex  te  duplex  nos  afficit  sollicitudo,  quod  et  ipse  re  publica  careas  et  ilia  te. 

•  Att.  vi.  1.  7  (252). 


already  the  most  promising  of  our  youth  ;  soou  I  hope  he  will  be 
the  leading  man  in  the  State.'1  It  was  perhaps  the  extreme 
respectability  of  Brutus,  affording  such  a  contrast  to  the  black- 
guardism of  the  Milos,  Antonys,  and  Dolabellas  of  the  time, 
which  attracted  a  people  who  still  remembered  what  gravitas  was. 
*  Who  was  ever  more  respectable  (sanctior)  or  more  genial  (dulcior) 
than  you  ? '  exclaims  Cicero  in  the  '  Orator '  34,  which  he  dedicated 
to  this  paragon.2  Yet  he  was  really  cold  and  unsympathetic. 
When  lie  sent  Cicero  a  copy  of  the  speech  which  he  delivered 
in  the  Capitol  in  the  crisis  that  occurred  after  the  death  of  Caesar, 
Cicero's  criticism  is,  '  It  is  excellent  as  an  example  of  his  method 
of  oratory  ;  but  on  such  a  theme  I  should  have  written  with  more 
fire  (ardentius)  '3  To  Brutus  he  writes  with  warm  eulogies  on  the 
speech ;  but  we  meet,  in  a  letter  to  Atticus,  a  very  shrewd 
reflection  which  qualifies  his  praise  : — 


'  Here  is  a  fundamental  axiom  for  you,  on  a  subject  of  which  I  am 
a  past  master:  Never  was  there  poet  or  orator  who  thought  any  one  better 
than  himself.'* 

11  this  same  letter  (727.  3]  Cicero  writes  :  *  You  think  I  am  wrong 
in  saying  the  State  depends  on  Brutus.  It  does.  It  will  be  lost 
or  will  be  saved  by  him';  and  again  (§5)  in  reproaching  his 
friend  for  daring  to  plead  Epicurus  as  an  authority  for  abstention 
from  politics,  he  says,  *  Does  not  the  phiz  (vulticulus)  of  Brutus 
scare  you  away  from  such  an  idea  ? '  He  uses  a  jocular  word  to 
describe  the  severe  face  which  spoke  the  unbridled  respectability, 
as  well  as  the  boundless  influence,  of  the  incomparable  prig. 

Brutus,  if  left  to  himself,  would  probably  not  have  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  conspirators.  Shakespeare  justly  makes  him 
say  of  himself  (i.  2.  28),— 

'  I  do  lack  some  part 
Of  that  quick  spirit  that  is  in  Antony,' 

1  Fam.  iii.  11.  3  (265). 

2  In   722.    5,   he  ascribes  his  affection   for  Brutus  to  his  brilliant  talents,  his 
charming  manners,  and  his  remarkable  moral  excellence  and  firmness  of  purpose. 

3  731.  2. 

4  727.  3.     Cicero  had  complained  (557.  1)  somewhat  bitterly  of  the  coldness  of 
Brutus'  commendation  of  his  consulship  in  his  Cato  :  '  an  excellent  (optimum)  consul, 
indeed  ;  could  an  enemy  be  more  niggard  of  his  praise  ?  ' 

xxxii  IN  TROD  UCTION. 

to  whom  Cicero  afterwards  ascribes  Caesariana  celeritas.1  Caesar, 
on  his  return  to  Rome,  had  given  him  the  very  desirable  province 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul.2  Thapsus  had  been  fought  and  won.  His 
uncle  Cato  was  dead,  and  he  had  experienced,  in  the  Pompeian 
camp,  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  Probably,  not  even  the  bitter 
epigrams  of  Cicero,  the  taunts  of  Cassius,  and  the  hints  conveyed 
to  him  constantly  in  anonymous  letters, 

'  In  several  hands  in  at  his  windows  thrown,' 

would  have  influenced  him,  were  it  not  that  his  marriage  with 
his  cousin  Porcia,  daughter  of  Cato  and  widow  of  Bibulus,  served  at 
this  juncture  to  outweigh  the  influence  of  his  mother  Servilia,  who 
hitherto  had  used  all  her  efforts  to  draw  him  under  the  influence 
of  her  old  lover  Caesar.  Brutus,  as  we  can  infer  from  Cicero's 
letters,3  was  much  influenced  by  the  ladies  of  his  household.  To 
this  may  be  added  a  motive  ingeniously  suggested  by  0.  E.  Schmidt, 
in  his  monograph  on  Brutus.4  In  the  autumn  of  45  Caesar  had 
adopted  Octavian,  thus  crushing  all  the  hopes  of  Brutus  and  his 
friends  that  he  would  be  Caesar's  successor.  That  such  surmises 
were  rife  appears  from  a  passage  in  Plutarch,  (Brut.  8)  :— 

'When  Brutus  was  denounced  to  Caesar,  the  latter  said,  "  What!  do  you 
not  think  Brutus  can  wait  till  this  poor  body  of  mine  (o-apitiov)  goes  the 
way  of  all  flesh  ?  " — thus  implying  that  Brutus  was  his  natural  successor.' 

The  hesitation  of  Brutus  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  con- 
spirators was  of  a  piece  with  his  subsequent  action.  It  was  mainly 
his  fault  that '  when  the  despot  was  slain,  contrary  to  all  experience, 
the  despotism  survived.'5  Cicero  was  not  admitted  to  their 

1  Alt.  xvi.  10.  1  (801). 

2  Later  on  Caesar  made  Brutus  Praetor  urbanus.   Dr.  Arnold  (History  of  the  Later 
Roman  Commonwealth  (1849),  ii.  97)  is  justly  severe  on  M.  Brutus  for  thus,  after  having 
been  his  opponent,  twice  taking  office  under  Caesar,  and  then  becoming  his  assassin :  he 
says  :  '  Sir  Matthew  Hale  did  well  to  accept  the  place  of  judge  during  the  usurpation 
of  Cromwell ;  but  what  should  we  think  of  him  if,  whilst  filling  that  office,  he  had 
associated  himself  with  Colonel  Titus  and  other  such  wretches  in  the  plans  to  remove 
the  Protector  by  assassination  ? ' 

8 635.  4;  744.  1,  2. 

4  4Verhandlungen  der  40  Philologenversammlung '  Gbrlitz  (1889),  pp.  177,  178. 
Cp.  vol.  vi,  p.  ci. 

•712.2:  cp.  719.2. 


•councils ;  but  we  think  that  if  he  had  been  he  would  have 
contributed,  especially  by  the  influence  he  exercised  on  Cassius,  to 
make  the  wretched  business  a  success.  Antony,  at  least,  should 
have  felt  the  daggers  that  despatched  Caesar.  '  Oh  that  you  had 
asked  me  to  the  banquet !  There  would  have  been  no  leavings,' 
writes  Cicero  to  Cassius  and  Trebonius,  at  the  beginning  of 
February,  43,1  in  words  severely  condemned  by  Froude,  and 
which,  we  will  allow,  are  very  savage.  Yet  his  view  of  the 
situation  was,  according  to  the  ethics  of  his  time,  just.  If 
murder  is  to  be  accepted  at  all  as  a  political  expedient,  it  ought 
certainly  to  be  thoroughgoing.  We  must  not  forget  that  till 
comparatively  recent  times,  among  Southern  nations,  political 
assassination  was  regarded  as  quite  defensible  morally.  Cicero 
-confesses2  that  he  urged  Octavian  to  the  attempt  which  he  made 
on  the  life  of  Antony  on  October,  5  or  6.3  The  death  of  Antony 
might  have  spared  Rome  the  horrors  of  Octavian's  proscriptions. 
At  all  events,  the  agony  of  the  death  of  the  Roman  Republic 
might  have  been  shortened. 

Brutus  was  all  for  peace — '  peace,  peace,  when  there  was  no 
peace/  In  Cicero's  letters  he  is  synonymous  with  peace.  Cicero 
calls  his  friend  Matius  *  a  bitter  foe  of  peace,  by  which  I  mean 
Brutus.'4  Brutus  no  doubt  suffered  the  public  funeral  and  the 
demonstration  which  Atticus  in  his  wisdom  declared  to  be  fatal.5 
Another  remark  of  Cicero's  in  the  same  letter  is  so  good  that 
Gronovius  and  Baiter  have  grudged  it  to  him.  Cicero  distinctly 
records  ids  conviction  that  if  the  Pompeians  had  taken  a  firm  stand 
after  the  assassination  they  would  have  prevailed  over  theCaesareaus. 

*  It  would  have  been  better,'  he  writes,  *  that  at  his  death  we  should 
all  have  been  destroyed — which  would  n«ver  have  happened — than  that 
we  should  have  to  look  on  the  present  state  of  public  affairs.' 

1  Fara.  xii.  4  (818);    x.  28  (819),   Quam  vellem   ad  illas  pulcherrimas  epulas  me 
Idibus  Martiis  invitasses  !  reliquiarum  nihil  habereinus. 
*PM1.  iii.  19. 

3  Kam.  xii.  23.  2  (792)  Rerum  urbanarum  acta  tibi  mitti  certo  scio  :  quod  ni  ita 
putarem,  ipse  perscriberem,  in  primisque  Caesaris  Octaviani  conatum  :  de  quo  multitudini 
Jictum  ab  Antonio  crimen  videtur  ut  in  pecuniam  adulescentis  impetwn  faceret :  pruden- 

tes  autem  et  boni  viri  et  credunt  factum  et  probant.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Magna  spes  est  in 
to:  nihil  est  quod  non  existimetur  laudis  et gloriae  causa  facturus. 

4  704.  3  Inimicissimum  oti,  id  est,  Bruti. 

5  713.  1.  Meministine  te  clamare  causam  perisse  sifunere  elatus  esset  ? 


These  editors  make  this  remark  almost  pointless  by  reading  utinam  \ 
for  numquam  in  the  words  quod  numquam  accidisset.  In  fact,  as 
we  read  the  letters  of  this  period,  we  find,  indeed,  Cicero  dis- 
tracted by  alternate  hopes  and  fears,  but  very  wise  in  his  counsel 
and  his  forecast  of  events.  He  is  'a  reed  shaken  with  the  wind/ 
but  he  is  also  *  a  prophet,  and  more  than  a  prophet.'  He  is  a 
prey  to  conflicting  emotions ;  but  when  we  enter  the  perplexed 
paths  of  the  wood  that  spreads  betwixt  republican  Kome  and 
the  Empire,  his  dead  finger  points  out  to  us  the  way.  But 
in  a  very  interesting  letter  to  the  exiled  A.  Caecina1  he  enumerates 
the  occasions  on  which  he  may  fairly  claim  to  have  made  a  just 
forecast  of  the  future,  premising  the  remark,  '  I  am  only  afraid 
you  will  think  I  have  manufactured  the  prophecy  after  the  event/ 
Early  next  year  he  says  in  the  Senate  :  — 

'  If  the  resolutions  of  this  house  are  to  be  at  the  beck  and  call  of  the 
veterans,  it  is  better  to  take  refuge  in  death,  which  Romans  have  always^ 
preferred  to  slavery.'2 

In  these  words  Cicero  foreshadowed  the  history  of  the  Empire. 

With  the  exception  of  the  colonies  of  veterans,  Italy  welcomed! 
with  delight  the  death  of  Caesar,  but  the  Liberators  were  without 
plans,  and  did  nothing.  Some  champions  of  the  murdered 
Dictator  erected  an  altar  and  a  memorial  column  to  Caesar  in  the 
Forum.  It  was  Dolabella,  a  close  friend  of  Caesar,  who  pulled  it 
down  and  punished  the  promoters  of  the  object.3  It  was  th( 
inaction  of  the  Liberators  which  placed  the  destinies  of  Eome  at 
the  mercy  of  the  standing  army.  Antony  had  succeeded  earlj 
in  June  in  having  Brutus  and  Cassius  nominated  commissiom 
to  buy  corn  in  Asia  and  Sicily — a  very  clever  move.  Cic 
describes4  a  sort  of  council  of  state  which  was  held  at  Antium 
on  June  8,  to  discuss  the  situation  thereby  caused.  At  th« 
conference  there  were  present  Brutus,  his  mother  Servilia^ 

LFam.  vi.  6.  4  (488),  Dicerem  quae  ante  futura  dixissem  ni  vererer  ne  ex 
fingert  viderer. 

2  Phil.  x.  19.    Postremo — erumpat  enim  aliquando  vera  et  me  digna  vox  ! — 
ranorum  nutu  mentes  huius  ordinis  yubernantur  omniaque  ad  eorum  voluntatem  nostt 
dicta  facta  referuntur,  optanda  mors  estt  quae  civibus  Romania  semper  fuit  servitutt 

»  Cp.  Cicero's  letter  to  Dolabella,  722.  *  744.  1-2. 


*  dear  Tertia '  (Tertulla)  his  sister,  and  Porcia  his  wife,  together 
with  Cicero,  Cassius,  and  Favonius,  whom  Mommsen  calls 
Cato's  Sancho. 

'  1,'  writes  Cicero,  '  advised  that  Brutus  should  accept  the  Coramis- 
sionership  of  the  corn  supply  and  go  to  Asia.  When  Cassius  came  in,  I 
repeated  what  I  had  said.  "  What!"  said  Cassius,  with  a  look  of  great 
determination,  his  soul  in  arms  and  eager  for  the  fray,  "  could  I  ever 
have  accepted  from  Antony  an  insult  in  the  guise  of  a  favour  ?  I  will  not 
go  to  Sicily:'  "  What  then  will  yon  do  ?"  said  I.  "  I  will  go  to  Greece." 
"  Well,  what  will  you  do,  Brutus?1'  "I  will  go  to  Rome,  if  you 
approve."  "  Certainly  not  :  you  would  not  be  safe  there"  ll  What 
if  I  could  be  safe  there  ?  Would  you  approve  of  it  then  f"  "  Certainly  ; 
but  I  don't  advise  you  to  risk  living  in  Rome."  Then  Cassius  dwelt 
bitterly  on  the  opportunities  we  had  lost,  and  complained  of  D.  Brutus 
[how  he  had  been  making  raids  on  the  mountaineers  of  Savoy  and 
Piedmont  with  a  view  to  a  triumph,  instead  of  opposing  Antony].  I  said 
there  was  no  use  in  dwelling  on  the  past,  but  agreed  with  him.' 

Then  followed  what  was  nearly  an  altercation  between  Cicero  and 
Servilia.  Cicero  winds  up  his  account  of  the  scene  with  the 
remark  that  he  got  no  good  out  of  it  but  the  applause  of  his 
conscience,  for  having  done  what  he  did  not  want  to  do,  but  what 
he  knew  was  his  duty,  in  going  to  attend  the  conference.  The 
letter  puts  in  a  strong  light  the  complete  want  of  concert  and 
mutual  trust  in  the  Republican  party.  But  not  only  as  regards 
the  sparing  of  Antony  on  the  Ides  of  March  was  Cicero 
opposed  to  Brutus.  His  whole  attitude  towards  Antony,  and  the 
violent  invectives  of  the  Philippics,  were  gall  and  wormwood 
to  Brutus,  who  hated  to  see  vehement  recriminations  intro- 
duced into  public  matters.  Still  less  did  he  like  to  see  Cicero 
throwing  the  Republic  at  the  feet  of  the  young  man  '  to 
whom  divine  and  immortal  honours  were  due  for  his  divine 
and  immortal  services/1  As  to  him,  Brutus  was  right  and 
Cicero  was  wrong.  But  we  cannot  accuse  Cicero  of  any  want  of 
public  spirit  in  his  enthusiasm  for  Octavian.  He  looked  on  him 
as  the  only  counterpoise  to  Antony,  that  debauchee  whom  he 
boasts  of  having  cast,  'belching  and  puking,'  into  the  toils  of 

1  Phil.  iv.  4.     The  whole  of  the  two  letters  of  Brutus  i.  16  and  17  (864  and  865) 
are  formal  protests  against  Cicero's  policy,  of  which  this  excessive  praise  of  Octavian 
no  small  part  of  the  censure. 




Octavian.1       Cicero's   first    judgment  on    him    expresses    som 

uneasiness  :  *  Tell  me  about  Octavius.  Are  there  crowds  to  mee 

him,   and    is    there    anything   which  suggests   a   coup  d'etat?1 
His  next  is  not  unfavourable— 

'  We  have  here  Octavius,  who  is  most  complimentary  and  quite  friendly  1 
to  me,  whom  his  friends  call  Caesar,  though  his  stepfather  Philippus  does  ) 
not,  and   I  follow  his  example.     I  maintain  that  he  cannot  be  a  good 
patriot.     Too  many  stand  round  him  threatening  death  to  our  friends.'3 

About  two  months  afterwards  he  writes : — 

*  I  find  in  him  much  talent  and  spirit,  and  I  think  he  will  have  the! 
right  feeling  towards  our  heroes.  But  it  is  a  very  serious  matter  of  j 
consideration  how  far  we  can  trust  him  when  we  think  of  his  age,  his  \ 
name,  whose  heir  he  is,  and  what  has  been  his  upbringing.' 4 

And  to  this  judgment  he  recurs  more  than  once.  He  tells  us, 
'  the  country  towns  are  wonderfully  enthusiastic  for  the  lad ' 5 ; 
nnd  again,6  that  '  Oppius  guarantees  that  he  will  not  only  renounce 
all  enmity  against  the  tyrannicides,  but  will  frankly  accept  their 
friendship.'  Cicero  afterwards7  takes  this  pledge  on  himself. 
Writing  in  October  to  Cornificius,8  he  says,  in  reference  to  a 
rumoured  attempt  made  by  Octavian  on  the  life  of  Antony,  *  He 
inspires  high  hopes  :  he  is  regarded  as  capable  of  anything  that 
will  win  for  him  glory/ 

It  is  not  till  the  middle  of  November  that  we  find  his  con- 
fidence wavering. 

'  If  Octavian  succeeds,  all  Caesar's  acts  will  be  more  valid  than  ever, 
and  that  will  be  bad  for  Brutus.  If  Antony  prevails,  he  will  be  absolutely 
intolerable.' a 

And  again  in  the  same  letter  (§2),  *  Octavian  has  plenty  of  spirit, 
but  very  little  influence.'  And  about  the  same  time,  while  agreeing 

1  Fam.  xii.  25.  4  (825)   Quern  ruetantem  et  nauseantem  conieci  in  Caesaris  Octaviaw 

2  707.  3.     The  populace  were  still  in  a  very  inflammable  state. 

3  715.  2.     See  note.  «  745.  2. 

5  Att.  xvi.  11.6  (799),    Puero   municipia   mire   favent  ..  Mirifica    airdvr-nffis    et 

6  Att.  xvi.  15.  3.  (807).  7  Phil.  v.  51.  •  Fam.  xii.  23.  2  (792). 
9  Att.  xvi.  14.  1  (805). 


with  Atticus  that  '  the  lad  is  checking  Antony  beautifully,'  he 
strongly  condemns  a  harangue  of  his  to  the  people,  and  exclaims 
n  Greek,  *  I  would  not  have  such  a  man  even  for  a  deliverer.'1 

If  at  last  he  grovels  before  this  '  mere  lad,'  after  he  has  un- 
mistakably abandoned  the  cause  of  the  Republic,  it  is  because  he 
jtill  fosters  *  hope's  wan  bloom  '  that  he  may  be  able  to  kindle  a 
jpark  of  patriotism  in  the  breast  of  this  cruel  and  heartless  youth, 
and  is  willing  to  stoop  for  the  sake  of  his  country  to  an  attitude 
)f  submission  which  he  never  would  have  assumed  to  save  his  own 
ife.  We  read  among  the  fragments  of  his  letters  to  Octavian, 
Henceforth  let  me  know  what  you  want  me  to  do  :  I  shall  surpass 
your  expectations  in  carrying  out  your  commands.'2 

But  we  are  anticipating.  Long  before  he  wrote  these  words 
of  self-abasement  and  despair  we  find  him,  three  weeks  after  the 
eventful  Ides,  indignant  with  Matius  for  exulting  over  the  inextri- 
cable tangle  into  which  things  had  come  in  Rome  ;  and  mentioning 
with  a  kind  of  affection  certain  sayings  of  Caesar  which  were 
going  the  rounds  in  Rome  :  his  well-known  criticism  on  Brutus, 
;hat  'if  he  wants  a  thing,  he  wants  it  in  earnest';  and  a  com- 
)limentary  allusion  to  himself,  *  If  a  man  like  Cicero  is  kept 
waiting  for  an  audience,  he  cannot  but  hate  me,  good-natured  as 

is.'8  Yet  Cicero  did  not  hate  Caesar,  much  as  he  detested  King 
Jaesar.  In  a  letter  written  a  month  after  this  time,  he  says  : — 

'  It  would  have  been  less  dangerous  to  speak  against  that  rascally  junto 
(the  Caesareans)  in  the  lifetime  of  the  tyrant  than  now  that  he  is  dead. 
For  me  at  least  his  tolerance  was,  somehow  or  other,  simply  amazing.' 4 

He  now  sees  that 

'  the  Ides  have  given  us  nothing  more  than  the  pleasant  satisfaction  of  our 
indignation  at  his  usurpation,  and  the  joy  of  having  seen  with  our  own 
eyes  his  well-deserved  death.'5 

He  begins  to  adopt  a  very  despondent  tone.  '  Brutus  is  thinking 
about  going  into  exile  ;  but  anything  is  better  than  submission  6  ; 

1  Alt.  xvi.  15.  3   (807),  MrjSe  (ra>0€irjj>  viro  ye  TOIOVTOV. 

2  Posthac  quod  voles  a  me  fieri  scribito  ;  vineam  opinionem  tuatn  (Nonius,  p.  356.  22  : 
see  vol.  vi,  p.  300). 

3  703.  2.  *  724.  6.  5  715.  1 ;  719.  4.  «  725.  1 ;  733.  1. 

xxxviii  INTROD  UCT10N. 

'  the  tree  has  only  been  lopped,  not  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  an< 
so  it  is  putting  forth  shoots  afresh/  l 

'  If  things  go  on  as  they  are  going — forgive  me  for  what  I  am  about 
say— I  have  no  pleasure  in  the  Ides.  I  enjoyed  such  an  influential  position 
with  Caesar  (damn  him  all  the  same  !)  that  I  need  not  have  shrunk  from 
such  a  master  at  my  age,  the  more,  seeing  that  even  after  the  master's 
death  we  are  still  not  free.  I  blush,  believe  me.  But  I  have  written  the 
words,  and  I  won't  strike  them  out.' 2 

He  laughs  at  Servius  Sulpicius,  who  took  on  himself  the  task  of 
bringing  about  a  general  good  feeling  by  his  personal  exertions. 
He  ought  to  have  known  that  there  is  now  no  appeal  but  to  the 
sword.  Ridiculing  his  abortive  mission,  he  writes  that 

'  he  and  his  young  secretary  appear  to  have  gone  on  an  embassy  of  their  < 
own,  armed  as  lawyers  against  all  the  quips  and  quiddities  of  the  law.'3 

By  the  middle  of  the  year  he  has  made  up  his  mind  that  therej 
will  be  an  appeal  to  arms,4  and  that  Antony,  who  has  surrounded! 
himself  with  a  body-guard  in  pretended  fear  of  a  plot  against  his 
life,5  is  meditating  a  massacre.     His  aspiration  now  is  to  die  inj 
open  fight,  not  in  the  massacre  which  he  apprehends.     He  think* 
Antony — *  Cytheris'  man,'  as  he  calls  him — will  give  no  quarter 
if  victorious  (755).  Writing  to  Capito,  a  partisan  of  Caesar,  in  July, 
he  uses  a  curiously  neutral  word  about   the  death  of   Caesar  : 
'  Pending  the  matter,  the  sudden  death  of  Caesar  occurred.' 6     S< 
Matius  speaks  of  Caesar's  obitum  or  *  demise.'    The  excellent  lettei 
of  Matius  to  Cicero,  together  with  the  letter  of  Cicero  to  which  il 
is  a  reply,7  give  a  valuable  indication  of  divergent  opinions  01 
the  question  of  the  moral  import  of  Caesar's  death.     They 
familiar  to  most  readers  of  the  letters,  and  should  be  read  ii 
their  entirety. 

We  have  now  followed  the  fluctuations  of  Cicero's  mind  froi 

1  734.  2.  2  734-  3< 

•  739,  Serviut  .   .   .  cum  librariolo  .    .    .  videntur.     The  plural   verb   is  a  r.eal 
hint  that  the  young  secretary  has  as  much  chance  as  the  jurisconsult  himself   c 
bringing  about  tbe  desired  result.     In  the  case  of  a  substantive  connected  with  anotht 
by  cum,  the  plural  may  be  used  when  the  thing  predicated  applies  equally  to  both. 

750.  2  ;  752.  4.  s  752.  4,  Qui  umbras  timel. 

•  778.  11,  Accidit  ut  subito  ille  interpret.  "  784,  785. 

CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.          xxxix 

the  time  when  he  fondly  hoped  that  he  could  see  in  Caesar  a 
restorer  of  the  Republic  to  the  bitter  hour  when  he  has  to  own  that 
he  has  no  pleasure  in  the  Ides,  and  that  the  death  of  Caesar  was  no 
benefit  to  the  State  and  a  loss  to  himself  personally.  Hencefortli 
Caesar  drops  out  of  the  correspondence,  though  he  alludes  to  his 
death  more  than  once  as  a  glorious  deed,  and  no  less  sounding 
title  than  heroes  or  '  demigods  '  will  serve  him  for  those  poor  semi- 
demigods  who  plunged  their  daggers  into  the  body  of  Caesar.  His 
place  is  taken  by  Antony.  Immediately  after  the  death  of  Caesar, 
we  find  the  comments  of  Cicero  on  Antony  uniformly  unfavourable, 
though  he  declares  himself,1 

*  I  was  always  friendly  to  him  until  I  saw  that  he  was  openly,  and  even 
with  joy  (libenter),  making  war  on  the  Republic.' 

We  hear  how  he  has  helped  himself  to  the  treasure  in  the  temple 
of  Ops ; 2  how  corn  is  being  collected  in  his  house  in  Eome, 
for  a  purpose  of  which  we  cannot  be  sure,  perhaps  as  supplies 
for  the  soldiers  whom  lie  intended  to  bring  to  Home  (705.  1)  ;  how 
he  forges  documents  (the  word  \f;£v$tyypa(]>ov,  '  bogus,'  now 
appears  in  his  letters3)  purporting  to  be  Caesar's,  and  his  wife 
Fulvia  disposes  of  them  for  money.  He  states  distinctly*  that 
Antony  received  '  a  large  sum  of  money '  for  producing  a  law 
enfranchising  the  Sicilians,  and  that  a  bribe  administered  to  Fulvia 
restored  the  tetrarch  Deiotarus  to  his  kingdom  of  Little  Armenia. 
He  repeats  the  same  charge  in  Phil.  ii.  93-95,  and  says  that  the 
bribe  given  by  Deiotarus  was  ten  millions  of  sesterces,  or  nearly 

We  are  familiar  with  the  fierce  invectives  with  which  he 
lashed  Antony — after  the  latter  made  on  him  in  the  Senate 
an  attack  which  was  incoherent  and  almost  inarticulate  with 
rage — in  the  Letters5  as  well  as  in  the  Philippics.  We  find, 
however,  a  very  different  state  of  feeling  expressed  in  a  letter 
rom  Antony  to  Cicero,  written  a  little  more  than  a  month 
the  Ides  of  March,  and  in  Cicero's  reply.6  The  letter  of 

1  Fam.xi.  5.  2  (809).  2  719.  5. 

3  763.  1  ;  cp.  723.  1.  4  715.  1. 

8  Fam.  xii.  2.  1  (790),  Omnibus  est  visus  vomere  suo  more  non  dicere ;  Fam.  x.  1.  1 
J7),  Cuius  tanta  est  non  insolentia  (nam  id  quidem  volgare  vitium  est)  sed  immanitas. 
6  716,  717. 


Antony  begs  the  good  offices  of  Cicero  in  helping  him  to  bring 
about  the  restoration  of  Sex.  Clodius,  a  retainer  and  henchman  of 
Cicero's  old  enemy,  who  had  now  spent  eight  years  in  exile.  He 
urges  the  excellent  moral  effect  which  such  an  act  on  the  part  of 
Cicero  would  have  on  young  Clodius,  now  an  inmate  of  the  house- 
of  Antony,  who  had  married  the  young  man's  mother  Fulvia, 
the  widow  of  P.  Clodius.  The  letter  is  not  very  well  expressed 
(see  notes),  but  it  is  friendly  in  tone.  However,  we  are  not  herej 
so  much  concerned  with  Antony's  Latin  (which  Cicero  criticizes- 
in  Phil.  xiii.  43)  as  with  a  charge  against  Cicero  which  has  been 
most  unjustly  based  upon  his  reply.  Cicero,  in  a  well-expressed 
letter,  professes  the  highest  goodwill  towards  Antony,  though 
we  know  that  at  the  time  he  represents  him  to  Atticus  in  his 
true  light. 

»  M .  Antonius  has  written  to  me  about  the  restoration  of  Sex.  Clodius. 
You  will  see  by  his  letter,  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy,  how  polite  he  is. 
But  the  unprincipled,  scandalous,  and  pernicious  nature  of  his  request, 
which  sometimes  makes  one  even  wish  Caesar  back  again,  you  will  not  fail 
to  observe.  What  Caesar  would  never  have  done,  nor  permitted,  is  now 
done  on  the  authority  of  forged  minutes,  alleged  to  he  his.  However, 
I  fell  in  with  his  humour  perfectly  in  my  reply,  which  also  I  enclose. 
Having  found  out  that  he  can  do  what  he  likes,  he  would  have  done  it 
in  this  case,  whether  I  complied  or  not.' 

Antony  afterwards  read  this  letter  out  in  the  Senate  to  show  the 
hypocrisy  of  Cicero.1  Let  us  face  the  question  with  sincerity.  Is 
there  or  was  there  ever  a  public  man  whose  private  correspon- 
dence would  never  run  counter  to  his  publicly  expressed  opinions  ? 
Surely  there  is  such  a  thing  as  official  language,  and  a  public  man 
writing  to  a  public  man  adopts  a  tone  different  from  that  which 
he  would  use  in  discussing  the  same  matter  in  a  private  letter  to 

1  Cicero  rebuked  him  sternly  for  his  ill-breeding  and  ignorance  of  what  i& 
gentlemanly  conduct  (Phil.  ii.  7).  This  passage  deserves  quotation.  At  etiam 
litterus,  quat  me  sibi  misisse  diceret,  recitavit  homo  et  humanitatis  expers  et  vitae 
communis  ignarus.  Quis  enim  umquam  qtti  paullum  modo  bonorum  consuetudinem  nosset 
litterat  ad  te  ab  amico  mitsas  ojfensione  aliqua  interposita  in  medium  protulit  palamque 
recitavit  ?  Quid  eat  aliud  toilers  ex  vita  vitae  societaiem,  tollere  amicorwn  conloguia  ab~ 
tentium  ?  Quam  multa  ioca  solent  esse  in  epistulis,  quae  prolata  si  sint,  inepta  vid- 
eantur  !  Quam  multa  seria  neque  tamen  ullo  modo  divulganda  !  The  great  truth  of 
the  la«t  sentence  but  one  is  often  brought  home  to  commentators  on  Cicero's  epistles. 



an  intimate  friend.  This  distinction  seems  obvious,  but  it  is 
invariably  treated  as  non-existent  in  analysing  the  character  of 
Cicero ;  and  those  who  urge  it  are  treated  as  special  pleaders  of  a 
bad  cause.  With  the  letter  of  Cicero  to  Antony  should  be  read 
the  dignified  letter  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony  about  a 
month  later  (740),  and  also  a  very  severe  manifesto  (782)  written 
nearly  four  mouths  after  from  Naples.  The  whole  missive  is 
admirable.  We  will  quote  only  the  concluding  words  :— 

*  We  desire  to  see  you  hold  a  high  and  honourable  position  in  the 
State.    We  are  far  from  defying  you,  but  we  hold  our  independence  to  be 
a  more  precious  possession  than  your    friendship.     Consider  again  and 
again  what  you  are  really  undertaking,  and  what  you  are  able  to  carry  out. 
Reflect  not  on  the  length  of  Caesar's  life,  but  on  the  shortness  of  his  reign 
(quamdiu  repnarit}.  God  grant  that  your  policy  maybe  good  for  the  State 
and  yourself.     If   that   is  past  praying  for,   God  grant  that,   without 
imperilling  the  welfare  and  honour  of  the  State,  it  maybe  as  little  harmful 
as  possible  to  yourself  personally.' 

As  regards  his  public  position,  at  the  beginning  of  his  famous 
struggle  with  Antony,  Cicero  was  now  in  the  forefront  of  political 
life.  He  was,  in  fact,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson 
(op.  cit.  406),  prime  minister  of  Rome  : — 

'  Under  the  Roman  constitution  the  duty  of  leading  the  debates  and 
guiding  the  counsels  of  the  Senate  was  not  bound  up,  as  it  is  under  our  own 
parliamentary  system,  with  the  tenure  of  executive  office.  It  was  open 
to  the  private  senator  to  make  any  motion  on  the  subject  in  hand  ;  and 
this  motion,  if  approved  by  a  majority  of  voices,  became  a  binding 
instruction  to  the  executive.  Thus  Cicero,  though  without  any  formal 
office,  took  the  responsibility  of  the  initiative,  and  shaped  the  policv  of 
the  Republic.' 

His  private  life  was  far  from  happy,  and  would  have  been 
almost  intolerable  but  for  his  devotion  to  literature,  which  has 
left  for  us  that  admirable  series  of  philosophical  works  of 
which  he  speaks  with  such  modesty — '  they  are  translations :  I 
have  only  to  supply  the  words,  and  of  them  I  have  plenty/1 — 
but  which  are  quite  unrivalled  as  literary  feats. 

*  If  we  were  required,' writes  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  (p.  369),  'to 
decide  what  ancient  writings  have  most  directly  influenced  the  modern 
world,  the  award  should  probably  go  in  favour  of  Plutarch's  "Lives  "  and 
of  the  philosophic  works  of  Cicero.' 

599.  3, 

VOL.    V. 



It  is  not  only  their  matchless  charm  of  style  which  gives  to 
these  masterpieces  their  paramount  place  in  literature.  Without! 
claiming  for  them  philosophic  insight  or  originality  of  speculation, 
qualities  which  Cicero  himself  expressly  disclaims,  we  owe  him 
inestimable  debt  for  the  vast  body  of  philosophic  thought  which 
he  has  preserved  and  embellished,  first  for  his  contemporaries,  and 
then  for  posterity.  One  could  not,  of  course,  seek  a  system  in  these 
works.  This,  we  suppose,  is  the  ground  on  which  Mommsen 
(R.  H.  iv.  613)  pronounces  the  philosophical  work  of  Cicero  a 
complete  failure,  adding — 

*  Anyone  who  seeks  classical  productions  in  works  so  written  can  only 
he  advised  to  study  in  literary  matters  a  becoming  silence.' 

This,  of  course,  depends  on  what  we  mean  by  *  classical  produc- 
tions.' Cicero  was  born  in  an  age  of  eclecticism  (cp.  Zeller,  The 
Eclectics,  p.  146,  Eng.  trans.),  and  he  picked  out  just  what  com- 
mended itself  to  him  without  any  very  wide  or  profound  philoso- 
phical ideas.  He  wrote  for  the  ordinary  educated  man  for  the 
most  part.  But  he  had  a  high  view  of  the  principles  on  which 
conduct  should  be  based,  and  he  set  forth  that  view  and  the 
reasons  for  which  he  held  it  with  a  grace  of  language  which  has  < 
captivated  all  ages  down  to  our  own. 

His  anguish  for  the  death  of  Tullia  was  acute  :  he  writes,  *  My 
agony  haunts  me ;  not,  God  knows,  because  I  foster  it,  but  in  spite 
of  my  struggles  against  it.'1     His  only  comfort  is  the  thought  of' 
the  shrine  which  he  has  vowed  to  consecrate  to  her  memory,  and 
the  reflection  that  (549.  1) 

*  the  long  ages  when  I  shall  be  no  more  are  more  important  in  my  eyes 
than  the  brief  span  of  present  life,  which  indeed  seems  all  too  long.' 

This  beautiful  sentiment,  found  also  in  Sophocles,2  is  the  motto 
of  George  Eliot's  poem,  '  Oh  may  I  join  the  choir  invisible  ! '  Hia| 
divorced  wife,  Terentia,  seems  to  have  been  harassing  him  with 
proposals  about  some  pecuniary  transactions  whicli  he  does  nod 
consider  sincere  (552.  4).    On  this  subject   he  finally  writes  to 

1  546.  Here  the  editors  insert  a  non,  and  ascribe  to  Cicero  a  sentiment  the  very 
opposite  to  that  which  the  MSB,  our  only  evidence,  present  to  us— a  sentiment 
inconsistent,  too,  with  other  letters  of  this  period. 

2Antig.  74. 


Atticus,1  '  Let  the  first  consideration  be  what  my  duty  demands, 
If  it  proves  to  be  a  bad  bargain  for  me,  I  would  prefer  to  feel 
dissatisfied  with  her  for  overreaching  me  than  with  myself  for 
any  neglect  of  duty  on  my  own  part '  (557.  3).  The  divorce  of 
Publilia,  the  extravagance  of  his  son  at  Athens  under  the  tutelage 
of  Gorgias  (cp.  786.  6),  who  seems  to  have  been  an  ancient 
Dr.  Pangloss,  and,  above  all,  the  nnkindness  of  his  brother  and 
nephew,  who  are  seeking  to  influence  Caesar  against  him,  fill  the 
cup  of  his  affliction.  Yet  of  his  son  he  writes  in  the  most  fatherly 
manner.  He  owns  that  he  does  not  quite  believe  the  favourable 
reports  of  Herodes  and  other  Greek  professors,  but  he  adds 
frankly,  *  In  a  matter  like  this  I  readily  allow  myself  to  be  imposed 
upon,  and  find  a  pleasure  in  my  own  gullibility.'2  Of  young 
Quintus  he  speaks  most  bitterly  as  '  our  blackguard  kinsman/3 
In  fact,  the  project  of  deifying  his  daughter,  and  his  literary 
activities,  are  the  only  sole  solace  of  his  *  life's  downward  slope.'4 
His  indifference  to  money  matters  is  a  very  marked  trait  in  his 
character  :  — 

'  I  am  more  vexed  that  [through  Tullia's  death  and  the  misconduct  of 
Marcus]  I  have  no  one  to  leave  anything  to,  than  pleased  that  I  have 
a  competency.' 5 

He  constantly  asserts  his  indifference  to  the  minor  vexations  of 
life.  He  receives  the  news  of  the  fall  of  two  houses  belonging  to 
him  and  the  insecure  condition  of  others  with  the  words,  '  Men 
generally  call  such  things  misfortunes ;  to  me  they  are  hardly 
even  inconveniences.'6  He  alludes  with  a  jest  to  the  difficulty 
of  recovering  Tullia's  dower  from  Dolabella. 

*  Yes  ;  Dolabella  is  acting  well.  A  score  for  him  !  I  wish  he  could  be 
got  to  think  of  the  score  he  has  got  to  settle  with  me.' 7 

Cicero,  though  he  had  the  intellect  of  a  man,  we  might  almost 
say  of  more  than  a  man,  had  the  heart  of  a  child.  Except  with 
political  enemies,  he  could  not  bear  to  be,  in  the  child's  phrase, 

1  557.  3.  2  746.  3  5811  2.  Impuro  nostro  cognato. 

4  601.  2  KaTa£ia>crti/.  6  637.  3,  where  see  note. 

6  712.  1  Hanc  ceteri  calamitatem  vacant,  ego  ne  incommodum  quidem. 
1  725.  5.  me  facere  magnatn  irpa^iv  Dolabellae  .  .   .   Tibi  vero  assentior  maiorem 
T/m|ti/  eius  fore  si  mihi  quod  debuit  dissolverit. 



1  out  with  '  anyone.  He  would  sacrifice  some  of  those  feelings 
which  we  miscall  manly  rather  than  endure  that  aloofness  from 
natural  friends,  the  sting  of  which  was  felt  by  Coleridge  when  he 
wrote  the  immortal  lines  : 

'  And  to  be  wroth  with  one  we  love 
Doth  work  like  madness  in  the  brain.' 

Hence  his  noble  forgiveness  of  Quintus  and  his  *  blackguard  '  son. 
Hence  even  his  complaisance  towards  Dolabella,  who  had  rendered 
miserable  the  last  years  of  the  life  of  Tullia,  the  daughter  on  whom 
Cicero  poured  out  all  the  riches  of  his  loving  heart.  We  cannot 
but  feel  surprised  to  find  Cicero  quite  cordial  with  the  man  whom 
his  daughter  had  at  last  been  compelled  to  divorce  after  repeated 
provocations  patiently  endured.  In  Rome  the  marriage  bond 
held  no  sanctity,  and  hardly  even  gathered  round  it  tender  asso- 
ciations. This  is,  according  to  some  of  our  modern  novelists,  *  a 
consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished/  When  we  find  Cicero, 
who  was  so  much  superior  to  his  contemporaries  in  refinement, 
divorcing  Terentia  after  having  been  married  to  her  for  over  thirty 
years,  owing  to  some  misunderstanding  about  money ;  marrying 
Publilia,  who  might  have  been  his  granddaughter ;  almost 
immediately  divorcing  her,  and  living  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
divorced  husband  of  his  beloved  Tullia,  we  are  enabled  to  judge- 
how  baneful  the  old  Roman  attitude  towards  marriage  would  be 
to  the  rank  and  file  of  modern  humanity.  A  short  letter  to 
Atticus1  on  the  death  of  a  favourite  slave  or  freedman  in  his 
friend's  household,  puts  in  a  strong  light  Cicero's  gentleness  of 
disposition  : — 

"  Poor  Athamas !  My  dear  Atticus,  your  grief  is  natural,  but  you. 
must  struggle  against  it.  There  are  many  forms  of  consolation  ;  but 
this  is  the  soundest — let  philosophy  bring  about  the  result  that  time  must 
effect.  Now  let  us  take  care  of  your  Tiro,  that  is  Alexis,  whom  I  am 
sending  back  to  Rome  rather  ill.  Js  the  Quirinal  insanitary?  If  so, 
you  must  send  him  and  Tisamenus,  who  is  in  charge  of  him,  to  my  house. 
The  whole  upper  part  is  empty,  as  you  know.  The  change  might,  I 
think,  have  the  most  striking  effect.' 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  deep  interest  which  Cicero  takes- 

1  651. 


in  questions  of  diction  and  style.  We  are  told  by  Quintilian  l 
that  he  was  a  severe  critic  of  his  son's  latinity,  which  indeed 
called  for  animadversion  if  it  is  true,  as  Servius  tells  us  on 
.33n.  viii.  168,  that  young  Cicero  once  wrote  direxi  litteras  duas,  a 
sentence  which  must  have  grieved  his  'judicious'  father.2  He 
expresses  his  satisfaction  that  his  son's  letters  are  written  *  in 
classic  style '  on  one  occasion,3  but  we  suspect  that  the  Greek 
tutors  could  have  explained  that  circumstance.  It  has  often  been 
observed  that  Cicero  reminds  one  of  a  modern  Englishman  more 
than  any  other  character  in  so-called  ancient  history.  We  might 
almost  be  reading  a  translation  from  Cicero  in  this  passage  from 
Chesterfield's  Letters  to  his  Son  (vol.  ii.  16),  except  that  Cicero 
would  have  been  less  severe  in  his  language  : — 

'  I  come  now  to  another  part  of  your  letter,  which  is  orthography,  if  I 
may  call  bad  spelling  orthography.  You  spell  induce  enduce,  and  grandeur 
you  spell  grandure,  two  faults  which  few  of  my  housemaids  would  have 
been  guilty  of.  Orthography  is  so  necessary  for  a  gentleman  that  one 
false  spelling  may  fix  upon  him  a  ridicule  for  the  rest  of  his  life.' 

It  is  not  only  to  his  son  that  he  plays  the  censor.  He  accuses 
Tiro  (653.  1)  of  a  solecism  (aicvpov)  for  writing  valetudini  fideliter 
inserviendo.  Tiro  should  have  said  diligenter.  The  word,  fideliter, 
it  is  said,  can  only  be  applied  to  duties  towards  others,  not  towards 
oneself  (yet  see  note  on  the  passage).  But  the  most  striking 
example  of  Cicero's  purism  about  words  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter 
to  Atticus.4  He  needed  a  Latin  word  to  represent  tiro^n  in  the 
philosophic  sense  of  the  suspension  of  judgment.  He  had  hit 
on  sustinere,  but  Atticus  had  suggested  inhibere,  with  which  at 
first  he  was  delighted  ;  but  he  writes : 

4  Now  I  do  not  like  it  at  all.  Inhibere  is  a  nautical  expression,  but 
I  thought  it  meant  to  lie  on  the  oars  and  keep  the  vessel  stationary. 
I  learned  that  I  was  wrong  when  a  ship  put  in  yesterday  here  at  Astura. 
Inhibere  does  not  mean  to  keep  the  vessel  stationary,  but  to  row  backwards, 
which  is  quite  unsuitable  to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  philosophic  suspense 
in  the  Academical 

1  i.  7.  34. 

2  Duas  should  have  been  Unas,  and  dirigere,  '  to  draw  up,'  can  be  paralleled  only 
late  Latin. 

3  746  ireTn^eVws,  cp.  709.  1 ;  749.  2.  *  652.  3. 


He  then  goes  on  to  give  authority  for  the  use  of  sustinere,  which 
he  wishes  to  be  restored,  and  finally  remarks  :— 

'  You  see  how  much  more  interest  I  take  in  the  exact  meaning  o 
inhtbere  than  in  the  political  news,  than  in  the  career  of  Pollio,  Pansa 
or  Critonius,  and,  certainly,  than  in  the  news  about  Metellus  am 

Caesar  could  forgive  his  enemies,  especially  those  who  use< 
against  him  only  the  sword  and  not  the  pen.     But  his  clemency 
was  not  always  based  on  the  noblest  motives.    He  left  the  learne( 
Nigidius  Figulus  to  die  in  foreign  exile,  while  he  permitted  the 
return,  at  least  to  Sicily,  of  the  contemptible  Caecina,  who  pur 
chased  his  pardon  by  his '  Whines '  (liber  Querelarum  he  calls  i 
himself),  in  which  he  sounded  the  lowest  note   of  self-abasemen 
and  adulation.    And  Caesar's  clemency  has  been  much  exaggerate( 
by  writers  like  Froude.     Gaul  was  the  scene  of  terrible  acts  of 
retribution.    He  executed  the  whole  Senate  of  the  Yeneti ;  he  per- 
mitted what  was  almost  a  massacre  of  the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri ; 
he  flogged  Gutruatus  to  death,  and  cut  the  right  hands  off  all  the 
brave  men  whose  only  crime  was  that  they  held  to  the  last  against 
him   their  town  Uxellodunum.1     Indeed,  he  seems  to  have  had 
very  few  scruples  when  the  interest  of  the  dominant  race  clashed 
with  those  of  the  subject  peoples.     It  is  amazing  that   he   seems 
to  have  completely  failed  to  recognize  the  nobleness  of  Vercin- 
getorix.     Bacon,  in  his  Essay  on  Eeveuge,  quotes  the  '  desperate 
saying    of    Cosmus,    Duke    of   Florence,    against    perfidious  or 

1  B.  G.  iii.  16  ;  iv  15  ;  viii.  38,  44.  Pliny  (H.  N.  vii.  92)  [cp.  Plutarch  Caes. 
15  fin.]  says  that  Caesar  acknowledged  himself  that  he  had  killed  in  battle  1,192,000, 
exclusive  of  those  who  fell  in  the  Civil  Wars,  and  Pliny  adds  non  equidem  in  gloria 
potuerim  tantam  etiam  coactam  hutnani  generis  iniuriam.  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  110) 
says  in  reference  to  this  passage  :  '  We  may  judge  what  credit  ought  to  be  given  him 
[Caesur]  for  his  clemency  in  not  opening  lists  of  proscription  after  his  sword  had 
already  cut  off  his  principal  adversaries,  and  had  levelled  their  party  with  the  dust '  : 
cp.  p.  63;  *  The  security  of  his  government  could  not  be  ensured  by  massacres,  when 
everyone  seemed  ready  to  submit  to  his  power.'  There  is  a  great  deal  in  this  ;  but 
one  rtust,  in  our  opinion,  concede  to  Caesar  that  he  conducted  the  Civil  Wars  with 
much  greater  clemency  than  might  have  been,  and  indeed  was,  expected,  while  his 
opponents  were  still  very  strong.  His  doing  so  was  self-interest  perhaps,  but  it  was 
»  new  and  lofty  form  of  self-interest :  in  his  own  fine  words  Haee  nova,  sit  ratio 
rincendi  vt  muericordia  ct  liberalitate  nos  muniamus  Att.  ix.  7  C.  3  (347) :  cp.  ix.  16.. 
1,  2  (374)  and  Marcell.  12. 



leglecting   friends,'  that  though  we  are  commanded  to  forgive 

>ur  enemies,  it  is  nowhere  enjoined  on  us  to  forgive  our  friends. 

Jicero,  as  we  have  seen,  could  pardon  even  his  friends.     When 

tis  '  blackguard  kinsman/  young  Quintus,  had  grace  enough  to 

Itell  him  that  he  felt  keenly  the  estrangement  between  himself  and 

mis  uncle,  Atticus,  Cicero  replied  (681.  1)  at  once  with  exquisite 

kindness,  '  Why  then  do  you  permit  the  estrangement  to  exist  ?  '- 

adding,  '  I  used  the  word  pater  is  in  preference  to  committis'  which 

would  have  meant,  '  Why  do  you  bring  on  yourself  his  anger  ? ' 

and    which   indeed    would    have   been   none  too   hard.     At   the 

beginning  of   the   epoch  which    we   have   been   considering,   in 

April,  46,  Cicero  wrote  to  his  learned  friend  Varro,1  words  which 

!  nearly  sum  up  his  view  of  the  way  in  which  men,  such  as  they 

were,  should  get  through  the  troublous  times  on  which  they  had 

fallen  : 

'  Be  it  ours  to  adhere  firmly  to  a  life  of  study,  a  practice  once  essential 
to  my  happiness,  but  now  essential  to  my  existence ;  to  be  ready  to  come, 
ay  and  eager  to  run,  to  help  in  building  up  the  constitution,  if  called  to 
that  task,  whether  as  master-builder  or  even  only  as  common  workman  ; 
if  not  wanted,  to  write  and  read  about  the  science  of  politics,  and  from 
our  study,  if  the  Senate  and  Forum  are  closed  to  us,  to  do  our  best  in  our 
writings  and  books  to  guide  the  destinies  of  the  State,  and  to  pursue  our 
inquiries  on  morals  and  legislation.' 

1  Fam.  ix,  2.  5  (461). 




IT  was  about  half-past  eleven  o'clock  on  the  Ides  of  March  when 
Caesar  fell  dead.  The  suddenness  and  unexpected  nature  of  the 
event  struck  with  panic  those  senators  who  were  not  in  the  con- 
spiracy, and  they  fled  :  so  that  when  Brutus  turned  to  justify  his 
deed,  as  he  had  no  doubt  arranged,  he  found  no  one  to  address. 
Accordingly,  the  conspirators  proceeded  out  from  the  Senate 
House  brandishing  their  daggers,  carrying  aloft  a  pilleus,  the! 
symbol  of  liberty,2  and,  as  is  stated,  many  times  calling  on  the 
name  of  Cicero  as  on  one  whose  devotion  to  the  free  State  and 
whose  high  character  assured  them  that  he  would  approve  their 
action.  But  outside  all  was  confusion,  everyone  trying  to  fly, 
as  they  did  not  know  what  was  going  to  happen  next.  Brutus 
attempted  to  speak,  but  failed.  With  the  escort  of  some  gladiators 
whom  Decimus  Brutus  had  hired  for  the  games  that  were  in! 
progress,  they  made  their  way  to  the  Capitol,  ostensibly  to  return 
thanks  to  the  gods  for  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  There  they 
fortified  themselves,  and  thence  sent  messengers  to  some  of  the 
more  prominent  Republicans  whom  they  had  not  indeed  enrolled 
among  themselves  to  take  actual  part  in  the  deed,  but  on  whose 
sympathy  they  could  rely.  Cicero  was  no  doubt  one  of  these.* 

1  Cp.  712.  2  vivit  tyrannis,  tyrannus  occidit,  cp.   719.   2;    728.  3  Quis  enim  non 
vidit  regni  heredcm  relictum?    Also  718.  6  ;    723.   1  ;    724.  6  ;  Dio  Cass.  xliv.  53.  6J 
('Arrwi/ios)  avrbs  5'  us  Kal  K\r}pov6/j.os  ov  fi6vov  rrjs  ovffias  a\\a  Kal  rrjs  8vva<rrfias 
rov   Kaiffapos  &>v  iravra  5texei>C«  5    *lv.    41.  43    irpbs    r^v  5m5oxV    rrjs  SvvaffT 
aurov  (Kaiffapos)  tireiyonevos ;   Appian  iii.  15  rys  rvparvioos  SidSoxof,  Plut.  Brut.  21 
'AvTuptov  o-xcSbp  fls  povapxiav  Ka.6iffTaiJ.tvov. 

2  The  narrative  of  events  immediately  following  the  murder  is  found  in  Dio  Cass. 
xliv.  20  ff.  ;  Appian  Bell.  Civ.  ii.  118  ff. ;  Plut.  Brut.  18  ;  Nic.  Dam.  25  ff.    A  well- 
known  coin  of  Brutus  represents  on  the  obverse  a  '  pilleus '  between  two  daggers  and 
underneath  BID  MAR.     But  these  coins  were  not  struck  until  two  years  later  (Dio 
xlvii.  25.  3.).     See  Eckhel,  vi.  24. 

3  We  do  not  believe  that  Cicero  was  present  in  the  Senate  at  the  time  of  the 
assassination ;  for  we  should  probably  have  heard  more  from  him  of  the  exciting 
scene  if  such  had  been  the  case.     The  passage  (719.  4)    Quid  mihi  attulerit  ista 
domini  mutatio  praeter  laetitiam  quam  oculis  cepi  itisto  interittt  tyranni,Tn&y  mean  that 
he  actually  gazed  on  Caesar's  corpse,  or  it  may  imply  no  more  than  that  he  saw  the 
whole  altered  state  of  things  at  Rome  which  resulted  from  the  death  of  Caesar. 


He  would  appear  to  have  already  received  a  note  from  L.  Minucius 
Basilus,  one  of  the  actual  participants,  telling  of  the  assassination  ; 
and  the  little  note  Fam.  vi.  15  (699)  is  probably,  but  by  no  means 
certainly,  an  excited  acknowledgment  of  the  bewildering  news. 

Arrived  at  the  Capitol,  the  conspirators  had  time  to  think ; 
and  to  realize  with  some  dismay  that  they  had  not  considered 
what  they  would  do  next  when  their  victim  had  been  sacrificed. 
Many  senators  and  other  constitutionalists  repaired  to  the  Capitol 
in  the  early  afternoon,  and  a  long  and  anxious  deliberation  began. 
There  was  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  essential  thing  to  do  was  to 
summon  the  Senate :  the  question  was,  who  was  to  summon  it  ? 
Should  it  be  the  proper  authority  to  do  so,  the  surviving  consul, 
Antony  ?  They  might  reasonably  reflect  that  he  was  not  by  any 
means  so  opposed  to  them  and  their  deed  as  he  afterwards  showed 
himself  to  be.  He  had  only  recently  been  reconciled  to  Caesar, 
who  had  not  approved  of  his  vigorous  action  against  the  demo- 
cratical  party  in  47,  and  had  not,  prior  to  his  return  from  Spain 
in  the  late  summer  of  45,  received  him  back  into  favour.  Antony 
had  no  doubt  grown  in  years  and  in  prudence,  and  Caesar  may 
have  seen  no  stronger  and  more  trustworthy  man  to  leave  at  Rome 
to  manage  affairs  while  he  himself  was  absent  on  the  Parthian 
War.  But  Antony  was  plainly  not  absolutely  devoted  to  Caesar  ; 
for  he  knew  of  the  plot,  and  does  not  appear  to  have  given1  Caesar 
the  information  which  he  could  have  given.  Cicero,  who  naturally 
disapproved  of  and  distrusted  Antony  (hardly  any  two  men  could 
have  been  more  opposite  to  one  another),  urged  vigorous  measures. 
The  two  praetors,  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  had  been  leaders  of  the 
conspiracy,  should  take  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  the  suspected 
consul,  and  summon  the  Senate  to  deliberation  and  the  people  to 
arms  (713.  1 ;  744.  2). 

This  would  have  been  the  wise  course,  but  it  was  not 
adopted.  After  long  deliberation,  it  was  decided  that  Antony 
should  be  asked  to  come  to  the  Capitol,  and  discuss  with  the 
liberators  as  to  the  restoration  and  defence  of  the  Republic. 
Their  making  this  suggestion  was  a  guarantee  that  Antony 
should  not  lose  any  of  the  honours  which  he  had  obtained  from 

1  Cicero  (Phil,  ii  34)  says  it  was  notorious  that  Trebonius  had  sounded  Antony  on 
the  point  atNarbo  during  the  previous  summer  :  cp.  Plut.  Ant.  13. 


Caesar.  This  appeal  to  the  consul  was  the  legal  and  constitu- 
tional course ;  but  Cicero  still  disapproved,  and  refused  to  take 
any  part  in  the  deputation  to  Antony.1  It  was  evening  when  the 
deputation  reached  Antony's  home.  He  must  have  been  durinj 
all  that  afternoon  in  sore  perplexity.  When  the  murder  had 
been  perpetrated,  he  cast  away  the  insignia  of  his  office  and 
hastened  homeward.  Of  the  Caesareans  no  one  except  Lepidus 
came  to  his  house  that  afternoon.  Hirtius  was  in  the  city,  and 
conferred  witli  Antony  later;  but  the  other  prominent  Caesareans, 
Balbus,  Oppius,  Pansa,  Calenus,  and  Sallust,  did  not  appear  at  all 
upon  that  fatal  day.  The  fact  that  Lepidus  alone  came  must  have 
made  Antony  uncertain  as  to  the  extent  of  the  conspiracy — so 
well  was  the  secret  kept ;  and  when  he  found  out  on  the  arrival 
of  the  deputation  that  the  conspiracy  embraced  in  large  numbers 
Caesareans  as  well  as  Pompeians,  he  must  have  feared  that  the 
request  to  come  to  the  Capitol  was  a  ruse  on  the  part  of  the 
conspirators,  and  that,  once  arrived  there,  Caesar's  colleague  in 
the  consulship  would  share  his  fate.  He  may  have  thought,  too, 
that  they  had  their  plans  well  considered,  that  they  were  full  of 
resolution  and  vigour,  and  that,  if  he  refused  their  proposal 
straight  off,  they  would  speedily  come  and  make  an  end  of  him. 
So  delay  seemed  his  best  chance.  Accordingly  he  asked  for  a  day 
to  consider  his  position ;  and,  probably  to  his  great  surprise,  the 
deputation  agreed  to  this  request. 

We  can  imagine  the  thrill  of  joy  and  hope  that  Antony  must 
have  felt  when  his  request  was  granted  and  the  deputation  with- 
drew. Once  he  and  Lepidus  were  again  alone,  with  all  the 
additional  knowledge  they  had  obtained  from  the  interview,  they 
quickly  formed  their  resolutions.  Kesistance  must  be  made.  They 
would  appeal  to  the  people  and  to  the  soldiers  against  the  con- 
spirators. The  heads  of  the  collegia  would  organize  the  populace ; 
and  Caesar's  veterans  would  quickly  unite  to  revenge  their 
murdered  commander.  Lepidus,  too,  had  some  small  military 
contingent  at  hand  which  he  was  going  to  lead  to  his  province  of 
Narbonensis.  They  would  form  a  nucleus  round  which  the 

Phil.  ii.  89.  He  attributed  the  adoption  of  this  course  not  to  Decimus  anij 
Marcus  Brutus,  but  to  those  other  dullards  (aliorum  brtttorum)  among  the  constitu- 
tionalists who  called  their  lack  of  enterprise  prudence  and  wisdom  (719.  2). 


eterans  in  the  city  and  its  vicinity  might  group.  Lepidus,  who 
howed  much  vigour  in  this  crisis,1  at  once  set  to  work  to  organize 
hese  forces,  while  Antony  proceeded  to  get  from  Calpurnia, 
Caesar's  widow,  all  the  papers  and  money,  said  to  be  a  hundred 
lillion  sesterces  (say  £800,000),  which  were  at  his  house. 
Calpurnia  naturally  gave  them  to  the  chief  magistrate,2  to  whom 
Jaesar  himself  had  already  entrusted  several  documents  dealing 

;h  the  conduct  of  affairs  during  his  absence  in  the  East.  The 
onspirators  seem  to  have  never  thought  of  obtaining  possession 
f  Caesar's  effects.  Antony  kept  his  head,  and  in  all  his  actions 
howed  much  practical  wisdom,  resolute  energy,  and  devotion  to 
is  murdered  friend.  He  co-operated  with  Lepidus  during  the 
ight  in  organizing  the  populace  and  the  veterans.3  The  con- 
pirators,  too,  made  preparations  for  a  demonstration  next  day, 
iid  hired  a  number  of  people  to  support  and  applaud  whatever 
ley  might  do  or  say.  We  cannot  think  that  there  was  much 
Leep  in  Eome  during  that  exciting  night. 

Next  morning  the  populace  were  still  undecided.  But  there 
iras  no  doubt  about  the  veterans  and  the  colonists  (those  who 
irere  waiting  for  assignments  of  lands  in  the  colonies  which 
)aesar  was  in  process  of  planting),  who  kept  streaming  into 
tome  during  the  night  and  morning.  Antony  appeared  in 
ublic,  and  performed  his  ordinary  duties  as  consul.  The 
aagistrates  in  the  Capitol,  however,  did  not  come  down :  they 

1  Dio  xliv.  34.  5,  represents  the   vigour  displayed  by  Lepidus  at  this  time  as  due  to 
n  ambition  to  gain  the  supreme  power,  as  he  alone  had  military  forces  at  hand ;  and 
Dio  regards  Antony  as  virtually  his    rival,    who  succeeded  by    his    cleverness  in 

ersuading  him  to  yield  to  the  opinion  of  the  majority.  Antony  conciliated  him 
ater  on  by  engaging  his  daughter  to  the  son  of  Lepidus  (Fam.  xii.  2.  2,  Ep.  790),  and 
y  having  him  appointed  pontifex  maximus  (though  irregularly  by  co-optation  by 
ae  priests,  and  not  by  election  by  the  people)  with  the  same  object  of  weakening  his 
pposition  (cp.  xliv.  53fin.).  This  is  a  theory  that  probably  arose  from  the  insignificant 
art  played  in  the  Triumvirate  by  Lepidus,  '  that  slight  unmeritable  man,  meet  to  be 
ent  on  errands. ' 

2  Appian  (ii.  125)  seems  to  put  this  on  the  night  of  the  16th,  not  of  the  loth ;  but 
n,  iii.  17  he  says  it  was  done  'immediately  after  the  murder.' 

3  They  were  already  organized  to  a  considerable  extent :  cp.  Appian  ii.  120  TO  re 
r\rfdos    riav    airoa'Tpa.Tevo/ufi'ooi'   ov    5ia\v6/*6i'0i>    fs    ras    Trarpioas    .    .    .    &Qpovv    Tore 

ffTadfj.evev  eV  TO?S  Itpo'is  Kal  re/mffeffiv  vfy1  evl  (TTj/uei'o)  /ecu  £<£>'  evl  &pxovn  TT)S  a' 
ra  /J.ev  ovTa.   fffyiaiv   us   eV    %£o8ov    ^5rj    otcnreTrpaKOTes,    evwvoi    S'e's    o,* 
Cp.  c.  133. 


were  plainly  afraid.    Their  hired  supporters,1  too,  had  little  couragej 
in   face   of  the   indignation   of   the   veterans.     Still   a   praetor, 
Cornelius  Cinna,  declared  he  would  only  hold  his  praetorship      ' 
grant  from  the  people,  and  threw  aside  the  insignia  of  his  office.i 
Antony  entered  into  further  negotiations  with  the  conspirators  ini 
the  Capitol.     He   asked  that   Decimus   Brutus,    one  of   his  old! 
comrades  in  the  Gallic  War,  might  come  down  and  discuss 
situation    with  him.     Antony  seems   to   have   thought    that   hei 
might  induce  Decimus  to  give  up  Cisalpine  Graul,  to  which  he  had  I 
been  appointed  by  Caesar.2    That  province,  if  properly  used  in  the  I 
interests  of  the  conspirators,  would  easily  assure  them  the  upper  I 
hand;  and  so  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  for  Antony  that 
Decimus  should  be  deprived  of  it.     To  this  end  all  the  efforts  I 
of  Antony  up  to  the  Lex  de  permutatione  were  directed.     Antony 
was  agreeably  surprised  to  find  a  friendly  disposition  on  the  part 
of  the  conspirators,  and  especially  a  readiness  to  comply  with  his 
request   for  an  interview  with  Decimus.     He  began  to  see  that 
they  were  getting  more  frightened  and  irresolute.     The  veterans  I 
were  no  doubt  the  principal  cause  of  alarm.     The  conspirators 
were  afraid  to  come  down  and  address  the  people,  lest  they  should 
suffer  violence.     Meanwhile  during  the  morning  Dolabella,  who 
was  consul  suffiectus  (though  not  acknowledged  as  such  by  Antony), 
appeared  in  the  forum  with  the  insignia  of  the  consulship,  and 
declared  for  the  conspirators,3  and  then  went  and  joined  them. 
This  gave  them  some  heart  ;  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  principal  | 
conspirators  should  go  down  and  explain  to  the  people  the  object! 
of  the  assassination  and  the  motives  by  which  the  perpetrators  of  iti 
were  actuated.     They  did  so,  and  Brutus  made  a  speech  to  that! 
effect,  which  was,  however,  coldly  received,  but   there   was  no 

1  Appian  talks  a  great  deal  about  these  /jnffdcaroi  (ii.  120,  121,  122,  126,  131,  132  A 
cp.  iii.  24).  He  says  (c.  121)  that  they  kept  constantly  shouting  for  peace,  in  order 
to  secure  the  safety  of  the  murderers  :  for  there  could  he  no  peace  without  amnesty 
for  them.  Cupere  pacem  (727.  4)  is  a  phrase  that  Cicero  uses  for  the  desires  of  the 
constitutionalists,  and  otium  timere  (cp.  note  to  728.  2)  for  the  attitude  of  the] 

•  Later  in  the  summer,  at  the  time  of  the  Lex  de  permutatione  provinciarum,  Antony 
seemt  to  have  thought  that  he  could  influence  Decimus  to  submit  to  the  exchange  : 
cp.  Dio  xlv.  14.  1. 

3  Dio  xliv.  22.  1.  It  was  even  said  that  he  proposed  that  the  Ides  of  March  should 
be  decreed  the  birthday  of  the  State  :  cp.  Appian  ii.  122. 


Interruption  or   violence.1     This   was   disheartening,    and    they 
l*etired  to  the  Capitol.     Any   resolution   they   had  acquired  by 
the  events  of  the  morning  was  evaporating. 

Veterans  continued  to  come  in,  and  the  populace  were  em- 
Lboldened :  so  that  late  in  the  afternoon  Antony  resolved  to  have 
[no  more  negotiations  with  the  conspirators,  but  to  call  a  meeting 
Ijof  the  Senate  for  the  next  morning  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus ;  this 
[jkemple  was  near  Pompey's  house,  which  now  was  Antony's.2  He 
[jiid  not  expect  that  any  considerable  number  of  supporters  of  the 
conspirators  would  put  in  an  appearance  at  this  meeting,  especially 
ilis  danger  would  be  incurred  from  the  hostility  of  the  populace 
fend  the  veterans ;  and  thus  he  would  succeed  in  getting  measures- 
Ipassed  which  would  prove  detrimental  to  the  conspirators,  and 
lie  himself  would  be  able  afterwards  to  plead  that  the  Senate  had 
iso  decided.  He  sent  Hirtiusto  Decimusto  tell  him  that  he  could 
:iot  consent,  owing  to  the  violence  it  would  arouse,  to  allow  him- 
lo  have  the  province  of  Cisalpine  Graul,  and  to  urge  him  and  the 
pther  conspirators  to  leave  Eome.3  This  was  very  vigorous  conduct 
1,-iideed,  and  it  daunted  Decimus  at  least  for  a  time,  as  may  be 
teen  from  a  letter  (700)  he  wrote  very  early  next  morning  to 
Brutus  and  Cassius. 

Decimus  was  neither  an  energetic  nor  a  courageous  man  (Plut. 
Brut.  12  OVK  ovra  ptKTTjv  ov&  OappoXeov).  In  this  letter  (700)  he 
appears  so  alarmed  that  he  thinks  (§2)  of  obtaining  any  plausible 
sxcuse  to  fly  from  Eome,  so  violent  did  he  deem  the  hostility  of 
the  people.  Eesistance  might,  he  thought,  be  organized  abroad, 
Dr  at  worst  they  can  live  in  exile  or  die  (§  3).  He  sees  no  place 
where  they  can  be  safe  except  with  Sextus  Pompeius  in  Spain  or 
Caecilius  Bassus  in  the  East  (§  4).  He  wants  to  know  what  he 
should  do  (§  5).  Before  despatching  this  letter  and  before  the 
meeting  of  the  Senate,  he  had  another  talk  with  Hirtius,  and  gave 
up  his  intention  of  leaving  Eome.  He  proposed  to  ask  Antony 

1  Plutarch   (Caes.   67)   says   that  the  people  listened  without  expressing  either 
indignation  or  approval  of  what,  was  done,  and  showed  by  their  profound  silence 
that  they  pitied  Caesar  and  respected  Brutus. 

2  Appian  (ii.  126)  says  he  was  afraid  to  go  to  the  Senate  House  below  the  Capitol 
(the  Curia  Hostilia)  owing  to  the  gladiators  of  the  conspirators. 

3  Appian  (ii.  124)  represents  Antony  and    Lepidus  as  being  especially  afraid  of 
Decimus  Brutus,  owing  to  his  having  a  province  and  a  large  army. 


for  State  protection,  not  expecting  to  get  it,  but  Loping  to  raisi 
a  prejudice  against  him  (§  6).1  Late  in  the  night  Antony  held  i 
meeting  of  his  friends,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Nicolaus  o 
Damascus  (see  introd.  note  to  700).  Hirtius  advised  co-operatioi 
with  the  conspirators  to  restore  the  Eepublic.  Lepidus  and  sonH 
others  were  for  open  war,  for  slaying  the  conspirators,  and  thui 
both  avenging  Caesar  and  rendering  their  own  position  mor< 
hecure.  Antony,  with  much  prudence,  was  on  the  whole  for  tin 
proposal  of  Hirtius.  The  population  of  Italy  would  for  the  rnosi 
part  favour  the  conspirators :  and  so  it  was  advisable  that,  if  anj 
action  was  taken  against  them,  it  should  have  the  sanction  oi 
the  Senate,  which  he  hoped  would  be  poorly  attended  and  b« 
intimidated  by  the  outcry  and  violence  of  the  mob  and  the 

But  he  was  mistaken.  During  the  night  the  conspirators  senl 
messages  to  the  senators  who  were  their  supporters,  asking  then 
to  attend  the  meeting.  The  actual  murderers  were  afraid  t( 
attend  themselves ;  but  the  senators  who  were  not  in  the  conspiracj 
appeared  in  such  numbers  as  precluded  any  chance  that  measurei 
would  be  adopted  which  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  con< 
spirators.  These  senators  showed  no  little  courage  in  facing  tin 
storm  of  unpopularity  which  greeted  them  as  they  made  theii 
way  to  the  Temple  of  Tellus;  however,  no  actual  violence  wai 
offered  to  any  of  them,  except  to  Cornelius  Cinna,2  who  hac 
made  the  demonstration  of  resigning  his  praetorship  the  day  before 
(p.  Ivi),  but  now  appeared  again  in  his  dress  of  office.  Antonj 
showed  no  little  prudence  in  that  he  took  care  to  have  at  hii 
disposal  on  the  spot  sufficient  forces  to  prevent  any  of  the  seiiaton 
suffering  in  life  or  limb,  and  prejudice  to  his  interests  being 
thereby  caused.  The  debate  that  ensued  must  have  been  one  oj 
great  earnestness  ;  but  we  cannot  reproduce  it  in  full.  It  is  wel 
described  by  Appian  (ii.  127-135).  At  first  the  discussion  was  at 
to  the  attitude  the  Senate  should  take  up  with  regard  to  the  actual 

1  0.  E.  Schmidt's  remarkable  insight  in  fixing  the  exact  date  of  this  letter  (Jahrb 
1884,  p.  334  if.)  has  added  a  very  interesting  document  to  the  history  of  the  crisis  :  i 
letter  which  shows  in  a  strong  light  the  irresolution  of  the  conspirators,  the  paltrinea 
of  Decimus,  and  the  vigour  of  Antony. 

3  Appian  ii.  126.  This,  says  Apnian,  was  the  first  decided  expression  of  opinion  ir 
favour  of  Caesar. 


erpetrators  of  the  murder.  Should  they  be  regarded  as  having 
roceeded  against  a  tyrant  who  had  been  justly  slain  ?  and,  if  so, 
bould  they  be  actually  rewarded,  or  only  praised  ;  or  not  even  that, 
ut  be  left  to  the  reward  of  being  conscious  that  they  had  done 

noble  deed  ?  Antony,  when  he  intervened,  showed  with  great 
bility  that  the  real  question  was  whether  Caesar  should  be 
egarded  as  a  tyrant  or  not.  For  if  he  was  a  tyrant,  then  all 
is  grants,  appointments,  nominations,  and  regulations  for  several 
ears  past  and  several  years  to  come  would  be  at  once  rendered 
.ull  and  void.  This  was  indeed  going  to  the  root  of  things : 
or  even  the  conspirators  and  their  relations1  had  obtained 
rants  of  land  and  positions  from  Caesar.  At  this  point 
Lntony  had  to  leave  the  Senate  to  pacify  the  mob  outside, 

ho  insisted  on  his  going  down  to  the  forum  and  addressing 
hem  there.2  The  debate  continued  under  the  presidency  of 
)olabella,  whom  Antony  thus  recognized  as  consul.3  Dolabella 
ras  not  going  to  resign  his  consulship,  which  he  was  holding 
>y  Caesar's  grant  eighteen  years  before  the  legitimate  time  (he 
ras  now  about  twenty-five),  and  without  having  held  the  praetor- 
hip.4  Gradually  everybody  came  to  see  that  the  reversal  of  all 
)aesar's  acts  would  cause  perfect  chaos  in  the  administration,  and 
bis  was  the  prevailing  opinion  when  Antony  returned  and  spoke 

1  Cp.  728.  3  Quin  eliam  hoc  tempore  multa  viro<r6\oiKa.  Ponti  NeapoUtanum  a 
latre  tyrannoctoni  possideri. 

•  During  the  debate  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus  it  seems  that  some  of  the  people  went 

the  Capitol,  whether  invited  or  not  is  uncertain,  and  were  addressed  by  Brutus 
3p.  Dio  xliv.  34.  1-3,  trplv  /cat  bnovv  ryv  |8ovAV  Siayvupai),  who  allayed  any  fears 
lie  veterans  may  have  had  that  the  grants  of  land  made  to  them  by  Caesar  would  be 
nnulled.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  oratio  habita  in  contione  Capitolina  which 
irutus  sent  to  Cicero  to  correct,  and  which  Cicero  criticizes  as  elegantly  phrased,  but 
ickiug  fervour  (731.  2  :  cp.  727.  3).  Appian  (ii.  137-142)  gives  what  purports  to  be 
lis  speech;  but  he  puts  it  on  the  17th  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  and  after  the 
ublic  funeral  had  been  sanctioned:  for  Appian  says  (ii.  136)  that  the  funeral  was 
ecreed  before  the  Senate  finally  adjourned  011  the  1 7th  :  he  says  the  Senate  had  been 
ismissed  when  it  was  called  back,  and  the  question  discussed  and  settled.  But  it  is 
ot  likely  that  a  subsidiary,  but  highly  contentious,  matter  would  have  been  discussed 
t  the  end  of  such  an  exhausting  debate.  It  was  probably  much  talked  of  informally 
y  the  senators  after  the  actual  Senate  had  adjourned :  cp.  713.  1. 
'  3  For  Antony's  opposition  to  Dolabella's  being  made  consul,  cp.  Phil.  ii.  80  ff. 

4  Appian  says  (ii.  132 :  cp.  129)  that  during  Antony's  absence  Dolabella  con- 
umed  all  the  time  in  dwelling  in  unseemly  wise  (ao-xwovus)  on  the  question  of  his 
>wn  office. 


for  State  protection,  not  expecting  to  get  it,  but  hoping  to  rai 
a  prejudice  against  him  (§  6).1  Late  in  the  night  Antony  held  a 
meeting  of  his  friends,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus  (see  introd.  note  to  700).  Hirtius  advised  co-operatioii 
with  the  conspirators  to  restore  the  Kepublic.  Lepidus  and  some) 
others  were  for  open  war,  for  slaying  the  conspirators,  and  thus 
both  avenging  Caesar  and  rendering  their  own  position  mor 
secure.  Antony,  with  much  prudence,  was  on  the  whole  for  th 
proposal  of  Hirtius.  The  population  of  Italy  would  for  the  mosi 
part  favour  the  conspirators :  and  so  it  was  advisable  that,  if  any 
.•ictioii  was  taken  against  them,  it  should  have  the  sanction  ol 
the  Senate,  which  he  hoped  would  be  poorly  attended  and  be 
intimidated  by  the  outcry  and  violence  of  the  mob  and  tha 

But  he  was  mistaken.  During  the  night  the  conspirators  sentjl 
messages  to  the  senators  who  were  their  supporters,  asking  them! 
to  attend  the  meeting.  The  actual  murderers  were  afraid  tql 
attend  themselves ;  but  the  senators  who  were  not  in  the  conspiracy! 
appeared  in  such  numbers  as  precluded  any  chance  that  measured 
would  be  adopted  which  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  conJ 
spirators.  These  senators  showed  no  little  courage  in  facing  thfil 
storm  of  unpopularity  which  greeted  them  as  they  made  theim 
way  to  the  Temple  of  Tellus;  however,  no  actual  violence  was 
offered  to  any  of  them,  except  to  Cornelius  Cinna,2  who  had 
made  the  demonstration  of  resigning  his  praetorship  the  day  before! 
(p.  Ivi),  but  now  appeared  again  in  his  dress  of  office.  Autonyj 
showed  no  little  prudence  in  that  he  took  care  to  have  at  his] 
disposal  on  the  spot  sufficient  forces  to  prevent  any  of  the  senators] 
suffering  in  life  or  limb,  and  prejudice  to  his  interests  being] 
thereby  caused.  The  debate  that  ensued  must  have  been  one  on 
great  earnestness  ;  but  we  cannot  reproduce  it  in  full.  It  is  well] 
described  by  Appiau  (ii.  127-135).  At  first  the  discussion  was  as] 
to  the  attitude  the  Senate  should  take  up  with  regard  to  the  actual] 

1  0.  E.  Schmidt's  remarkable  insight  in  fixing  the  exact  date  of  this  letter  (/«***• 
1884,  p.  334  If.)  has  added  a  very  interesting  document  to  the  history  of  the  crisis :  al 
letter  which  shows  in  a  strong  light  the  irresolution  of  the  conspirators,  the  paltriness! 
of  Decimus,  and  the  vigour  of  Antony. 

3  Appian  ii.  126.  This,  says  Appian,  was  the  first  decided  expression  of  opinion  in  '. 
favour  of  Caesar. 


iberpetrators  of  the  murder.  Should  they  be  regarded  as  having 
Ibroceeded  against  a  tyrant  who  had  been  justly  slain  ?  and,  if  so, 
fthould  they  be  actually  rewarded,  or  only  praised  ;  or  not  even  that, 
•put  be  left  to  the  reward  of  being  conscious  that  they  had  done 
Jit  noble  deed  ?  Antony,  when  he  intervened,  showed  with  great 
•Ability  that  the  real  question  was  whether  Caesar  should  be 
•Regarded  as  a  tyrant  or  not.  For  if  he  was  a  tyrant,  then  all 
•ais  grants,  appointments,  nominations,  and  regulations  for  several 
•pears  past  and  several  years  to  come  would  be  at  once  rendered 
•mil  and  void.  This  was  indeed  going  to  the  root  of  things  : 
•or  even  the  conspirators  and  their  relations1  had  obtained 
•grants  of  land  and  positions  from  Caesar.  At  this  point 
•A.ntony  had  to  leave  the  Senate  to  pacify  the  mob  outside, 
•who  insisted  on  his  going  down  to  the  forum  and  addressing 
•hem  there.2  The  debate  continued  under  the  presidency  of 
•Dolabella,  whom  Antony  thus  recognized  as  consul.3  Dolabella 
•was  not  going  to  resign  his  consulship,  which  he  was  holding 
•by  Caesar's  grant  eighteen  years  before  the  legitimate  time  (he 

(was  now  about  twenty-five),  and  without  having  held  the  praetor- 
ship.4     Gradually  everybody  came  to  see  that  the  reversal  of  all 
•Caesar's  acts  would  cause  perfect  chaos  in  the  administration,  and 
•this  was  the  prevailing  opinion  when  Antony  returned  and  spoke 

1  Cp.  728.  3  Quin  eliam  hoc  teinpore  multa  viroffoXoiKa.  Ponli  Neapolitanum  a 
inatre  tyrannoctoni  possideri. 

•  During  the  debate  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus  it  seems  that  some  of  the  people  went 
to  the  Capitol,  whether  invited  or  not  is  uncertain,  and  were  addressed  by  Brutus 
(cp.  Dio  xliv.  34.  1—3,  irplv  KCU  onovv  TTJV  ftov\^v  Siayv&vai),  who  allayed  any  fears 
the  veterans  may  have  had  that  the  grants  of  land  made  to  them  by  Caesar  would  be 
annulled.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  oratio  habita  in  contione  Capitolina  which 
Brutus  sent  to  Cicero  to  correct,  and  which  Cicero  criticizes  as  elegantly  phrased,  but 
lacking  fervour  (731.  2  :  cp.  727.  3).  Appian  (ii.  137-142)  gives  what  purports  to  be 
this  speech;  but  he  puts  it  on  the  17th  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  and  after  the 
public  funeral  had  been  sanctioned:  for  Appian  says  (ii.  136)  that  the  funeral  was 
decreed  before  the  Senate  finally  adjourned  on  the  1  7th  :  he  says  the  Senate  had  been 
(dismissed  when  it  was  called  back,  and  the  question  discussed  and  settled.  But  it  is 
not  likely  that  a  subsidiary,  but  highly  contentious,  matter  would  have  been  discussed 
at  the  end  of  such  an  exhausting  debate.  It  was  probably  much  talked  of  informally 
by  the  senators  after  the  actual  Senate  had  adjourned  :  cp.  713.  1. 

3  For  Antony's  opposition  to  Dolabella's  being  made  consul,  cp.  Phil.  ii.  80  ff  . 
,    4  Appian  says  (ii.  132  :  cp.  129)  that  during  Antony's  absence   Dolabella  con- 
sumed all  the  time  in  dwelling  in  unseemly  wise  (a.ffx'n^oyws}  on  the  question  of  his 
own  office. 


to  the  same  effect.     Thus  it  came  about  that  a  compromise  wa 
effected,  and  the  great  master  of  compromise  and  of  words,  Cicerc 
discovered  a  term  which  met  the  requirements  of  the  case.     A 
the  Athenians  after  the  fall  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants  decreed  a 
'amnesty,'  even   so  an   'amnesty'  should  be  decreed  now.1     A 
Caesar's  grants  and  enactments  then  in  force  should  be  maintaine 
'  for  the  sake  of  peace/2  and  those  which  he  had  definitely  an 
specifically  drawn  up  as  regards  the  future  should  be  held  vali 
and  enforced,  especially  those  dealing  with  the  grants  of  lands  t 
the  veterans.     These  proposals   were   passed,   and   the   meetin 
ended.     The   conspirators   when    informed    of    them    expresse 
approval.     Antony  and  Lepidus  sent  their  sons  to  the  Capitol  a 
hostages,8  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  and  the  rest  of  the  conspirator 
came   down.     The   extreme   tension  of  the    last    few   days   wai 
relaxed,  and  all  parties  must  have  craved  for  rest  and  sleep. 

The  next  day,  the  18th,  was  a  comitial  day,  and  probably  ther 
was  no  meeting  of  the  Senate.  Appian  (ii.  142)  says  that  Cicer 
made  a  long  speech  to  the  people  in  praise  of  the  amnesty,  wit 
which  the  people  were  delighted.  Antony  and  Lepidus  appear  t 
have  entertained  Brutus  and  Cassius  at  dinner.4  But  on  the  19t 
another  meeting  of  the  Senate  was  held,  and  a  decree  passe< 
abolishing  the  dictatorship.  This  was  proposed  on  the  motion  o 
Antony,  and  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  were  voted  to  him  (Phil.  i.  3), 
At  this  meeting  the  provinces  and  magistracies  allotted  by  Caesa 
were  confirmed  to  those  whom  he  had  nominated.  It  was  probabl; 
at  this  meeting  that  Calpurnius  Piso,  Caesar's  father-in-law,  urgec 

1  Phil.  i.  1  ;  Veil.  ii.  58.  2  ;  Appian  ii.  142  :  Dio  xliv.  23-33  (Cicero's  speech)  :| 
cp.  34,  KiKcpwv  fjifv  ravTa.  eliriav  fireure  ri]v  yepovviav  /mr)8ei/a  nySfvl  purf  (TiKaitfiffaA 
v|<Tj<tHrra<T0cu  :  cp.Xenophon  Hell.  ii.  4.  43o/to'<roi'T€s  opKovs^  /j.rjv  /nr)  v-v-rjcr  iKaKyo'e  iv.l 
Dr.  Sihler  (Cicero  of  Arpinum,  p.  396)  says,  "Whenever  Dio  deals  generously  Avithl 
Cicero,  it  is  prohahly  not  Dio  whom  we  read.  In  the  present  case  probably  Livy."  I 

3  Phil.  ii.  100  pads  causa  :  cp.  777.  9  oti  pacisque  causa  :  778.  12  oti  causa  : 
Appian  ii.  135  eVei  Tp  iroAet  av/j.<pepci  ;  ill.  22  ts  fvirpevftav  ical  irapyyopiav  rov  ST^OH! 

3  Dio  xliv.  34.  6,  If  Antony  sent  the  son  he  had  had  by  Fulvia,  as  Cicero  seems  tol 
imply  (Phil.  ii.  90),  he  must  have  been  a  mere  child  (cp.  Phil.  i.  31  turn  parvus  Jilius)\ 
as  Antony  did  not  marry  Fulvia  till  47. 

*  Dio  xliv.  34.  7. 

5  Dio  xlfr.  51.  3  is  satirical  on  the  influence  of  the  mere  name  of  dictator,  as  if  I 
people  who  had  forces  at  their  disposal  would  not  exercise  dictatorial  power  under! 
some  other  name. 


ijthat  his  will  should  be  read  and  a  public  funeral  granted  him.1 
1  As  Caesar  had  been  adjudged  not  to  have  been  a  tyrant,  and  his 
|  public  dispositions  had  been  confirmed,  his  private  dispositions 
•  phould  certainly  be  held  valid  ;  and  his  services  to  his  country 
Ijhad  been  so  great  and  meritorious  that  he  deserved,  if  anyone 
•ever  did,  a  public  funeral.  Several  senators  were  vehemently 
Ijopposed  to  the  public  funeral  (Appian  ii.  135),  especially  Cassius. 
fco  too  was  Atticus  (713. 1).  Antony  supported  Piso,  and  expressed 
Itfear  that  the  veterans  and  the  mob  would  proceed  to  violence  if 
ifit  were  refused.  Brutus  assented  (Plut.  Brut.  20),  and  a  public 
ijfuneral  was  decreed.  When  Caesar's  will  was  opened,  it  was 
Itfouud  that  he  had  adopted  as  his  son  his  grandnephew,C.  Octavius, 
fgrandson  of  his  younger  sister,  and  made  him  heir  to  three- 
1  quarters  of  his  estate ;  while  he  made  the  grandsons  of  his  elder 
lisister,  L.  Pinarius  and  Q,.  Pedius,  heirs  to  the  remaining  fourth. 
1  Among  his  second  heirs  were  named  Decimus  Brutus  and  Antony.2 
iHe  left  three  hundred  sesterces3  to  each  Roman  citizen,  and  his 
[gardens  beyond  the  Tiber  to  the  city  of  Rome.  Such  a  generous 
| will  naturally  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of  the  poorer  section  of  the 
I  community,  and  indignation  was  general  among  all  partisans  of 
1  Caesar  when  they  found  he  had  bestowed  such  a  marked  regard 
Ion  at  least  one  of  his  murderers,  Decimus  Brutus.  Ingratitude  is  a 
I  vice  that  human  nature  justly  abhors.  These  friends  of  Caesar  made 
1  elaborate  preparations  for  the  funeral,  which  probably  took  place 
Ion  the  21st  or  22nd — not  sooner,  as  time  would  not  have  sufficed 
Ifor  the  extensive  preparations  whicli  were  made,  and  hardly  later, 
las  a  seven-day  interval  between  death  and  funeral  was  about  the 
i  maximum.4  Antony  was  to  make  the  oration,  "  as  a  consul  for  a 
1  consul,  a  friend  for  a  friend,  a  relative  for  a  relative."5  It  is 

1  Appian  (ii.  135,  136),  as  we  have  seen  (p.  Iv,  note  2),  considered  that  this  decree 
was  passed  on  the  17th.     But  Plut.  Brut.  19  assigns  the  decision  on  these  matters  to 

1  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  next  after  that  at  which  amnesty  was  decreed,  which, 
however,  he  places  on  the  day  immediately  following. 

2  There  was  no  mention  in  the  will  of  Cleopatra  or  her  son  Caesarion. 

3  Mon.  Ancyr.  3.  7  ;  Plut.  Ant.  16  ;  Suet.  lul.  83.     Dio  (xliv.  35.  3)  says  the 
sum  was  120  (=  30  drachmas,  say  £1  10*.),  and  quotes  Octavius  himself  as  evidence  ; 
but  this  is  probably  an  error,  as  the  Mon.  Ancyr.  is  definite  (HS  trecenos). 

4  As  far  as  we  can  ascertain  there  was  no  absolutely  fixed  interval :  cp.  Marquardt- 
Mau  Privatleben,  p.  348,  note. 

5  Appian  ii  143.  The  relationship  was  distant.   Antony's  mother  was  a  Julia  whose 
great-grandfather  (Sex.  Caesar,  consul  157)  was  brother  of  Caesar's  great-grandfather. 

lx  INTR  OD  UCT10N. 

about  April  11  Antony  arrested  and  executed  this  impostor  ; 
for  this,  as  well  as  for  other  acts  of  wholesome  severity,  Ant< 
obtained  much  commendation  from  Cicero  and  Brutus  (710. 
but  is  said  to  have  changed  popular  feeling  towards  him  *  fi 
unspeakable    goodwill    to  unspeakable    hatred.'1      Brutus 
Cassius  left  Rome  for  Lanuvium  (709.  1)  about  April  12  or  II 
They  had  an  interview  with  Antony  just  before  leaving,3  in  whi< 
it  is  probable  that  Antony  promised  to  get  leave  for  Brutus,  thouj 
he  was  city  praetor,  to  absent  himself  from  Borne  for  more  thi 
ten    days;   and   after   his   departure    Brutus    appears    to    hai 
corresponded  with  Antony  in  terms  which  did  not  indicate  hostility. 
All  the  conspirators  had  now  left  the  city.     Lepidus,  too,  left  fc 
his  province  of  Narbonese  Gaul.     Before  he  did  so  he  succeeded! 
in  becoming  Pontifex  Maximus,  though  in  some  highly  irregulaJ 
way.5     By  the  middle  of  April  he  had  left  for  his  province,  as  h< 
had  now  got  all  he  wanted.     He  stated  that  he  had  learned  ow 
good  authority  that  plots  were  being  formed  against  him,  am 
perhaps  they  were.     But  he  appears  to  have  been  in  a  less  hostill 
frame  of  mind  towards  the  conspirators  than  before.6     The  vigoui 
he  had  exhibited  immediately  after  the  murder  seems  to  havJ 
evaporated  when  the  amnesty  was  decreed. 

Antony  now  remained  in  sole  possession  of  the  governmentl 
He  must  have  had  hard  work  ;  but  there  is  a  certain  exhilaratioJ 
in  hard  work  when  one  has  a  free  hand.  He  was  no  doubl 

1  Appian  iii.  4,  fjuffos  5e  &ppijTOV  «|  appfirov  evvoias  rov  Srj/j.ov  vpbs  rbv  ' 

2  Plutarch  (Brut.  21)  says  they  went  to  Antium. 

3  708.  I,  Antoni  colloquium  cum  heroibus  nostris  pro  re  nata  non  incommodum, 

4  719  fin.,  Epistula  brevis  .  .  .  sane  fuit  iucunda  de  Sruti  ad  Antoni  um  et  de  eiusdem 
ad  te  litteris.     Possibly  it  was  on  some  occasion  about  this  time  that  Antony  said  thai 
Caesar  was  justly  slain :    cp.    Seneca,   De  Benef.  v.  16.  6,  Ingratus  Antonius  i\ 
dictatorem  tuum  quern  iure  caesum  pronuntiavit . 

5  Veil.  ii.  63.  furto  creatus:  Livy  Epist.  117,  pontificatum  intercepit:  Dio  xlhjj 
63  fin.,  ovSiv  ^  oAiyo  ruv  vtvomff/j-fvoiv  irpdl-as.     He   seems   to  have  been   simplw 
elected  by  the  Pontifices  to  be  Pontifex  Maximus,  and  the  election  not  made  by  til 
minor  pars  populi  (seventeen  tribes  chosen  by  lot),  as  should  have  been  done  (cp.  Liil 
xxr.  5.  2).     Ferrero  (iii.  38)  supposes  that  Antony  passed  a  decree  of  the  Senad 
abrogating  the  nomination  of  the  Pontifex  Maximus  by  the  people,  and  that  forth  wit)] 
the  pontifices  co-opted  him.    Lepidus  had  been  already  a  member  of  the  College  fcW 
many  years:  cp.  Har.  Resp.  12. 

'  Cp.  710.  1,  moderate  et  amice  scriptas  litter  as. 


Isieged    by   petitioners.     We    know   that    the    anti-Caesarean, 

•ing  Deiotarus,    some   time   a   little   later   than   this    obtained 

•facial  restitution  of  most  of  his  kingdom,  and  that  the  Sicilians 

lere  granted  full  rights  of  citizenship,  in  consideration  of  large 

libes  administered  to   Antony  or   Fulvia  (Phil.  i.  24 ;  ii.  92) : 

hid  these  grants  were  probably  being  negotiated  about  this  time 

|ri5.  1).     Fears  were  entertained  that  there  would  be  outbreaks 

[  the  provinces,  e.g.,  Gaul  (706.  1  ;  707.  1)  and  Spain  (710.  2) ; 

•so  that  hostile  nations  might  make  inroads  into  Roman  territory, 

living  to  the  general  disorder  in  the   city.     But  news  did  not 

|"avel  fast ;  indeed  we  learn,  too,  that  there  were  some  provinces 

I)  which  the  news  of  the  crisis  had  not  been  officially  sent1 ;  and 

le  people  at  Rome  always  thought  that  their  own   riots  were 

;  »garded  much  more  seriously  in  the  provinces  and  by  foreign 

jations   than    they  really    were    or   deserved   to    be.     But   the 

itaclysm  of  Caesar's  murder  might  well  have   led  to  danger. 

till  all  these  fears  proved  groundless  (712.  3),  and  no  danger 

asued    even    from    the   Getae,    who   were   always    threatening 

nlacedonia.     Antony  made  use  of   this   pretext   to  ask  for  the 

!  ommand  of  the  legions  now  in  Macedonia,  which  had  been  sent 

)rward  by  Caesar  for  the  Parthian  War.     Appian  says  (iii.  25} 

uat  they  hesitated  to  grant  this  to  Antony  on  his  own  statement 

:bout  the  Getae,  and  sent  out  a  commission  to  make  inquiries. 

intony's  proposal  about  the  abolition  of  the  dictatorship  and  his 

;enerally  prudent  conduct  seem  to  have  conciliated  the  Senate  so 

ar  that  they  granted  him  the  army.     The  commission  sent  out 

'  o  inquire  reported  that  the  Getae  had  not  invaded  Macedonia, 

>ut  would  do  so  if  the  army  was  withdrawn.     This  is  Appian's 

tory.      But  would  not  Antony,  the  consul,  as  holding  the  mains 

mperium,  have  had  a  right  to  the  disposal  of   these  legions  ?2 

lowever,  even  so,  probably  Antony  wished  to  get  the  Senate's 

Luthority  for  his  action  in  this  important  public  concern,  just  as  in 

he  private  affair  about  the  restoration  of  Sext.  Clodius  he  asked 

!or  the  consent  of  Cicero  (716.  3).3 

1  Fam.  x.  31.  4  (824) — from  Asinius  Pollio  from  Corduba. 

2  Cp.  Cic.  Phil.  iv.  9,  omnes  enim  in  consults  iure  et  imperio  debent  esse  provinciae. 

3  We  agree  with  Schwartz  (Hermes,  1898,  pp.  187,  226)  that  Macedonia  and  Syria 
lad  been  assigned  by  Caesar  as  the  provinces  to  be  held  by  Antony  and  Dolabella 
n43;  and  that  the  repeated  statement  of  Appian  iii.  2,  8,  12,  16,  24,  35,  36,  and 
Floras  ii.  17.  4   (=  iv.  4.  4),  that  it  was  to  Brutus    and  Cassius  that   they  were 


As  we  have  seen,  Cicero  left  Rome  on  April  6th  for  the  Ba;i 
of  Naples,  whither  it  was  customary  for  the  upper  classes  to  repar 
for  the  Spring  vacation.1  Some  of  the  Caesareans,  Hirtius,  Pansaj 
Balbus,  and  others,  had  gone  there  already:  Cicero  calls  them  ' 
Baian  lot '  (Baiana  negotia,  710.  I).2  In  the  outskirts  of  Home 
had  on  the  same  day  a  conversation  with  Matius,  a  friend 
Caesar's,  but  a  moderate  man  (cp.  Ep.  785).  Matius  took— \ 
Cicero  thought,  with  a  certain  amount  of  pleasure — a  most  glooi 
view  of  the  situation,  supposing  that  a  general  dissolution 
society,  and  perhaps  even  of  the  empire,  was  at  hand  (703.  If 
Cicero  did  not  seem  to  consider  at  this  time  that  Antony  wa| 
very  dangerous  (705.  2)  ;  but  he  was  horrified  at  the  violenj 
language  of  many  of  the  extreme  Caesareans  (706.  1 ;  714.  1| 
That  many  moderate  Caesareans  did  not  feel  perfectly  safe,  and 
wished  to  gain  the  goodwill  of  such  an  influential  anti-Caesareai 
as  Cicero,  may  be  gathered  from  their  leaving  him  bequests  ii 
their  wills,  and  securing  that  Cicero  should  know  of  it  by  askini 
Atticus  to  be  present  at  the  execution  of  these  documents  (705.  21 
cp.  719  5).3  Cicero  did  not  proceed  direct  to  Naples:  for  w| 

assigned,  is  to  be  rejected,  as  it  was  in  very  decided  terms  by  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  citt 
p.  133,  note),  who  considered  that  Cicero's  'letters  are  our  only  good  authority  f<| 
the  transactions  of  these  times.'  No  mention  of  any  such  assignment  to  Brutw 
and  Cassius  is  made  in  Plutarch  (Ant.  14;  Cic.  42  ;  Brut.  19)  or  Dio  (xlv.  20.  3 
xlvii.  21.  1)  or  Cicero's  Letters  or  Philippics.  Indeed,  in  712.  3  (see  note)  it  I 
implied  that  Dolabella  is  the  person  who  is  interested  in  Syria ;  and  in  Phil.  xi.  27,  2j 
he  says  that  Macedonia  was  not  the  province  of  Brutus,  nor  Syria  that  of  Cassia 
(neque  enim  est  in  provinciam  suam  Cretam  profectus  (Brutus),  in  Macedonian  alien  at 
advolavit  ....  §  28  Cassius  cum  est  in  Syriam  profectus,  alienam  provinciam),  wheil 
he  would  certainly  have  said  something  about  its  having  been  his  if  Caesar  hal 
designated  him  to  it :  cp.  Phil.  vii.  3  (January,  43),  Macedoniam  suam  vocat  omn\A 
(Antonius) :  also  Phil.  x.  26,  utique  Q.  Caepio  Brutus  [i.e.,  Marcus  Brutus,  who  ha 
been  adopted  by  Q.  Servilius  Caepio]  pro  consule  provinciam  Macedoniam  lllyric 
cunctamque  Graeciam  tueatur,  where  he  would  also  have  made  some  allusion  to  h 
right  to  the  province  (such  as  Macedoniam  suam),  if  it  had  been  settled  by  Caes 
that  he  should  get  it. 

1  Cp.  res  prolatas  (707.  2).   The  Schol.  Bob.  (p.  334  Or.)  on  Cicero's  'In  Clodium 
Curionem'  (homo  durus  ac  priscus  invectus  est  in  eos  qui  tnenst  Aprili  apud  Baias' essen 
has  the  following  note  : — Comuetudo  erat  multis.  ineunte  verno,  ad  aquarum  quae  su\ 
in    Campania  velut  fomenla  salubria  convenire  ...      Et   hinc  fiet  gradus   ad  ipsii 
Cieeronis  Puteolanas  possessions  in  quas  devertere  ad  oblectamentum  solebat.    Remov 
ergo  impudentiam  reprehendentis  a  moribus  suis,  ne  vel  superbus  vel  nimium  delicatt 

2  The  less  important  Caesareans  who  followed  their  lead    Cicero    calls    thei 
'chorus'  (cp.  710.  1). 

3  About  this  time  we  hear  that  Cleopatra  '  fled '  from  Rome  (710.  1).    During  Apri 


•find  him  at  Tusculum  on  the  8th,  at  Lanuvium  on  the  9th,  at 
lAstura  on  the  llth,  at  Fundi  on  the  12th,  at  Caieta  on  the  14th, 
[at  Formiae  and  Sinuessa  on  the  15th.1     He  reached  Puteoli  on 
Itlie  16th  (cp.  709.  1).     During  his  journey  he  noticed  the  strong 
I  sympathy  of  the   country  towns  with  the  liberators,    and   their 
I  desire  to  hear  his   view  of  the  political  situation  ;  yet  the  con- 
stitutionalists  were   doing   nothing    (708.    2).     After   two   days 
spent  at  Puteoli  he  went  to  his  adjacent  Cumanum  on  the  18th 
(cp.  713.  3)  :  and  there  or  in  the  neighbourhood   he  remained 
|  until  early  in  May.     It  must  have  been  a  relief  for  him  to  get  to 
I  the  quietness  of  his  '  realms  of  Puteoli  and  Cumae'  (721.  1),  away 
from  the  fierce  veterans  and  the  tumultuous  mob  that  had  been 
rioting  at  Rome.     Indeed,   on   his  first    arrival   he    thinks  that 
'  everything  looks  quite  peaceful,  very  different  from  the  forecast 
of  Matius '  (712.  3).     But  this  was  only  temporary.    Cicero   re- 
mained full  of  agitation,  indignation,  and  anxiety  of  mind.    He 
wrote  to  Atticus  nearly  every  day  after  he  left  Rome,  and  poured 
forth  his  thoughts  and  impressions  of  the  moment  with  the  utmost 
freedom.    He  sees  the  tyrant  dead,  but  the  tyranny  alive:  Brutus 
removed  from  all  public  affairs  and  compelled  to  live  not  in  Rome, 
but  at  Lanuvium2 ;  the  Caesareans  in  possession  of  wealth  and 
lands  :  and  he  is  astonished  at  the  lack  of  vigour  on  the  part  of 
the  constitutionalists  (713.  2),  notwithstanding  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  country  towns.     He  laments  that  the  enactments  of  Caesar 
were  confirmed.     It  is  utterly  anomalous  that  the  tyrannicides 

and  May  we  have  tantalizing  references  to  some  rumour  about  her :  cp.  727.  2  and 
note ;  730.  4.  She  appears  to  have  made  some  promises  to  Cicero  about  literary  or 
artistic  works,  which  she  did  not  fulfil,  and  about  which  she  spread  unjustifiable 
rumours,  and  thereby  raised  Cicero's  ire  (748.  2). 

1  Cp.  Epp.  705  to  710. 

2  On  arrival  at  Lanuvium,  Brutus  and  Cassius  appear  to  have  sent  a  manifesto  to 
the  young  men  of  the  upper  and  middle  classes  in  the  towns  of  Latium,  asking  them 
to  enrol  themselves  as  their  body-guard,   and  thus  secure  their  return  to  Rome. 
Towards  the  end  of  April  Antony  wrote  to  them  a  firm  letter,  requiring  them  to 
dismiss  this  body-guard  ;  and  they  appear  to  have  done  so  in  the  fullest  way,  as  sub- 
ordinate officials  obeying  the  consul  (cp.  740.  1,  cum  ipsi  in  tua  potestate  fuerimus, 
tuoque  adducti  consilio  dimiserimus  ex  municipiis  nostros  necessaries  neque  solum  edicto 
sed  eiiam  litteris  id  fecerimus) .    This  was  a  sad  mistake  on  the  part  of  Brutus  (for  one 
cannot  but  think  that  this  irresolution  and  want  of  nerve  was  shown  by  him  and  not 
by  Cassius)  :  and  we  do  not  wonder  that  at  the  beginning  of  May  he  was  meditating 
going  into  exile  (725.  1  ;  726.  4). 


should  be  lauded  to  the  skies,  and  the  acts  of  the  tyrant  main- 
tained (708.  2  :  op.  713.  1).    Yet  lie  feels  himself  powerless;  am 
it  must  have  added  to  his   vexation    that  he   had  to  no  small 
extent  co-operated  in  bringing  about  that  result,  and  that  he  and 
the   other  constitutionalists  had   let   themselves  be  deceived  by, 
Antony  and  his  party,  who  had  ungratefully  taken  advantage  of 
their  readiness  to  come  to  a  compromise  (facilitate,  723.  2).    He 
thinks  of  leaving  Italy,  and  becoming  a  wanderer  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  (713.  1,  written  April  19).     Even  as  early  as  April  12 
he  says  (707.  2)  : 

'  What  foolish  scrupulousness  on  my  part  not  to  have  asked  for  a 
legatio  liber  a  (cp.  718.  4)  before  the  vacation,  for  fear  1  should  be  thought 
to  be  abandoning  the  State  in  its  inflamed  condition  ( hunc  rerum  tumoreni) ; 
and  indeed,  if  I  could  have  possibly  applied  a  healing  hand,  1  ought  not  to 
have  failed  to  do  so.  But  you  see  the  so-called  magistrates,  the  tyrant's 
creatures,  in  possession  of  offices  [cp.  Plut.  Ant.  15],  his  armies  and  his 
veterans  on  our  flank,  all  highly  inflammable  material.' 

This  was  the  state  of  Cicero's  mind  when  Caesar's  heir  Octavius 
arrived  at  Naples  on  April  18  from  Apollonia,  where  he  had 
been  studying.  He  had  been  expected  somewhat  earlier  (707.  3) ; 
but  Cicero  did  not  consider  him  of  much  importance  (708.  1, 
de  Octamo  susque  deque).  He  called  on  Balbus  on  the  morning  of 
the  19th,  and  on  Cicero  later  in  the  same  day,  and  stated  that  he 
would  accept  Caesar's  inheritance.  He  also  saw  his  stepfather, 
L.  Marcius  Philippus,  who  seems  to  have  advised  him  not  to  take 
the  inheritance,1  and,  according  to  Cicero  (715. 2),  would  not  salute 
him  as  'Caesar.'  He  was  polite  and  friendly  with  Cicero ;  but,  owing 
to  the  violent  language  of  his  followers,  Cicero  was  unable  to  feel 
sure  that  he  would  favour  the  constitutionalists  (715.  2).  A  further 
source  of  anxiety  was  the  news  from  Rome  of  increasing  hostility 
to  the  tyrannicides  exhibited  at  the  pro-Caesarean  meetings,  which 
were  being  constantly  held  (714.  1  :  cp.  706.  1);  and,  much  as 
Cicero  sympathized  with  Deiotarus  and  the  Sicilians,  the  manner  in 
which  they  obtained  their  ends  by  personal  influence  with  Antony 
and  Fulvia  was  very  disquieting  (715.  1  and  note),  as  were  also 
the  many  exiles  that  were  being  restored  (719.  2),  and  the  inroads 

1  Nic.  Dam.  18  ;  Suet.  Aug.  8.  2. 


!  that  were  being  made  on  the  public  treasury  (719.  5).     Ootavius 

|  did   not  remain   at  Naples,  but   passed   on   to  Eome,  where   he 

arrived  about  April  22,  just  at  the  time  when  Antony  was  leaving 

1  the  city  for  a  tour  of  inspection  among  the  military  settlements 

in  South  Italy. 

Once  Antony  found  himself  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the 
Government  at  Home  by  the  departure  of  Brutus  and  Cassius 
on  the  13th,  he  determined  to  take  bold  and  active  steps  to 
consolidate  the  power  which  he  had  obtained  by  his  firmness  and 
prudence,  and  by  the  lack  of  forethought  and  the  irresolution 
shown  by  the  constitutionalists.1  He  saw  plainly  that  he  must 
have  money  and  men,  as  Cicero  did  also  for  his  party  (706.  2), 
especially  soldiers  to  support  him  ;  and,  while  the  public  Treasury 
and  Caesar's  hundred  million  sesterces,  which  Calpurnia  had  put 
into  his  hands  (cp.  p.  li),  along  with  the  bribes  he  might  obtain 
from  applicants  for  privileges,  like  Deiotarus,  and  from  those 
who  had  received  appointments  to  offices  (Dio  xliv.  53.  3),  would 
supply  the  former,  the  ill-organized  veterans  and  civilian  mob  at 
Eome  would  not  be  able  to  supply  the  latter  in  such  a  way  as  to 
prove  effective.  So  he  determined  to  make  a  tour  among  the 
veterans  in  South  Italy,  especially  among  those  in  Campania, 
who  either  had  got  or  were  expecting  to  get  settlements  there,  and 
to  bring  them  to  Eome  and  organize  them  into  a  force  that  would 
implicitly  obey  his  orders.  He  had  shortly  before — it  is  generally 
supposed  on  April  24 — had  a  law  de  coloniis  deducendis  enacted 
which  was  a  necessary  result  of  the  decree  of  the  Senate  on  that 
subject  passed  on  Marcli  17  (see  above,  p.  Ivi),  and  he  used  this 

1  In  a  long  speech  which  Appian  (iii.  33-38)  represents  Antony  as  making  to  the 
veterans  about  August,  justifying  his  conduct  during  the  whole  period  from  the  Ides 
of  March,  he  claims  that  '  where  courage  was  required  he  was  the  boldest,  and  where 
artifice  (viroKpuris)  he  was  most  resourceful  (evjtdjx0"'05)''  Ee  instances  (1)  his 
preventing  rewards  being  voted  to  the  conspirators  ;  (2)  his  yielding  to  an  amnesty  in 
their  favour,  so  that  afterwards  he  might  be  in  a  better  position  to  exact  vengeance  on 
them ;  (3)  his  funeral  speech ;  (4)  his  lulling  the  conspirators  into  a  false  security 
by  his  conduct  with  regard  to  Amatius  and  Sext.  Pompeius ;  (5)  his  winning  over 
Dolabella  to  unite  with  him  ;  (6)  his  assigning  no  better  provinces  than  Crete  and 
Cyreue  to  Brutus ;  (7)  his  decrees  about  abolishing  the  dictatorship,  whereby  he  beguiled 
the  Senate,  and  obtained  their  sanction  to  use  the  legions  then  in  Macedonia ;  (8)  the 
acquisition  from  the  people  of  Cisalpine  Gaul ;  (9)  his  bringing  over  the  Macedonian 
legions.  'Thus,'  he  says,  'from  a  state  of  great  fear  we  have  passed  into  one  of 
firm  security,  in  which  we  can  face  our  enemies  with  boldness.'  This  boast  had 
much  to  justify  it  at  the  time. 


as  an  excuse  for  his  tour.1  This  recruitiug  of  the  veterans  he 
successfully  accomplished  during  the  next  three  weeks  by  holding 
before  them  the  fear  that  unless  they  were  prepared  to  act  under 
him  the  constitutionalists  would  annul  all  Caesar's  measures. 
He  told  the  veterans  that  they  were  to  bring  their  arms  with 
them  to  Eome,  and  to  be  so  far  under  discipline  that  they  were 
to  be  inspected  every  month  by  two  officials,  who  would  see  that 
they  were  in  a  proper  state  of  readiness  and  efficiency.2  He  also 
proceeded  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  founding  a  new  colony  at 
Cusilinum,  where  Caesar  had  already  founded  a  colony — a  pro- 
ceeding which  was,  on  this  account,  contrary  to  augural  law 
(Phil.  ii.  102).  Cicero  (733.  1)  speaks  of  these  settlers  as  novi  con- 
ventus  habitatores,  not  coloni.3  Antony  was  certainly  securing  for 
himself  very  strong  support,  especially  as  he  had  at  the  same 
time  succeeded  in  inducing  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  discontinue 
the  recruiting  of  the  well-to-do  young  men  in  the  country  towns 
of  Latium,  who,  as  they  hoped,  would  facilitate  their  return  to 
Rome.4  While  in  Campania  Antony  wrote  a  friendly  letter  (716) 
to  Cicero,  asking  him  to  consent  to  his  recalling  from  exile 
Sext.  Clodius,  a  client  of  Cicero's  old  enemy  P.  Clodius.5  Cicero 
was  surprised  and  flattered  by  the  request ;  and  replied  in  a 
rather  effusive  letter  (717),  which  Antony  afterwards,  when  he 
and  Cicero  had  broken  off  friendly  relations,  read  out  in  the 
Senate  to  show  the  insincerity  of  Cicero  (Phil.  ii.  7-10).  Perhaps- 

1  This  law  is  alluded  to  in  the  Lex  Coloniae  Genetivae,  C.I.L.  n.  5439  (civ.  13, 
p.  857),  where  it  is  called  Lex  Antonia,  not  Lex  Antonio,  Cornelia ;  so  that  Cicero  may 
have  been  mistaken  in  attributing  participation  in  it  to   Dolabella  (Phil.  viii.  25,. 
Addit  praeterea  '  ut  quos  ipse  cum  Dolabella  dcderit  agros  teneant  ii  quibus  dati  sint'). 
Yet  Cicero  himself  mentions  Antony  alone  in  another  passage  (Phil.  v.  10,  Si  quam 
legcm  de  actis  Caesaris  confirniandis  deve  dictattira  in  perpetuum  tollenda,  deve  colonis  in 
agron  deducendis  tulissc  M.  Antonius  dicitur)  ;  cp.  Mommsen  in  '  Ephemeris  Epigra- 
phica,'  ii.  p.  119.     Antony  greatly  abused  the  powers  granted  to  him  by  this  law 
according  to  Cicero  (Phil.  ii.  101). 

2  728.   2   (written  May  11),    Antoni  consilia  narrabat   (Salbus):    ilium  circumire 
veteranos  ut  acta  Caesaris  sancirent  \dque  se  facturos  esse  iurarent  ut  arma  [so  Lambinus 
for  utram  of  the  MSB.]  omnes  haberent  eaque  duumviri,  omnibus  mensibus  inspicerent. 

3  When  Octavian  went  through  Campania  in  October,  the  colonists  in  this  town 
went  over  to  him,  and  no  wonder,  says  Cicero,  Att.  xvi.  8.  1  (797),  lor  he  gave  them. 
500  denurii  apiece. 

1  740.  1  :  cp.  727.  4,  and  above,  p.  Ixiii,  note  2. 

5  Plutarch  (Ant.  15),  in  reference  to  Antony's  misuse  of  Caesar's  papers,  says, 
4  Antony,  by  inserting  entries  in  these,  nominated  many  to  offices  just  at  his  pleasure,. 


Cicero  need  not  have  expressed  himself  in  such  very  friendly 
terms ;  indeed,  he  himself  seems  to  have  thought  that  some 
apology  was  necessary  for  so  doing  (cp.  718.  6  to  AtticMis).  But 
just  at  this  time  Cicero  wanted  to  be  on  good  terms  with  Antony, 
not  merely  because  he  naturally  disliked  being  on  bad  terms  with 
anyone,  and  because  he  wished  the  state  of  peace  attained  by 
the  amnesty  to  continue,  but  also  for  the  sake  of  Atticus,1  who 
required  the  influence  of  Antony  to  secure  that  Caesar's  rescript 
about  the  exemption  of  the  land  of  the  Buthrotians  in  Epirus 
from  confiscation  should  be  confirmed  and  enforced.2  Cicero 
hoped  to  have  a  meeting  with  Antony  on  this  point  early  in  May 
(724.  2),  but  he  did  not  succeed  (727.  2  ;  730.  2).  At  this  time 
he  was  thinking  seriously  of  his  journey  to  Greece,  but  feared  the 
adverse  criticism  that  he  was  deserting  his  country  in  a  crisis ;  and 
he  thought  that  if  he  still  remained  he  might  be  of  some  benefit 
to  the  State  (718.  3).  But  he  plainly  wished  to  go  away  from 
Italy  to  avoid  personal  danger ;  for  he  seems  to  have  feared  an 
outbreak  nt  any  moment  (718.  4). 

Until  the  end  of  April  Cicero  and  the  constitutionalists  did 
not  know  what  Antony's  exact  object  was ;  but  when,  during  the 
first  week  of  May,  they  began  to  discern  his  aims,  they  became 
panic-stricken  (725.  4  ;  726.  3).  For  a  moment  during  the  latter 
part  of  April  they  were  elated  by  very  vigorous  action  on  the  part 
of  Dolabella,  who  had  returned  to  Rome  after  Antony  had  left. 
The  mob  had  continued  to  exhibit  the  same  sort  of  fanaticism 
which  they  had  displayed  at  the  altar  or  column  which  they  had 

and  many  he  made  senators  (cp.  Phil.  xiii.  28),  and  he  restored  some  who  were  in 
exile,  and  released  others  who  were  in  prison,  as  if  Caesar  had  determined  all  this.' 
These  senators  were  called  in  mockery  Charonitae.  The  Latin  word  is  Orcini  (Suet. 
Aug  35).  In  Justinian's  Institutes  (ii.  24.  2)  orcinus  means  a  slave  made  free  by  a 
will.  On  Antony's  letter  and  Cicero's  reply  see  above,  p.  xl. 

1  Cicero  received  many  favours  from  Atticus ;  but  he  was  ever  ready  to  show 
favours  in  return.  Thus  Piliu,  wife  of  Atticus,  came  down  to  the  Bay  of  Maples 
at  this  time,  and  Cicero  put  his  Cumanum  at  her  disposal,  and  frequently  went  to  see 
her  (721.  1  ;  724.  1 ;  725.  6 ;  727  fin. ;  729.  1  ;  731.  1).  Cicero  was  always  glad  to 
let  his  friends  make  use  of  his  houses :  cp.  733  fin. 

-  The  early  history  of  this  Euthrotian  business,  of  which  we  hear  so  much,  is  set 

>rth  by  Cicero  himself  with  his  usual  lucidity,  767.  4-6:  cp.  also  Epp.  777  to  781. 

^errero  (ii.  336,  337)  considers  that  Caesar's  dealing  with  the  case  shows  that  he  was 

ir  from  omnipotent,  and  is  an  instance,  among  others,  of  '  the  shifts  to  which  the 

laster  of  the  world  was  reduced.' 

Ixviii  INTROD  UCT10N. 

erected  to  Caesar  under  the  influence  of  Amatius  (see  above, 
p.  lix).  Dolabella  seized  and  executed  several  of  the  rioters,  pulled 
down  the  altar,  and  had  the  place  where  it  stood  repaved.  This 
repression  of  mere  disorder  seems  to  have  been  generally  approved 
(721.  2),  though  Pansa  criticized  it  severely  (725.  2).  Cicero  was 
in  the  wildest  delight  at  this  (as  he  considered)  heroic  deed, 
worthy  of  record  in  epic  song,1  and  on  May  3  wrote  an  over- 
enthusiastic  letter  (722)  to  that  violent  self-seeker.  He  appears  to 
have  thought  that  the  constitutionalists  had  now  got  a  leader  who 
would  act  with  vigour  (727.  4).  Things  were  going  much  better, 
and  Brutus  would  be  able  to  return  to  Rome  (721.  2).  It  was  a 
pity  that  Caesar's  acts  had  been  confirmed  (720.  3 ;  723.  1  ; 
724.  6).  But  Cicero  varied  in  Ids  mood  from  day  to  day.  He 
will  not  go  to  Greece  until  Atticus  says  he  may  do  so  with 
honour  (720.  3)  ;  but  once  he  has  done  all  he  can  for  Brutus 
lie  will  take  that  journey,  for  he  wants  to  see  himself  how  his  son 
is  doing  (721.  3,  4).2  But  on  May  8  he  is  again  despondent,  and 
lie  seems  inclined  to  go  to  Greece  even  before  the  situation  fully 
develops  (725.  6),  as  Brutus  is  meditating  going  into  exile 
(726.  4);  he  says  he  yields  to  none  in  despair  of  the  whole 
state  of  things  (726.  3).  He  must  see  to  getting  his  "  seven- 
league  boots  "  (lit.  "  winged  sandals  ")  ready  (talaria  videamus, 
728.  4)  and  procuring  a  legatio  of  some  kind  to  enable  him 
to  go  to  Greece  (729.  2).  Atticus  thought  that  Cicero  made 
too  much  of  this  exploit  of  Dolabella,  though  Cicero  says  in 
more  than  one  letter  that  Atticus  had  praised  Dolabella 
highly.3  But  Cicero's  own  enthusiasm  for  Dolabella  was 
somewhat  cooled  before  long  :  for  within  a  week  it  had  come 
to  his  knowledge  that  in  league  with  Faberius,  who  had  been 
formerly  Caesar's  and  was  now  Antony's  secretary,  he  had  by 

1  720.  2,  magnam  avaQeu>pri<nv  res  habet  .  .  Quid  quaeris  ?  Heroica  [qu.  'Hpwiita]  ; 
721.    2,  0  Lulabellae  nostri   magnam   api<rrfiav  :    cp.  723.    1  ;    Phil,   i.   5,   30  ;    ii. 

2  We  think  portum  propiorem  in  725.   1  is  most  probably  Athens,  as  Dr.  Reid 
suggests.     But  it  has  occurred  to  us  that  it  might  possibly  also  mean  no  more  than 
complete  retirement  from  political  life  and  devotion  to  philosophical  studies  :    cp. 
[Vergil]  Catalepta  v.  8,  nos  ad  beatos  vela  mittimus  portus  \  magni  petentes  docta  dicta 
Sironii,  \  vitamque  ab  omni  vindicabimus  cttra. 

8  725.  5  ;  726.  1  Atticus  appears  at  times  to  have  taken  Cicero  to  task  for  conduct 
of  which  he  had  approved  himself.     A  striking  example  is  783.  2-5. 


forged  documents  helped  himself  to  large  sums  from  the  public 
Treasury  in  the  Temple  of  Ops  (cp.  719.  5),  and  yet  had  not  paid 
his  debts,  not  even  his  debts  to  Cicero l  :  so  that  Cicero  was 
compelled  on  May  9  to  write  a  decidedly  "  stinging  "  letter  to 
Dolabella,  though  he  did  not  expect  that  this  would  have  any 
further  effect  than  that  Dolabella  might  not  care  to  meet  him.2 
However,  in  his  public  capacity  Dolabella  was  still  to  be  commended, 
especially  for  his  attacks  on  Lucius  Antonius,  who  seems  to  have 
been  keeping  up  the  enthusiasm  of  the  populace  for  his  brother  by 
low  mob  oratory.3  So  Cicero  continued  to  have  some  hope  that 
Brutus  might  be  able  to  return  to  Rome  and  hold  meetings  there,, 
which  he  thinks  will  be  a  virtual  victory  for  the  constitutionalists  ; 
and  he  lays  great  stress  on  the  importance  in  that  respect  of 
Dolabella's  whole  conduct.4 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  action  of  Antony  in  recruiting 
soldiers  was  a  source  of  grave  alarm,  not  merely  to  very  timid 
men  like  Servius  Sulpicius,  but  also  to  Cicero  (725.  4 ;  726.  3). 
The  amnesty  was  assuredly  in  danger.  War  was  at  hand  (727. 4 ; 
728.  3  ;  734.  ]),  and  would  be  precipitated  if  Sextus  Pompeius 
came  with  a  strong  army  (729.  2),  as  Cicero  a  fortnight  before  felt 
assured  would  be  the  case  (718.  2).  What  side  was  Cicero  to 

1  726.  1  (May  9),  Sed  totum  se  a  te  abalienavit  Dolabella  eadem  causa,  qua  me  quoque 
sibi  inimicissimum  reddidit.  0  hominem  pudentem  !  Kal.  Ian.  debuit ;  adhuc  non  solvit, 
praesertim  cum  se  maxima  aere  alieno  Faberi  manu  liberarit  et  opem  ab  Ope  petierit. 

2  726.  2,  satis  aculeatas  ad  Dolabellam  litteras  dedi,  quae  si  nihil  profecerint,  puto 
fore  ut  me  praesentem  non  sustineat. 

3  727.  4  (May  11),  Dolabellae  et  prima  ilia  actio  et  haec  contra  Antonium  contio  mihi 
profecisse  permultum  videtur.     From  §  2  of  that  letter  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  it 
was  Lucius  Antonius  he  attacked,  L.  Antoni  horribilis  contio,  Dolabellae  praeclara. 
But  to  attack  Lucius  was  virtually  to  attack  Marcus.     Cp.   732.  2  (May  18),  L. 
Antonium  contionatum  esse  cognovi  tuts  litteris  et  aliis  sordide,  sed  id  quale  fuerit  nescio  : 
nihil  enim  scripti.     This  perhaps  means  rather  *  made  a  low,  vulgar  speech '  than 
merely  that  it  was  a  poor  effort  of  oratory,  as  we  said  in  the  note.     We  can  see  from 
nihil  enim  scripti  that  it  was  fairly  common  to  write  out  and  disseminate  speeches 
immediately  after  they  were  delivered:  cp.  722.  7,  Legi  enim  contionem  tuam. 

*  727.  3  (May  11),  Atque  utinam  liceat  isti  contionari  !  Cuisi  esse  in  urbe  tuto  licebit 
vicimus.  Ducem  enim  novi  belli  civilis  aut  nemo  sequetur  aut  ii  sequentur  qui  facile 
vincantur:  cp.  §  4.  Even  Cicero  saw  that  Brutus  was  not  the  man  to  he  a  real 
leader.  Atticus  asked  Cicero  to  write  a  speech  for  Brutus  on  the  occasion  of 
his  return  to  Rome  (cp.  in  foro  726.  4).  Cicero  naturally  demurred  (727.  3),  and 
Atticus  approved  of  his  decision  (732.  2).  Yet  Atticus  appears  to  have  afterwards 
made  a  still  more  absurd  request  (733.  2),  which  he  pressed  with  some  persistence 
(734.  3). 



take?  He  could  not  be  neutral.  The  Caesareans  would  not 
have  him,  for  he  had  exulted  at  Caesar's  death ;  and  they  con- 
sidered him  ungrateful  after  all  the  kindnesses  he  had  received 
from  Caesar.1  Was  he  to  go  to  the  war?  Impossible  at  his 
age.2  He  again  thinks  of  the  libera  legatio  which  is  to  enable  him 
to  go  to  Greece.  The  Ides  of  March  were  a  failure  unless  the 
tyrannicides  "  by  other  glorious  deeds  wipe  out  the  blot "  of 
disgrace  which  they  had  incurred  owing  to  their  inaction 
(729.  2).  Hirtius,  who  was  a  Caesarean  at  heart,  but  a  cautious 
man,  whose  full  sympathy  and  co-operation  Brutus  and  his  party 
were  always  trying  to  secure,3  seems  to  have  recovered  confidence, 
and  expressed  views  which  were  widely  entertained  when  he  said 
that  the  tyrannicides  were  to  blame  for  having  assassinated  an 
illustrious  man,4  and  having  plunged  the  State  into  confusion,  and 
that  if  once  they  ceased  to  fear  any  opposition  from  Antony  they 
would  refuse  to  sanction  Caesar's  acts  ;  that  he  wished  for  peace, 
but,  though  he  disapproved  of  Antony's  squandering  of  the  public 
money  (732.  4)  and  of  the  way  in  which  he  was  dealing  with  the 
veterans  (741.  1 ;  cp.  738),  he  feared  a  recourse  to  arms  on  the 
part  of  Brutus  as  well  as  on  that  of  Antony.6  That  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  projecting  some  appeal  to  arms,  notwithstanding 
assurances  to  the  contrary  (740.  1),  seems  probable  even  from  the 
cautious  language  of  Cicero's  letters.  In  719.  6  (April  28)  he 

1  Cicero  at  times  recognizes   Caesar's  kindness  to  himself  personally  (724.  6  ; 
734.  3). 

2  Cp-  718.  2  ;  725.  1.  3  727.  4  ;  728.  4 ;  737.  1  ;  738.  1. 

4  Clarissimum  virum,  729.  1.  This  was  the  epithet  for  Caesar  which  the  Caesareans 
used  in  their  speeches  (714.  1 ;  752.  2). 

5  729.  1  ;  730.  3    non   minus  se  nostrorum   anna  timere  quam   Antoni,  et  tamen 
utrosque  non  nine  causa  praesidium  habere,  se  autem  utraque  arma  metuere.     Somewhat 
similar  appear  to  have  been  the  views  of  Hirtius'  shadow,  Pansa.     At  any  rate,  on 
May  8  he  censured  actions  on  both  sides.  He  was  very  indignant  (furere)  at  Antony's 
conduct  as  regards  the  restitution  of  Sext.  Clodius,  and  talked  quite  sternly  (severe), 
if  you  care  to  believe  him,  as  Cicero  says  (725.  2).  On  the  other  hand,  he  disapproved 
of  the  tumultuous  procedure  of  Dolabella  in  throwing  down  the  column  (725.  2). 
Three  days  later,  on  May  11,  Cicero  aays  (727.  4) :   « I  stayed  with  Pansa  in  his  villa 
at  Pompeii.     He  satisfied  me  that  he  had  sound  opinions  and  desired  peace '  (bene 
tentire  et  cupere  pacem]  :  cp.  755.     Hirtius  and  Pansa  appear  to  have  been  an  easy- 
going pair,  who  formed  impartial  and  judicious  opinions,  but  who  were  not  ready  to 
argue  or  stand  up  for  them,  especially  against  such  an  impetuous  master  of  words  as 
€icero  (see  note  on  730.  2).     Hence  Cicero  often  thought  them  insincere  (728.  2,  4  ; 
729.  1  ;  730.  3). 


seems  to  make  reference  to  armed  forces  at  the  disposal  of  the 
conspirators'.1  In  727.  3  (May  11)  he  says  that  if  Brutus  attempts 
to  lead  in  a  new  civil  war  he  will  have  no  one  to  follow  him.  In 
730.  3  Hirtius  expresses  fear  of  their  arms.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  month  Hirtius  very  definitely  begs  Cicero  to  dissuade  them 
from  any  hot-headed  plan  which  lie  feared  that  they  might 
attempt,  probably  in  the  East.2  On  June  5  or  6  Cicero  asks 
Atticus  is  he  to  advise  them  to  adopt  some  vigorous  line  of  action 
(ut  molianfur  aliquid  743.  1),  and  answers  that  they  have  neither 
the  courage  nor  have  they  now  the  power  to  do  so  (nee  (indent  nee 
iam  posstnit)*  The  project  does  not  appear  to  have  been  energeti- 
cally prosecuted,  and  we  think  that  it  broke  down  when  towards 
the  end  of  May  they  failed  to  raise  money  from  Atticus  (735.  5 
and  note :  Nepos  Att.  N.  4  fin.)  and  possibly  from  others  to  finance 
the  movement.  The  cause  of  Brutus  did  not  successfully  revive 
until  he  acquired  a  large  sum  of  money  next  year  from  Appuleius 
and  from  Antistius,  the  quaestors  of  Asia  and  Syria.4 

Such  was  the  way  in  which  the  ship  of  the  constitutionalists 
(744.  3)  was  going  to  pieces.  Meanwhile  Antony  had  returned 
to  Home  about  May  20  with  a  large  number  of  veterans  in 
addition  to  those  he  had  sent  on  before  ;  and  he  had  arms  for  them 
too.5  So  that  he  was  master  of  the  situation.  He  surrounded 
himself  with  Ityraeans,6  and  made  himself  difficult  of  access 
(741.  1).  It  is  little  wonder  that  all  sorts  of  rumours  were  afloat: 
that  the  legions  were  coming  from  Macedonia  (732.  2,  May  19); 
that  Antony  was  going  to  take  Gaul  immediately,7  and  dispossess 

1  Restitution  can  (he  says)  be  made  to  the  people  of  Massilia,  armis,  quae  quam 
firme  habeamus  ignoro.    Possibly  the  correspondence  of  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  Dolabella 
referred  to  in  724.  4  (May  3)  may  have  reference  to  this  project. 

2  738.  2,  per  te  exorentur  ne  quod  calidius  ineant  consilium.  '  Cedentis  '  enim  haec  ais 
risse ;  quo  ?  aut  quare  ?   Cp.  note  to  749.  1  Siregio. 

3  Cp.  also  perhaps  the  very  obscure  language  in  749.  1  and  notes  there. 

4  For  Appuleius  cp.  Phil.  x.  24 ;  xiii   32 ;  Appian  iv.  75  ;  and  for  Antistius  ad 
t.  ii.  3.  5  (837)  ;  i.  11.  1  (850) :  cp.  also  Plutarch  Brut.  24.  25. 

5  Phil,  ii    108,  agmine  quadrate  cum  gladiis   sequuntur :  scutorum  lecticas  portari 

These  were  a  warlike  people  living  N.E.  of  Palestine — the  modern  Druses — 
3m  Pompey  had  subdued  in  his  Syrian  campaign.  They  were  renowned  as  archers. 

ill.  v.  18,  cp.  Verg.  Georg.  ii.  448. 
7  The  opinion  that  Antony  wished  for  the  Gallic  provinces ,  with  an  extension  of 

mre    for  five  years,  had  been  entertained  in  the  middle  of  April  (719.  4) ;  but 


Deciraus  Brutus  forthwith  ;  that  legal  proceedings  were  going  to 
be  taken  against  Decimus  and  Marcus  Brutus  and  Ca*ssius  (737.  3 
May  27,  where  see  note).  So  that  there  was  the  greatest  excite- 
ment, and  no  little  apprehension,  as  to  the  result  of  the  meeting 
of  the  Senate  when  it  resumed  its  sittings  on  June  1  after  the 

Cicero  had  left  the  Bay  of  Naples  on  May  17.     The  unsatis 
factory  way  in   which  affairs  had  been  going   for  the  constitu 
tionalists  was  a  bitter  affliction  :  and  to  this  great  trouble  were 
added  petty  annoyances  (though  these  did  not  weigh  much  with 
him  in  comparison  with  public  affairs),  such  as  his  debts  (see  below, 
p.  Ixxxvi,  note  2),  the  conduct  of  young  Quintus,1  pressure  being 

probably  it  was  then  considered  that  he  would  not  take  over  those  provinces  until  after 
his  consulship  had  expired :  now  the  rumour  was  that  he  would  take  them  over  at 
once,  and  dispossess  Decimus  forthwith:  cp.  734.  1  (May  24),  Sed  mihi  totum  eius 
consilium  ad  bellum  spectare  videtur  si  quidem  D.  Bruto  provincia  eripitur.  The  Lex 
de  Permutatione  (see  below,  p.  Ixxxviii)  gave  him  immediate  possession.  On  the 
importance  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  from  a  military  point  of  view,  cp.  Appian  iii.  27. 

1  Young  Quintus  had  a  bad  nature — cp.  Alt.  x.  7.  3  (388) — and  all  the  foolish 
impetuosity  of  his  father  without  the  latter's  constantly  recurrent  placability.  After 
Pharsalia  we  hear  of  his  perpetually  abusing  his  uncle,  and  he,  as  well  as  his  father, 
even  wrote  to  him  with  astonishing  hostility :  cp.  Att.  xi.  10.  1  (425) ;  15.  2  (430). 
.  During  his  service  with  Caesar  in  Spain  he  continued  vilifying  Cicero — conduct  which 
the  latter  naturally  characterized  as  *  foul '  (658.  1  :  cp.  603.  1 ;  623.  1  ;  657.  2  ; 
660.  1) — and  even  wrote  to  him  in  the  same  strain  (658.  1).  He  was  quite  unstable 
and  flighty,  requiring  the  curb,  while  young  Marcus  required  the  spur  :  cp.  Att.  vi.  1. 
12  (252).  At  one  time  he  professed  hatred  of  his  mother  (659.  1) ;  but  when  Quintus 
divorced  her,  he  took  her  side  (7 13.  4),  and  declared  he  would  not  endure  as  step- 
mother Aquillia  whom  Quintus  was  proposing  to  marry  (718.  5  ;  724.  3).  Naturally 
his  irascible  father  was  often  most  incensed  against  him  (660.  2;  713.  4),  but  was 
appeased  by  any  sign  of  repentance  (753.  1 ;  769.  6).  Marcus,  too,  always  showed 
indulgence  to  him  as  far  as  he  could.  Young  Quintus  was  apparently  an  agreeable 
young  man  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  iii.  1.  19  (148);  but  of  a  somewhat  gluttonous  habit  (Q.  Fr. 
iii  9.  9  (160)  :  cp.  607.  4),  and  in  character  unprincipled  and  full  of  duplicity 
(vanitntem,  659.  1).  He  was  ever  on  the  look-out  for  money :  cp.  Att.  x.  7.  3  (388). 
In  45  he  was  heavily  in  debt  (681.  1  ;  763.  1  ;  769.  6).  The  conversation  he  had 
with  Cicero  in  681.  1  is  interesting  and  characteristic  of  the  two  men.  Quintus 
wanted  money,  and  professed  himself  ready  to  marry.  There  had  been  some  talk  of 
his  marrying  the  daughter  of  Atticus'  friend  Gellius  Canus  (661.  2).  Cicero  was  as  usual 
very  indulgent,  but  did  not  commit  himself.  After  the  Ides  of  March — young  Quintus 
was  now  twenty-two— he  ostentatiously  professed  himself  a  Caesarean  (719.  1 ;  725.  3), 
in  order  probably  to  curry  favour  with  Antony,  and  get  money  from  him.  He  said 
he  had  got  all  he  wanted  from  Caesar,  but  nothing  from  his  father  (cp.  768.  2),  and  he 
hoped  now  to  get  what  he  wanted  from  Antony  (724.  3).  Though  Atticus  said  he  was 
Antony's  right-hand  man  (dextella,  727.  5),  we  fancy  he  got  about  as  much  from 
Antony  as  he  probably  did  from  Caesar  or  his  father.  At  any  rate,  in  June  he  proposed 


>rought  ou  him  to  take  back  Publilia(730.  4  :  op.  725.  4),  the  death 
f  his  physician  Alexio,  to  whom  lie  was  much  attached  (732.  4).1 
<Yom  the  19th  to  the  24th  he  was  at  Arpinum.  He  reached 
?usculum  on  May  26,  and  remained  there  until  June  27, 
xcept  for  a  visit  to  a  conference  at  Lanuvium  and  a  visit  of  a 
sveek  (June  7  to  15)  to  Antium  (also  for  a  conference,  cp.  744) 
ind  Astura.  The  conference  at  Lanuvium  was  attended  by 
hutus  and  Cassius,  and  also  by  Atticus :  its  object  was  to  discuss 
he  situation  generally,  and  especially  to  decide  what  should  be 
lone  as  regards  attending  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  June  1. 
Sven  as  early  as  May  14  (729.  2),  Cicero  was  advised  not  to 
ittend  the  Senate,  as  soldiers  would  be  there  to  attack  the 
iberators.  Cicero  did  not  know  what  Brutus  wished  him  to  do 
n  the  matter :  he  plainly  did  not  want  to  go  himself  (730.  5).1 
We  do  not  know  any  details  of  the  conference  at  Lanuvium,  only 
;he  main  result,  that  the  chief  constitutionalists  decided  not  to 

eaving  Antony  and  joining  the  constitutionalists  (751.  2),  and  romanced  (Cicero 
pplies  alucinari  to  his  random  talk  :  cp.  768.  2)  at  length  (753.  1)  about  Antony's 
equesting  him  to  propose  that  he  be  made  dictator  and  to  seize  some  strong 

>osition,  and  that  he  refused  for  his  father's  sake ;  also  about  the  great  promises 
intony  had  made  him  :  so  that  Cicero  asks,  '  Did  you  ever  see  a  more  downright  (or 
crack-brained,'  if  we  read  cerritiorem)  scoundrel?'  Later  he  told  stories  about  a 
ertain  lady  who  wanted  to  leave  her  husband  and  marry  him  (768.  2).  But  now 

ic  promised  to  be  as  good  a  constitutionalist  as  Favonius  or  Cato  (768.  2;  769.  6), 

md  asked  Cicero  to  guarantee  his  honesty  of  purpose  to  Atticus,  who  naturally 
istrusted  him.  Cicero,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  little  afraid  of  him,  wrote  the 

guarantee,  but  told  Atticus  not  to  mind  it  (769.  6).  But  young  Quintus  came  to 
icero,  and  by  his  serious  manner  and  diligent  study  of  Cicero's  own  writings  con- 
inced  him  of  the  sincerity  of  his  conversion,  and  Cicero  introduced  him  to  Brutus 

770.  2)  :  yet  Cicero  did  not  wholly  trust  the  young  man  (773.  3).  However,  he  does 
ot  appear  to  have  proved  faithless  in  politics  any  more.  In  December,  with  the 
elp  of  the  new  quaestors,  he  proposed  to  arraign  the  previous  administration  of  the 
treasury  :  cp.  Att.  xvi.  14.  4  (805) ;  and  when  Antony  attacked  him  in  a  manifesto, 

Dicero  defended  him  handsomely  (Phil.  iii.  17).  Antony  accused  him  of  having 
ttempted  to  murder  his  father  and  uncle,  Quintus  and  Marcus ;  but  we  hardly 
link  young  Quintus  went  quite  so  far  as  that.  He  perished  with  his  father  in  the 
rosciiptions,  father  and  son  vying  with  each  other  who  should  meet  death  first 
Appian  iv.  20). 

1  It  is  somewhat  amusing  to  learn  that,  in  the  midst  of  all  these  vexations,  some 
ady  seems  to  have  been  desirous  of  marrying  Cicero,  and  to  have  pestered  Atticus 
ft  the  matter  (730.  4). 

2  Hirtius  advised  Cicero  not  to  attend  the  Senate  (737.  2).     With  some  laboured 
Peasantry,  Hirtius  said  he  thought  it  was  beyond  his  energy  to  attend  himself :  nor 
would  he  attend  on  the  5th  either ;  and  that  Caesar  had  made  all  necessary  provision 
'or  the  coming  time  (738.  2)  quoniam  praesidia  sunt  in  tot  annos  provisa. 

VOL.  v.  f 


attend  the  Senate— a  point  on  which  Cicero  had  virtually  mad< 
up  his  mind  (737.  3),  as  it  appeared  to  him  that  Brutus  an< 
Cassius  were  now  virtually  at  the  mercy  of  Antony.1 

Octavius  during  Antony's  absence  from  Borne  had  not  been  idl( 
but,  as  his  mother  advised  him,  he  used  art  and  patience  rathei 
than  open  boldness.2     He  declared  before  the  praetor  C.  Antonii 
that    he  would   take    the    inheritance,    and    thus    he    became 
C.  Julius  Caesar  Octavianus.3     L.  Antonius  introduced  him  to 
the  people,  and  Octavian  made  a  speech  in  which  he  appears 
to  have  promised  that  he  would  with  as  little  delay  us  possible 
pay  the  legacies  left  to  the  people  by  Caesar,  and  that  he  would 
celebrate  the   Ludi   Viotoriae  Caesaris  in   July.     He   made   no 
allusion  either  to  the  tyrannicides  or  to  the  amnesty — a  reticence 
which  both  Cicero  and  Atticus  viewed  with  some  disquietude.4  Atl 
some  games  given  by  Critonius  about  the  middle  of  May  (see  note 
to  733.  2)  he  attempted  to  bring  forward  Caesar's  golden  chair,51 
but  was  prevented  by  Critonius  himself  and  some  tribunes  who  i 
were  applauded  by  the  knights.6     He  could  not  indeed  fulfil  hisj 

1  Cp.  752.  2,  Lanuvi  vidi  nostros   tantum  spei   habere   ad    vivendum    quantum  \ 
accepissent  ab  Antonio  :  cp.  742.  2  (June  2),  ita  circumsedemur  copiis  omnibus.     The 
tone  of  the  manifesto  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  (740,  written  at  the  end  of  May)  to 
Antony  is  a  proof  that  they  too  felt  their  helpless  position,  e.g.  $  2.  Fallere  nemo  nos 
potest  nisi  in. 

3  Appian  iii.  14  iraprjvGi  76  ^v  t 
iru  xp7)(T0ai. 

3  Cp.  Dio  xlvi.  47.  6.     He  called  himself  C.  Julius  C.  f.  Caesar  ;  but,  as  Ferreroi 
says  (iii.  54),  it  will  save  confusion  with  the  dictator  to  call  him  Octavian.     He  waal 
sometimes  so  called  by  his  enemies :  cp.  Gardthausen  i.  52,  note  21.     Dio  (xlv.  5.  3) 
says  that  Antony  pretended  to  further  the  adoption  of  Octavius,  but  really  induced! 
some  tribunes  to  oppose  it  and  have  it  postponed.     It  was  Lepidus,  the  Pontifexl 
Maximua,  who  was  the  proper  person  to  bring  it  forward  at  the  comitia  calata  :  cp. 
Mommsen,  St.  R.  ii.2  34,  iii.  318.     But  probably  this  was  a  formality  which   wasi 
not  regarded  as  essential  at  this  time. 

4  727.  5  ;  732.  3,  sed  isti  omnes,  quemadmodum  seiitis,  non   minus  otium   timentl 
quam  nos  arma. 

6  On  Caesar's  golden  (or  gold  and  ivory)  chair  cp.  Suet.  Caes.  76,  ampliora  etiaid 
humano  fastigio  decerni  sibi  passus  est :  sedem  auream  in  curia  et  pro  tribunals,  tensaim 
et  ferculum  Circensi  pompa,  templa  aras,  simulacra  iuxta  deos,  pulvinar,  flaminemA 
Lupercos,  appellationem  mensis  a  suo  nomine.  This  chair  evidently  struck  the  Roman! 
imagination,  and  is  often  referred  to:  cp.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  85,  110;  De  Div.  i.  119 ;| 
Dio  xliv.  11.  2;  17.  3;  Val.  Max  i.  6.  13;  Appian  ii.  106;  Plut.  Caes.  61;  Plinl 
H.  N.  xi.  186.  It  afterwards  belonged  to  Vibius  Rufus,  who  was  allowed  by  TiberiuJ 
to  use  it  publicly  (Dio  Iv.  15.  6). 

•  733.  2  (May  24).    A  similar  attempt  to  bring  the  chair  forward  was  made  at  thel 


•promises  to  the  people  until  Antony  returned,  and  he  was  able  to 
•get  from  him  Caesar's  money,  which  Calpurnia  had  put  into  his 
•possession.    When  Antony  did  return,  he  attempted  to  intimidate 
•Octavian  from  undertaking  the  duties  of  heir  to  Caesar.1     Antony 
land  Decimus  Brutus  were  the  second  heirs ;  and  if  Octavian  were 
•compelled  to  give  way,  Antony  would  become  Caesar's  legal  heir, 
•for  Decimus  was  not  likely  to  be  able  to  press  his  claims.     Pedius 
land  Pinarius  (p.  Ivii,  above)  appear  to  have  been  men  of  no  account ; 
Inor  was  Octavian  regarded  at  this  time  as  a  person  of  any  serious 
•importance.     Cicero  mentions  him  very  seldom  in  his  letters  of 
•this  period.2     Antony  would  not  pay  him  back  Caesar's  money, 
land  he  did  not  wish  to  share  the  great  power  he  now  had  at  Rome 
with  a  young,  untried  man,  even  though  he  was  Caesar's  heir. 
Antony  succeeded  towards  the  end  of  the  month  in  gaining  over 
;he  unscrupulous  Dolabella,  not  only  no  doubt  by  promising  to 
secure  him  in  possession  of  the  money  he  had  fraudulently  obtained 
from  the  Treasury  and  to  obtain  for  him  further  grants  from  the 
same  source,3  but  also  by  arranging  with  him  that  he  should  get 
similar  extension  of  the  tenure  of  the  province  of  Syria  (to 
which  he  had  been  designated  by  Caesar :  cp.  p.  Ixi,  note  3)  as 
Antony  himself  would  get  of  Gaul.4     Thus  a  vigorous  man  had 

Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  in  July  (Nic.  Dam.  28.  4;  Dio  xlv.  6.  5 ;  Plut.  Ant.   16; 
Appian  iii.  28). 

1  The  account  which,  with  a  bias  in  favour  of  Octavian,  is  given  by  Appian  (iii.  14 
to  20)  of  this  interview  is  in  detail  probably  a  product  of  the  rhetorical  schools,  not  a 
record  of  facts.     But  no  doubt  Antony  did  treat  him  with  discourtesy,  and  may  have 
told  him  that  he  was  not  in  his  senses  in  taking  up,  without  friends  and  at  his  age,  so 
a;reat  a  burden  as  that  of  being  successor  to  Caesar  (Plut.  Ant.  16).  It  is  possible,  too, 
that  Antony  may  have  thwarted  him  in  any  litigation  he  may  have  had  to  conduct 
mth  claimants  against  Caesar's  estate  (Appian  iii.  22).    Appian  further  says  (iii.  23) 
that  Octavian  did  actually  sell  his  own  property  in  order  to  pay  the  legacies  Caesar 
lad  left,  but  that,  owing  to  the  litigation,  it  was  not  sufficient.     From  the  very 
beginning  Cicero  appears  to  have  anticipated  that  Octavian  and  Antony  were  sure  to 
quarrel  (cp.  713.  3,  April   19,  fri£6de/  magnam  cum  Antonio.     Though  the  exact 
wrords  are  uncertain,  the  meaning  is  plain).  The  Treasury  appeared  empty  two  months 
ifter  Caesar's  death  (Nic.  Dam.  28);  and  an  investigation  of  the  public  accounts  was 
ordered  by  the  Senate  :  Appian  iii.  21  :  cp.  Dio  xlv.  24.  I. 

2  The  only  (as  we  think)    places  of  any  moment  in  which  he  is  mentioned  are 
707.  3  ;  708.  1  ;  713.  3  ;  714.  2  ;  715.  2  ;  727.  5 ;  728.  4  ;  732.  3  (cp.  785.  6) ;  745.  2. 

3  Cp.  726. 1 ;  Att.  xvi.  15.  1  (807)  ;  and  p.  Ixix,  above. 

4  The  narrative  in  Appian  (iii.  7  and  8)  is  vitiated  by  the  presupposition  that 
Macedonia  and  Syria  had  been  assigned  by  Caesar  to  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

f  2 



been  lured  away  from  the  constitutionalists.     Brutus  and  Casshu 
towards  the  end  of  May  wrote  to  Antony  a  manifesto  which 
extant  (740),  protesting  against  his  enrolment  of  the  veterans,  an< 
asking  would  they  themselves  be  safe  if  they  returned  to  Rom< 
for  the  Senate  on  June  1st,  in  the  face  of  all  these  violent  soldiei 
They  say  that,  though  he  has  the  power,  they  cannot  believe  ths 
he  will  deceive  them.     They  had  fulfilled  their  part  in  disbandinj 
their  followers  (see  p.  Ixvi).     The  plea  that  the  interests  of  thi 
veterans  were  to  be  discussed  on  June  1  was  a  trifling  one :  fol 
no  one  had  any  intention  of  opposing  those  interests.     We  do  IK 
know  what  answer  Antony  made  to   all  this — possibly  that  h< 
would  see  that  provinces  were  assigned  them  at  the  same  time.1 
Antony  did  not  yet  feel  secure  enough  to  break  with  them  irre-^ 
vocably.     Everything  pointed  to  the  fact  that  there  would  be  an] 
important  and  critical  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  the  first  of  JuneJ 
But   no   one   of   any   importance  appeared    at   the    meeting] 
(Phil.  i.  6).     Antony  was  then  quick  enough  to  see  that  he  mighfcj 
have  recourse  to  rapid  measures.     On  June  2,  he  proposed  to  thJ 
people  for  instant  enactment,  without  giving  the  usual  interval! 
tritium  nundinum?  the  Lex  de  provinciis  comularibus,  whereby  h« 
and  Dolabella  were  to  get  possession  of  Macedonia  and  Syria  forj 
six  years.3     He  waived  all  claim  for  the  present  to  the  Galli< 
provinces.  Further,  by  means  of  the  same  tribunes  he  passed  into 
law,  the  Lex  de  actis  Caesaris  cum  consilio  cognoscendis,  the  decree  oi 
the  Senate  that  the  consul  along  with  a  committee  should  be  tin 
judges  as  to  what  were  to  be  regarded  as  genuine  acta  of  Caesar.' 

1  Cp.  737.  2,  ut  tu  de  provincia  Jiruti  et  Cassi  per  senatus  consultum,  ita  scribit 
Balbus  it  Hirtius. 

2  Cicero  (Phil.  i.  25  ;  ii.  6)  refers  to  the  passing  of  laws  at  this  time  without  prc 
mulgation.  A  tribune  Nonius  Asprenas   in  the  interests  of  the  Senate  attempted  t< 
stop  the  proceedings  by  '  observing  the  heavens  '  ;  but  Antony,  '  right  vexed  wit 
Asprenas  for  his  lying,'  ordered  the  tribes  to  go  on  with  their  voting  for  Dolabel 
(Appian  iii.  7). 

3  That  is  for  the  present  year  in  which  they  were  consuls,  and  five  years  after  that 
cp.  Phil.v.  7,  Tribuni  plebi  titlerunt  de  provinciis  contra  acta  C.  Caesaris  :  illebiennit 
iste  sexennium.     Etiam  hanc  legem  populus  Romanus  accepit  ?  quid  ?  promulgata  fuit 
quid  ?  non  ante  lata  quam  scripta  est  ?  quid  ?  non  ante  factum  vidimus  quam  futurt 
quisquam  eat  suspicatua  f     Ubi  lex  Caecilia  et  Didia  ?  ubi  promulgatio  trinum  nundinwn 
This  was  a  violation  of  Caesar's  law  (Phil.  i.  19  :  cp.  viii.  28)  whereby  a  pr 
consular  province  could  not  be  held  for  more  than  two  years,  or  a  pro-praetorii 
for  more  than  one  :  cp.  Dio  xliii.  25.  3. 

4  We  do  not  profess  to  be  able  to  solve  the  difficult  question  as  to  the  exact  com 


He  further  appears  to  have  notified  that  he  intended  on  June  5 
o  propose  that  Brutus  and  Cassius  be  sent  to  Asia  and  Sicily 
espectively  to  purchase  corn— news  which  Cicero  received  at 
Tusculum  on  June  2  in  a  letter  from  Balbus  (742.  1).  This 
was  a  very  shrewd  blow  indeed.  To  men  like  Brutus  and 

which  the  legislation  about  the  ratification  of  Caesar's  acta  proceeded.  It  does  not 
ppear  that  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  decide  it  beyond  all  dispute.  Probably, 
owever,  the  course  was  as  follows : — The  general  principle  that  Caesar's  acta  were 
)  be  considered  valid  was  passed  by  the  Senate  on  March  17th  :  the  meaning  of  acta 
eing  assumed  to  be  the  actual  enactments  which  had  been  passed,  or  those  which  it 
•as  well  known  he  intended  to  pass,  which  he  had  actually  drafted,  and  which  could 
e  enacted  in  accordance  with  powers  with  which  he  had  been  vested :  and  at  first 
.ntony,  in  consultation  with  distinguished  senators,  acted  fully  up  to  the  spirit  of  this 
nderstanding  (Cic.  Phil.  i.  2),  and  assented  to  a  decree  of  the  Senate  that  no  decree 
r  concession  of  Caesar's  should  be  published  after  March  15  (Phil.  i.  3  ;  ii.  91),  ne 
ua  tabula  post  Idus  Martias  ullins  decreti  Caesaris  aut  beneficifigeretur :  cp.  Dio  Cass.  xlv. 
3,  7. 

But  Antony  soon  announced  that  among  Caesar's  papers  there  were  many  important 
teasures  on  which  Caesar  had  decided ;  and  when  he  urged  that  these  should  be 
xamined,  the  Senate  decided  that  Antony  with  a  committee  of  the  Senate  should  in- 
estigate  and  report  on  these  documents  (Dio  xliv.  53.  4)  :  thus  of  course  annulling 
te  decree  which  forbade  the  promulgation  of  any  measure  of  Caesar's  after  March  15. 
his  decree  was  probably  passed  early  in  April,  before  most  of  the  senators  had  left 
,  and  when  they  had  got  an  inkling  of  the  way  in  which  Antony,  with  the  help 
:  Caesar's  secretary,  Faberius,  was  likely  to  deal  with  Caesar's  papers.     (In  718.  6, 
pril  26,  Cicero  says  that  measures  which  Caesar  would  never  have  tolerated  were 
eing  published  from  forged  (falsis)  memoranda  of  his.)     But  as  the  vacation  was 
>ming  on,  it  was  decided  that  the  examination  should  not  be  instituted  until  after 
ie  Senate  resumed  business  in  June.     The  Senate  may  have  understood  that  the 
onsuls  and  the  committee  would  report  their  findings  to  the  Senate  ;  thus  we  know 
lat  a  decree  of  the  Senate  de  ludaeis  (cp.  Josephus  xiv.  10.  10),  which  was  drawn  up 
n  February  9,  was  laid  before  the  Senate  for  ratification  on  April  11.    But  the  Senate 
oes  not  appear  to  have  put  that  explicitly  into  its  decree.     The  consuls  and  com- 
ittee  seem  to  have  had  full  power  to  adjudicate  at  their  own  discretion  (777.  8  ; 
78.  11 ;  779.  14).     Probably  a  law  in  accordance  with  this  decree  was  promulgated 
hortly  afterwards  ;  but  this  law  was  not  actually  passed  until  June  2  (778.  11).     It 
true  that  Antony — most  probably   without  the  knowledge  of  his  committee — 
ublished  the  grants  to  the  Sicilians  and  Deiotarus  in  the  middle  of  April  (715.  1), 
rhen  he  proceeded  to  more  vigorous  measures  against  the  conspirators.     But  it  would 
ppear  that  these  grants  were  represented  as  having  been  actually  proposed  to  the 
>eople  by  Caesar  (legem  a  dictatore  comitiis  latam,  715. 1 — perhaps  indeed  latam  means 
ctually  '  passed ' :  cp.  Sest.  55),  though  Cicero  says  the  grant  to  the  Sicilians  had 
ever  been  even  thought  of  during  Caesar's  lifetime.     Probably  some  other  grants — 
Cicero  with  exaggeration  says  '  hundreds '  (sescenta  similia) — were  also  published  at 
the  same  time,  and  were  no  doubt  fraudulent,  and  did  not  come  under  the  cognizance 
of  the  committee  at  all  (Dio  xliv.  53.  5  ;  xlv.  23.  8).     The  keeping  of  the  public 
archives  at  this  time  was  very  lax;  cp.  723.  I,  falsa  senatus  consulta  deferuntur,  and 
note  to  763.  1. 


Cassius,  who  took  themselves  so  very  seriously,1  the  assignment  t< 
them  of  this,  a  subordinate's  post,  was  really  an  insult  ;  and  y< 
Antony    could   represent   himself   as  doing   them  a   favour    ii 
giving   them   a   sphere  of  duty  when   they  did   not  venture  t< 
perform  their  praetorian  functions  at  Rome,2  and  it  removed  thei 
from  Italy.     If  they  refused  the  position,  the  next  time  scarcity! 
of   corn   occurred  at   Rome  they   could  be  held    up  to   odium. 
Cicero  saw  all  that,  and  felt  that  it  was  disgraceful  that  they  could) 
not  hold  the  games,  and  that  they  should  be  assigned  such  paltry  J 
posts;  but  he  thought  it  better  that  they  should  do  some  thing, , 
even  take  a  subordinate's  office  (legatoria  provincia),  rather  thani 
idle  away  their  time  at  Lanuvium  (742.  1  ;  743.  1).     They  would! 
be  more  secure  from  violence  out  of  Italy  than  in  it,  while  thei 
soldiery  were  in  such  an  excited  state.     On  June  2,  Dolabella  at  I 
once,  on  his   appointment  to  Syria,  gratified  Cicero  by  making] 
him  one  of  his  legati,  the  office  to  be  a  pure  sinecure  (752.  1  note), 
and  to  allow  of  his  coming  to  or  going  from  Rome  as  he  pleased.3 
It  would  also  procure  him  the  privilege  of  travelling  at  State  i 
expense,4  and  for  five  years ;  whereas  a  libera  legatio  would  havei 
held  good  for  only  a  shorter  period.    This  too  was  a  very  clever 
move.     The  passing  of  the  law  about  the  consular  provinces  was 
not  legal,5  and  Cicero  by  accepting  an  appointment  under  the  law 
was  precluded  from  attacking  it,  at  least  as  long  as  lie  was  avail- 
ing himself  of  its  privileges.     The  conspirators,  with  their  women- 
folk and  Favonius,  held  a  conference  on  June  8  at  Antium,  to 
discuss  the  altered  situation.     It  is  described  in  one  of  the  most 

1  For  example,  782.  1,  concede  nobis  ut  doleamtts  ne  hoc  quidern  abs  te  Bruto  et  Cassia 
tribui :  740  fin.  cum  accidere  nobis  nihil  possit  sine  pernicie  et  confusione  omnium  rerutn 
(cp.  744.  1). 

2  Cp.  744.  1.  Cassius  says  Egone  ut  beneficium  aceepissem  contumeliam  ? 

3  744.  4.     Strictly  Dolabella   should  have  obtained  the   sanction   of  the  Senate 
(Vat.  35  ;  Sest.  33)  for  the  appointment  of  a  legatus  :  cp.  Schol.  Bob.  323  Or.  (on 
Vat.  35),  nullo  iure  Vatinium  dicit  in  legationem  esse prof ec turn,  cum  soleat  hoe  a  senatti 
peti  ut  praesides  provinciarum  possint  quos  velint  amicos  suos  habere  legates.     But  there 
are  examples  of  the  governor  dispensing  with  this  formality,  e.g.  Sail.  lug.  28.  4. 

*  A  legatus  received  a  viaticum  from  the  State  :  Fam.  xii.  3.  2  (791).    Cicero  appears 
to  have  written  to  Dolabella  about  appliances  (mules,  &c.)  for  his  journey  (750.  l).j 
He  had  intended  to  ask  for  a  legatio  from  Caesar,  and  had  all  along  from  the  tima 
he  conceived  the  idea  of  going  to  Greece  proposed  to  go  in  some  such  official  capacity  J 

*  Cicero,   seven  months  later,  attacks  its  various   illegalities  in   Phil.  v.  7-lflj 
(cp.  Appian  iii.  7),  but  makes  no  allusion  to  the  fact  that  he  profited  under  it. 


interesting  and  vivid  letters  that  Cicero  ever  wrote  (744).  Cicero 
was  present,  and  gives  a  dramatic  account  of  the  whole  scene. 
(See  above,  p.  xxxiv  f.)  He  advised  Brutus  to  take  the  corn-com- 
missionership,  as  the  welfare  of  the  State  depended  on  his  safety. 
On  similar  grounds  he  advised  that  Brutus  should  not  go  to  Rome 
:o  hold  his  games.  Cassius  at  first,  with  flashing  eyes,  declared 
ae  would  not  take  the  commissionership :  it  was  an  insult  in  the 
ise  of  a  favour.  He  went  on  to  mourn  lost  opportunities,  and 
blamed  Decimus  Brutus — possibly  because  he  did  not,  once  he 
Found  his  army  favourable  to  him,  march  down  on  Borne  before 
Antony  had  organized  Caesar's  veterans.  Cicero  thought, 
aowever,  that  Cassius  would  leave  Italy — for  Servilia  said  she 
would  have  the  corn- commissionership  removed  from  the  decree 
of  the  Senate.  We  wonder  what  influence  she  can  have  had 
with  the  dominant  politicians  to  be  able  to  make  any  such  promise. 
Brutus  decided  that  he  would  not  go  to  Home,  but  would  have 
;he  ludi  Apollinares  held  by  some  other  praetor  in  his  name.  It 
appears  to  us  that  Brutus  was  inclined  to  give  up  the  contest,  and 
o  into  exile,  as  he  had  said  in  May  (725.  1 ;  726.  4),  and  repeated 
in  July  (cp.  Veil.  ii.  62.  3,  quoted  at  783.  1).  Cicero,  in  defending 
the  vigorous  course  he  had  advocated  on  the  Ides  of  March, 
nearly  had  a  quarrel  with  Servilia.  The  upshot  of  the  whole 
meeting  to  his  mind  was  that  the  conspirators'  cause  was  a  total 
wreck  ;  and,  now  that  he  had  fulfilled  all  obligations  of  duty  and 
affection,  that  he  would  fly  away,  in  the  words  of  his  favourite 
quotation,  "  where  the  deeds  of  Pelops'  children  and  their  fame 
ne  ne'er  should  hear."  For  the  present  Cicero  went  on  to 
Astura,  where  he  remained  until  the  15th.  But  he  was  ill  at  ease 
in  Itaty,  and  desired  at  least  for  a  time  to  gratify  his  long- cherished 
wish  of  visiting  Greece.  He  would  thus  obtain  some  respite 
from  the  despondency  he  felt  at  seeing  the  cause  he  had  at  heart 
going  from  bad  to  worse:  and  he  could  return  next  year  when 
Antony  and  Dolabella  would  be  no  longer  consuls,  and  there 
might  be  some  chance,  with  Hirtius  and  Pansa  in  their  place, 
that  liberty  of  speech  and  action  would  once  more  be  possible. 

For  certainly  Antony  was  in  a  very  strong  position.  He 
possessed  an  organized  military  force  in  the  veterans,  and  he  had 
money  too,  which  he  took  from  the  State  chest  to  pay  them  ;  and 


he  could  no  doubt  get  more  from  applicants  such  <-is  Deiotarus  and 
the  Sicilians,  who  would  be  ready  to  pay  for  such  privileges  and 
concessions  as  they  might  desire.  The  tyrannicides  had  no 
organized  followers  in  Italy,  and  no  money  with  which  to  raise 
or  support  soldiers.  Decimus  Brutus  had  a  large  fortune,  which 
he  spent  on  that  object  later1 ;  but  none  of  the  rest  of  the  con- 
spirators was  really  wealthy.  Antony  was  still  marching 
along  on  his  successful  course  of  action  ;  and  early  in  June 
Lucius  Antonius  promulgated  his  Agrarian  law,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  secure  firmly  the  support  of  the  veterans 
(740.  3 ;  Phil.  i.  6).  We  know  little  about  its  provisions  except 
that  it  renewed  the  intention  of  Caesar  to  drain  the  Pomptine 
marshes,  and  proposed  that  all  public  land  which  was  still 
available  should  be  divided  and  private  land  be  purchased  in 
Italy.  This  was  to  be  effected  by  a  Commission  of  Seven 
(Septemviri),  who  consisted  of  Marcus,  Lucius,  and  G-aius 
Antonius,  Dolabella,  and  three  creatures  of  Antony,  Nucula, 
Caesennius  Lento,  and  another  whose  name  is  not  known.  The 
Commission  was  the  important  thing.2  It  had  wide  powers,  and 
was  virtually  controlled  by  the  party  of  Antony — for  Dolabella 
was  now  his  partner  in  all  his  doings.  It  recalled  the  law  of 
Rullus.  There  was  a  considerable  amount  of  apprehension  as  to 
how  the  Commissioners  would  act,  even  witli  property  so  near 
Rome  as  Tusculum  (741.  2),  but  L.  Antonius  re-assured  Cicero 
(745.  2)  :  and  it  does  not  seem  as  if  they  ever  took  really  active 
steps  to  put  their  powers  into  effect  in  respect  of  actual  distribu- 
tion of  Italian  land  to  the  veterans.  But  the  veterans  were 
encouraged,  and  the  power  of  Antony  increased.  That  party 
now  consisted  mainly  of  the  less  wealthy  and  lower-class 
Caesareans,  many  of  whom  Cicero  mentions  with  scorn  and 

1  Fam.  xi.  10.  5  (854). 

2  On  this  and  Antony's  laws  about  the  change  in  the  iudicia  and  permission  to 
appeal  to  the  people  from  sentences  de  vi,  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  136)  says:  "So 
invariably   did  each  new  adventurer  tread  in  the   steps  of  his  predecessors,  and 
endeavour  to  re-open  the  door  which  they  had  successively  hoped  to  shut  against 
all  future  demagogues,  so  soon  as  they  had  themselves  passed  through  it."    He  speaks 
(p.  137)  of  Antony's  Septemvirate  as  possessing  "  the  usual  exorbitant  powers  granted 
to  such  commissions  in  declaring  what  were  national  domains,  and  in  distributing  them, 
at  their  pleasure." 


indignation  in  the  Philippics.1  These  were  full  of  energy, 
and  anxious  to  become  rich  and  influential.  The  educated  and 
rich  Caesareans,  Hirtius,  Pansa,  Balbus  and  others,2  were  too  well 
off,  and  were  self-indulgent  rather  than  ambitious;  and,  being 
cultured  men,  they  were  naturally  reluctant  to  enter  the  hurly- 
burly  of  politics  with  the  uncultivated  and  Violent  crew  that 
were  beginning  to  dominate  the  situation.3  Towards  the  end 
of  the  month  the  law  passed — against  the  auspices  indeed, 
for  there  was  a  storm  on  that  day  (Phil.  v.  7) — but  without 
opposition  or  violence.  The  persistent  Atticus  succeeded 
towards  the  end  of  the  month  in  securing  by  the  aid  of 
Mark  Antony  and  Dolabella  (Lucius  Antonius  was  opposed  to 
them  on  the  point)  that  the  exemption  granted  by  Caesar  to  the 
I>uthrotians  from  having  their  lands  confiscated  should  be  deemed 
valid.4  Antony,  who  all  through  these  months  seems  to  have  acted 
with  no  little  prudence,  no  doubt  did  not  want  to  alienate  the  rich 

1  e.g.    Phil.    xiii.    2,    Cum  Antoniis   pax   potest   esse  ?    cum   Censorino,  Ventidio, 
Trebellio,  Bestia,  Nucula,  Munatio  (i.e.  Plancus  Bursa),  Lentone,  Saxal  Exempli  causa 
paucos  nominavi ;  genus  infinitum  immanitatemque  ipsi  cernitis  reliquorum.  Addite  ilia 
naufragia  Caesaris    amicorum  Barbas    Cassios,   Barbatios,   Polliones :    addite    Antoni 
collusores  et  sodales,   Eutrapelum,   Melam,    Coelium,   Crassicium,    Tironem,  Mustelam, 
Petissium  :   comitatum   relinquo,  duces   nomino.     Add  Insteius  (nescio  qui,  fortis,  ut 
aiunt,  latro  quern  tamen  temperantem  fuisse  ferunt  Pisauri  balneatorem,  xiii.  26),  and 
Cotyla  (ornamentum  atque  arcem  amicorum  suorum,  viii.  24).     Some  of  these  we  have 
heard  of  before  as  being  on  good  terms  with  Cicero,  e.g.  Barba  Cassius  (679.  1),  and 
Eutrapelus  (Epp.   229,    474).     Cicero  at  the  end  of  May   availed  himself   of  the 
influence  of  Eutrapelus  with  Antony  to  get  letters  transmitted  to  him  (741.  1). 

2  It  is  curious  that  we  do  not  ever  hear  of  Sallust  in  Cicero's  Epistles  at  this 

5  Cicero  at  times  speaks  of  these  educated  Caesareans  as  "  fearing  peace  "  (728.  4  ; 
732.  3).  But  peace  and  quiet  were  the  very  things  these  easy-going,  indolent  (769.  4) 
politicians  did  want.  But  this  does  not  disprove  the  strong  probability  that,  as  Pansa 
is  represented  as  saying  on  his  death-bed,  they  were  really  Caesareans  at  heart,  but 
of  necessity  concealed  their  real  sentiments  until  some  restraint  was  put  upon  Antony, 
who  had  become  too  aggressive  and  insolent  (eiwro\a.£ovT0.  virepotyia  Appian  iii.  76). 
Hirtius  objected,  on  the  one  hand,  to  any  warlike  procedure  on  the  part  of  the  tyranni- 
•cides  (738.  2,  3),  and,  on  the  other,  to  the  terrorism  Antony  was  causing  by  means  of 
the  veterans  (741.  1  :  cp.  738.  1). 

4  See  Cicero's  letter  of  thanks  to  Dolabella  on  June  26  or  27  (Ep.  758).  In  §  1  of 
that  letter  we  fear  that  we  have  made  a  mistake.  Cicero's  excuse  for  writing  the 
second  letter  to  Dolabella  \vas  that  when  he  wrote  the  first  he  had  learned  of 
Dolabella's  kindness  from  Atticus  only  by  letter  (cp.  §  2) :  but  since  then  he  has 
had  a  special  visit  from  Atticus,  who  told  him  by  word  of  mouth  how  grateful  he  was 
to  Dolabella  for  the  remarkable  goodwill  and  affection  he  had  shown  him  in  the 


banker  and  all  his  friends  in  a  matter  in  which  he  had  a  good  case,  / 
had  Caesar's  authorization  at  his  back,  and  on  which  he  had  so 
earnestly  set  his  heart.  Antony  was  still  subject  to  opposition. 
Octavian  was  not  at  all  inclined  to  sit  down  under  his  contemptuous 
treatment  ;  and  the  constitutionalists  thought  that,  though  he  was 
Caesar's  heir,  yet  under  the  circumstances  and  to  judge  from  his 
demeanour  towards  them,  he  might  be  brought  over  to  their  side, 
especially  through  the  influence  of  that  very  decided  conservative,. 
Gaius  Marcellus  (consul  in  50),  who  had  lately  married  Octavian's 
sister,  Octavia,  and  with  whom  Octaviau  was  on  very  friendly 
terms.  Cicero's  judgment  on  Octaviau  at  this  time  is  worth 
quoting  (745.  2): 

*  As  to  Octavian  [so  Cicero  now  styles  him,  thus  acknowledging  his- 
adoption  under  Caesar's  will],  I  see  clearly  that  he  has  intellect  and 
spirit,  and  is  as  well  disposed  as  we  could  wish  to  our  heroes.  But 
we  must  carefully  reflect  on  the  amount  of  reliance  that  can  be  placed  on 
him,  considering  his  age,  his  name,  his  position  as  Caesar's  heir,  and  his 
up-bringing.  His  stepfather  [L.  Marcius  Philippus]  indeed  thinks  that 
no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  him.  But  still  he  must  be  trained,  and 
especially  he  must  be  dissociated  from  Antony.  Marcellus  will  do 
splendidly  if  he  regards  him  as  one  of  us  and  instils  into  him  our 
principles.1  At  any  rate  Octavian  seems  devoted  to  Marcellus.  He  does 
not  trust  Hirtius  and  Pansa  too  implicitly.  His  is  a  good  disposition,  if 
it  only  wears  (4av 

So  things  were  still  very  unsettled,  and  there  was  always 
more  or  less  fear  that  Antony  or  some  of  his  party  might  impel 
the  veterans  to  violent  measures.2  Yet  Cicero  says  about  this 
time  to  Tiro  (754.  2,  June  21),  "  I  shall  indeed  be  glad  to  retain 
my  long-existing  friendship  with  Antony,  and  I  shall  write  to-  1 
him,  but  not  before  I  see  you."  There  was  also  the  danger  of 
Sext.  Pompeius  carrying  war  into  Italy.3  No  wonder  a  man  of 

1  Heading  si  praccipvt  ut  nostro  nostra.     See  note  to  745.  2. 

2  750.  2,  vide*  homines,  vides  artna:  752.  4  videtur  iste  qui  umbras  timet  (Antonius). 
ad  caedem  spectare  :  740.  3  (Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony)  multitudinem  veteranorum 
fticilitts  itnpelli  ab  alii*  quam  a  te  retineri  posse. 

3  752.  3  ;  753  fin.  ;  755.     That  alarm,  however,  disappeared  early  next  month, 
when  Sextus  sent  an  official  letter  that  he  would  lay  down  his  arms  if  all  armies- 
were  disbanded,  and  in  a  letter  to  Libo  added  the  indispensable  condition  that  he  be- 
restored  '  to  the  home  of  his  father  '  (ad  larcm  suum)  :  cp.  771.  2.     «  I  would,'  says 
Cicero  a  few  days  before  (768.  1),  '  that  Sextus  were  not  proving  a  craven  (Sextum-\ 


peace  like  Cicero  wished  to  extricate  himself  at  least  temporarily 
from  all  this  coil.  In  a  moment  of  extreme  frankness  he  says 
that  his  acceptance  of  the  legatio  is  an  indication  of  despair  at  the 
present  condition  of  things ;  and  he  adds  it  is  all  the  fault  of 
Brutus  (752.  1,  2  :  cp.  745.  2).  He  had  returned  to  Tusculum 
on  June  16,  where  he  stayed  until  the  end  of  the  month,  in 
considerable  doubt  whether  to  go  to  Greece  or  not  (759)  ;  but 
by  the  end  of  the  month  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  do  so, 
apparently  owing  to  the  advice  of  Oppius  (763.  1).  He  then  on 
June  30  left  for  Arpinum,  on  his  way  to  the  Bay  of  Naples  (763.  3); 
from  which,  after  a  short  stay  there,  he  proposed  to  take  his 
departure  for  Greece.  He  was  at  Anagnia  (763.  1)  on  the  same 
evening,  and  probably  reached  Arpinum  on  July  1.  We  note 
with  surprise  and  admiration  that  in  the  midst  of  all  these  anxieties 
Cicero  was  able  to  continue  writing.  He  was  finishing  a  treatise 
De  Gloria,  and  proposed  to  '  hammer  out '  (excudere)  a  political 
work  in  the  style  of  Heraclides  Ponticus  (764.  2 ;  772.  6)  ;  and 
had  in  contemplation  *an  edition  of  his  own  letters  (770.  5).1 

On  July  6  he  proceeded  on  his  way  south  from  Arpinum.    He 

scutum  abicere  nolebam}.'  For  the  negotiations  with  Sextus  at  this  time  cp.  Dio 
xlv.  9.  4,  who  says  that  the  offers  to  him  were  confirmation  of  the  pardon  granted  by 
Caesar,  and  that  all  the  silver  and  gold  of  Pompey  that  had  been  confiscated  should 
be  restored  to  him  ;  but  that  Antony  would  not  make  any  restitution  of  the  real 
property  of  Pompey,  of  which  he  still  held  the  larger  part.  Appian  (iii.  4)  seems  to 
put  these  negotiations  in  April,  and  perhaps  indeed  there  were  some  negotiations  or 
talk  of  negotiations  at  that  time  (703.  2),  though  more  probably  the  allusion  in  that 
letter  is  to  the  possibility  of  Sextus  actually  intervening  in  the  unsettled  state  of  politics 
at  the  time  (706.  1  ;  710.  2).  Lepidus  seems  to  have  conducted  successful  negoti- 
ations with  Sextus  in  November  (Phil.  v.  39,  41). 

1  Petrarch  stated  that  he  once  owned  the  treatise  De  Gloria,  but  that  he  lent 
it  to  his  schoolmaster,  who  sold  it,  and  that  thus  it  was  lost.  But  little  reliance 
can  be  placed  on  this  statement :  cp.  Voigt,  Die  Wiederbelebung  des  classischen  Alter- 
tJtums  i.3  pp.  39,  40.  2.  Cicero  also  speaks  of  an  oi/e'/cSoroi',  some  sort  of  a  memoir 
which  he  proposed  to  publish  at  this  time  (724.  6).  Possibly  this  was  a  continuation 
of  a  work  he  had  projected  as  long  before  as  59  B.C.  (Att.  ii.  6.  2  Ep.  33:  cp. 
Sihler,  p.  406).  It  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  the  work  referred  to  by 
Asconius  (74.  13  KS),  Dio  Cassius  (xxxix.  10.  2,  3:  cp.  xlvi.  8.  1),  Charisius, 
St.  Augustine,  Boethius,  and  others  as  de  consiliis  suis  (see  Miiller's  ed.  of  Cicero, 
iv.  3,  p.  338),  which  was  published  after  his  death.  It  is  just  possible  that  Plutarch 
may  refer  to  the  Anecdoton,  in  his  life  of  Crassus  (13,  Zv  nvi  \6yif>).  We  cannot  think 
that  the  Anecdoton  and  the  'HpaK\€i8eiov  were  the  same  work.  The  topic  of  the 
latter  was  probably  more  abstract,  and  is  perhaps  indicated  in  733.  3:  cp.  724.  6. 
The  former  was  more  personal,  and  was  perhaps  the  kind  of  treatise  in  which 
Trebonius  hoped  to  get  honourable  mention  (736.  4). 

1  x  xxiv  INTROD  UCTION. 

was  at  Formiae  on  the  night  of  the  6th  (768.  3),  and  reached  Puteoli 
on  the  7th.     Brutus  had  set  off  southwards  possibly  from  Astura 
(745.  1)  on  his  final  journey  from  Italy  early  on  June  23  (757). 
He  had  asked  Cicero  to  attend  the  Ludi  Apollinares,  which  Brutus 
was  giving  by  deputy — a  request  which  Cicero  considered  did  not 
exhibit  his  usual  prudence.     Cicero  replied  that,  as  he  was  not  the 
giver  of  the  games,  it  was  not  necessary  for  him  to  be  present, 
and  would  hardly  be  right ;  and  that  it  would  be  perfectly  para- 
doxical (aroTTwrarov)   that,   after  staying  away   from    Rome  all 
these  months  to  ensure  not  so  much  his  safety  as  his  dignity, 
he  should  suddenly  go  to  Home  to  see  games.     Besides,  he  had 
already  set  out  on  his  journey.1     Cicero  says  he  could  not  quite 
understand  (interpretari]  the  letter  (765).  Another  letter  received 
from  Brutus  a  few  days  later  exhibited  grievous  helplessness  and 
lack  of  resource  (768.  1).     Brutus  and  Cassius  and  some  others  of 
the  conservative  party   were  at  this  time  in  the  little  island  of 
Nesis  (Nisida),  which  had  been  part  of  the  property  of  Lucullus 
previously  (769.  1),  and  now  belonged  to  his  son.2     Cicero  visited 
Brutus  here  both  on  July  8  and  10.     He  wished  to  travel  along 
with  Brutus  to  Greece,   as  protection  would  thereby  be  afforded 
him  from  the  pirates  who  were  infesting  the  seas  again  (769.  3). 
But  Brutus  did  not  *  catch  at '  (adripere)  the  idea  as  much  as 
Cicero  could  have  wished  (770,  3) ;  for  he  was  absorbed  in  anxiety 
about  his  games  which  C.  Antouius  was  holding  in  his  name.3  I 
They  had  been  announced  by  C.  Antonius  for  the  Nones  of  July,  I 
not  the  Nones  of  Quinctilis,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  Cicero  and  I 
Brutus (769.1;  771.1).  That  announcement  seemed  to  acknowledge  I 
that  Julius  Caesar  by  having  the  honour  of  giving  his  name  to  a  I 
month  (Suet.   lul.  76)  was  a  god  like  Janus  or  Mars.     Brutus  I 
took  care  that  the  venal io  which  was  to  follow  the  regular  games  I 
should  be  proclaimed  for  the  Ides  of  Quinctilis  (771.  1).     The  I 
games  were  very  splendid4 ;  and  Brutus  thought  that  there  might  I 

1  763.  1.  This  letter  of  Brutus  reached  Cicero  at  Anagnia  on  June  30. 

2  Gardthausen  (Augustus  i.  62)  thinks  that  they  may  have  accepted  the  hospitality  I 
of  Lucullus  in  this  island,  as  its  natural  characteristics  would  render  any  attack  on  I 
the  part  of  the  Campanian  veterans  very  difficult.     This  is  the  estate  of  Lucullus  I 
referred  to  by  Varro  R.  R.  iii.  17.  9. 

8  770.  3  Exiitimabam  nertwportpov  esse  (Brutum),    et  hercle  erai  et  mnxime  de  \ 

4  Phil.  i.  36 ;  Plutarch  Brut.  21  ;  Appian  iii.  24. 


be  some  revulsion  of  feeling  of  the  populace  towards  him ;  but 
they  did  no  more  than  applaud  the  plays  (especially  the  '  Tereus  9 
of  Accius)  and  the  performers.  There  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  any  marked  political  demonstration.1  But  the  applause  for 
the  games  seems  to  have  been  hearty.  *  Yet  the  more  favourable 
the  news,'  says  Cicero  (772.  3),  '  the  more  I  am  vexed  that  the 
Roman  populace  employ  their  hands  in  applauding  plays  instead 
of  using  them  in  defence  of  the  State.  For  my  part,  I  think  that 
the  Antonians  at  Rome  (istorum  animi)  seem  to  be  actually  burning 
to  give  a  foretaste  of  their  wicked  policy  (incendi  etiam  ad  reprae- 
zentandam  improbitatem  suam}2 :  "But  let  their  shame  be  e'er  so 
small,  if  only  shame  they  feel  at  all  (Dummodo  doleant  aliquid^ 
doleant  quidlibet)." 

Cicero  was  still  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  route  by  which  he  would 
travel  to  Greece.  He  was  even  not  quite  decided  whether  he  would 
go  at  all ;  but  he  declared  he  was  being  *  pitchforked '  out  of  the 
country.3  The  journey  by  long  sea  was  wearisome,  and  danger 
would  be  incurred  from  pirates.  If  he  went  across  to  the  east 
coast,  and  started  from  Hydruntum,  he  would  run  the  risk  of 
meeting  the  legions  who  were  reported  to  be  coming  from 
Macedonia  (771.  4).  But  this  was  a  recurring  rumour — it  had 
been  already  circulated  in  May  (732,  2) — and  did  not  perturb 
Cicero  very  much.  He  finally  made  up  his  mind  to  leave, 
intending  to  be  back  about  November,  or  at  latest  the  end  of 
December  (cp.  759).  Atticus  said  that  his  departure  was 
thoroughly  approved  (in  coelum  ferrt),  provided  he  returned  for 

1  Appian  (iii.  24)  says  that  a  few  hirelings  cried  out  for  the  recall  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  but  that  this  demand  was  quickly  extinguished ;  and  that  Octavian  was 
instrumental  in  frustrating  what  they  hoped  to  obtain  from  the  games.     "We  have 
no  indication  in  Cicero  of  any  such  action  on  the  part  of  Octavian.     In  reference  to 
these  games  Plutarch  (Brut.  21  fin.)  tells  a  characteristic  story:  'With  respect  to 

certain  Cannutius  who  was  a  theatrical  favourite,  Brutus  wrote  to  his  friends  to 
persuade  him  to  go  on  the  boards ;  for  it  was  not  fitting  that  compulsion  should  be 
used  on  any  Greek.'  This  Cannutius  was  probably  a  freedman. 

2  The  expression  of  opinion  at  games   was  considered  important   as   affording 
an  index  of  popular  sentiment :  cp.  705.  2  populi  eTri<ni/ua(riav :  cp.  646.  1  ;  704.   1; 
733.  2  ;  and  especially  Att.  ii.  19.  3  (46). 

3  772.  4  (July  11),   Quin  etiam  idcirco  trahebam  ut  quam  diutissime  integrum  esset. 
Sed  quoniam  furcillis  extrudimur,  Brundisium  cogito  :  cp.  771.  4  arbitror  esse  corn* 
modius  tarde  navigare  quam  omnino  non  navigare.     We  confess  that  we  are  not  sure 
•what  were  Cicero's  reasons  for  these  statements. 


the  beginning  of  the  new  year.1  So,  after  having  asked  Atticus 
and  Balbus  to  look  after  his  interests  at  Rome,  and  come  to 
Ids  aid  financially  if  necessary,2  he  left  Pompeii  by  sea  on 
July  17.3  At  Velia  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  a  friend  callec 
Talna*  on  the  19th.  On  the  20th  he  left  Velia,  and  on  his  journey 
south,  during  the  next  few  days,  wrote  his  Topica  on  ship-board 
(Top.  5),  and  dedicated  the  work  to  Trebatius.  On  the  24th 
he  was  at  Yibo,  where  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  his  friend  Sicca 
(775.  1).  He  was  at  Regium  on  the  28th  and  at  Syracuse  on 
August  1  (776  fin. ;  Phil.  i.  7).  He  apparently  intended  striking 
across  from  Syracuse  to  Patrae  (775.  1),  and  left  on  the  2nd 
But  adverse  winds  drove  him  back  to  Leucopetra  near  Regium  on 
the  5th.  On  the  6th  the  ship  made  another  attempt  to  sail,  but  ii 
was  again  driven  back  to  Leucopetra  on  the  7th.  Here  he  was 
being  hospitably  entertained  by  his  friend  P.  Valerius,5  when  he 

1  775.  2  :  cp.  768.  1  ;  769.  3  ;  772.  4  ;  783.  2.  Plutarch  (Cic.  43)  says  that  Hirtius 
and  Pansa,  who  were  good  men,  and  great  admirers  of  Cicero,  asked  him  not  to 
desert  them,  and  they  undertook,  if  he  were  present,  to  put  down  (Kara^va 
Antony  when  they  hecame  consuls  ;  and  that  Cicero,  neither  wholly  distrusting  no 
trusting  them  (otfr'  airiffruv  ira.vTa.ira.aiv  otfre  iriffTevwv),  agreed  that  he  would  return 
for  the  1st  of  January,  and,  bidding  farewell  to  Dolabella,  sailed  away  for  Greece 
Plutarch  seems  to  have  considered  that  the  legatio  was  not  a  sinecure,  but  would 
require  Cicero's  going  to  Syria  with  Dolabella. 

2  Cicero  was  always  indifferent  to  money  (cp.  Plutarch  Comp.  Dem.  et  Cic.  3). 
At  this  time  his  steward  Eros  (just  possibly  the  same  as  the  Eros  mentioned  in 
Plutarch  Apophth.  Ciceronis  21  =205  E),  whom  Cicero  does  not  seem  to  have  trusted 
implicitly  (557.  4),  appears  to  have  had  Cicero's  accounts  in  a  very  unsatisfactory 
condition,  and  Cicero  had  to  send  his  faithful  Tiro  to  put  them  in  order  :  cp.  726.  2  ; 
748.  1,3,  4  ;  cp.  754.  1   and  Fam.  xvi.  24.  1  (806) ;  though  he  still  continued  to 
employ  Eros  (769.  6  ;    772.  1).     From  752.  4  we  gather  that  in  June,  in  order  to  free 
himself  from  debt,  Cicero  would  have  to  get  a  bill  for  two  hundred  thousand  sesterces 
for  five  months,  when  money  due  to  him  from  his  brother  Quintus  would  probably 
be  paid.     These  difficulties  Cicero  takes  but  as  passing  annoyances,  and  frankly 
(apertius)  asks  his  friends  Atticus,  and  even  Balbus,  to  see  to  securing  his  credit 
(772.  2 ;  773.  5).     He  did  not  ever  seem  to  be  quite  clear  how  his  money  affairs 
stood,  and  generally  talks  about  them  in  a  somewhat  perfunctory  manner  (772.  2; 
775.  3).     One  of  the  chief  reasons  why  he  returned  to  Home  in  August,  44,  was  to 
see  after  his  finances  himself  (783.  6). 

3  Cp.  775.  1 ;  he  reached  Vibo  on  the  24th,  the  eighth  day  from  the  17th. 

*  Some  commentators  suppose  that  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  Trebatius  at  Velia, 
and  alter  Talnam  to  Testatn  in  775.  1  :  but  see  note  to  774.  1. 

5  783.  i  ;  Phil.  i.  8.  We  cannot  be  certain  who  he  was :  probably  the  kind 
friend  (homo  officioswt)  who  wrote  to  Cicero  during  his  exile  telling  him  of  the  hard- 
ships Terentia  was  suffering  at  Rome ;  and  he  may  be  also  the  Valerius  mentioned 
in  598.  1 ;  600.  1  ;  628  [15].  We  hear,  too,  of  a  P.  Valerius  who  was  a  debtor  of 


received  a  visit  from  certain  distinguished  citizens  of  Regium  who 
had  left  Rome  shortly  before  the  end  of  July,  and  brought  him 
letters  and  news  which  induced  him  to  abandon  his  idea  of  going 
to  Greece,  and  to  return  to  .Rome  (783.  1 ;  Phil.  i.  8).  This  requires 
us  to  revert  to  what  was  happening  at  Borne  in  the  political  world 
during  the  month  of  July. 

The.  only  person  who  stood  at  all  in  Antony's  way  was 
Octavian  ;  but  Antony  did  not  consider  that  he  was  very 
dangerous,  and  still  thought  that  he  might  be  intimidated. 
During  some  four  or  five  days  from  the  20th  the  Ludi  Victoriae 
Caesaris  (also  called  Veueris  Grenetricis)  were  celebrated1  by  Octavian 
with  considerable  success.  He  once  more  (see  above,  p.  Ixxiv)  made 
an  attempt  to  exhibit  Caesar's  golden  chair,  but  was  prevented  by 
some  of  the  tribunes.  He  appealed  to  Antony  as  consul,  but 
Antony  supported  the  tribunes,  and  threatened  to  imprison 
Octavian  if  he  did  not  desist.  A  comet  appeared  on  the  last  day 
of  the  games.  Octavian  declared  it  was  the  soul  of  Caesar  translated 
to  the  heavens,  and  erected  in  the  temple  of  Venus  a  statue  of 
Caesar,  and  decorated  its  head  with  a  comet,  as  he  well  knew  that 
an  assertion  of  this  kind  would  excite  and  foster  the  fanaticism  of 
:he  lower  order  of  Caesareans,  who  had  paid  worship  to  Caesar  at 
the  altar  which  Dolabella  had  overturned.  The  whole  body  of 
Caesarean  fanatics  were  with  Octavian.  Antony  had  not  estimated 
the  influence  of  the  mere  name  of  Caesar  with  such  excitable 
minds;  and  when  we  add  to  this  the  fact  that  Octavian  was 
Caesar's  heir,  and  had  expressed  willingness,  if  only  he  were 
treated  fairly,  to  pay  all  his  obligations  which  were  due  under 
Caesar's  will  to  the  people,  and  that  he  was  desirous  to  take 
vengeance  for  Caesar's  murder,2  we  can  understand  that  he  was 
an  influence  with  which  it  was  necessary  for  Antony  to  reckon. 
But,  nevertheless,  Antony  felt  that  he  might  now  take  the  step 
for  which  all  his  previous  actions  had  been  preparing :  and 
towards  the  end  of  July  he  promulgated  the  Lex  de  permutations 

Atticus,  Att.  v.  21.  14  (250).  It  is  to  be  noticed  how  welcome  Cicero  was  always 
made  by  his  friends  and  their  retainers. 

1  They  can  hardly  have  lasted  more  than  three  or  four  days  at  this  early  stage  in 
their  history.     Later  they  lasted  for  ten  days  :  cp.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  Jahrbuch 

p.  864. 

2  Cp.  Appian  iii.  28. 



provinciarum,  whereby  he  was  at  once  to  receive  the  province  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  along  with  the  Macedonian  legions  for  five  yearsJ 
and  Decimus  Brutus  was  to  get  Macedonia  without  an  army  for 
the  remainder  of  the  year.1  The  veterans  were  of  course  enthusiastic 
for  the  law,  because  they  considered  that  if  a  strong  man  like 
Antony  held  that  province  which  commanded  Italy,  there  was  no 
doubt  but  that  their  interests  would  be  secure,  and  Caesar  avenged. 
But  the  promulgation  of  the  law  caused  general  alarm.  War 
seemed  imminent,  as  it  was  felt  that  Decimus  would  certainly 
resist;  and  in  consequence  there  was  something  of  a  financial 
panic,  certainly  a  difficulty  in  raising  money.2  Even  some 
Caesareans  were  alarmed :  and  Calpurnius  Piso,  Caesar's  father- 
in-law,  and  Cicero's  old  enemy  of  the  InPisonem*  declared  that  he 
.would  move  in  the  Senate  on  August  1st  that  Cisalpine  Graul 
should  be  no  longer  deemed  a  province,  as  all  its  inhabitants 
were  Roman  citizens.  The  crisis  that  had  arisen  showed  how 
much  Cicero's  eloquence  was  missed,  and  he  was  criticized  in 
several  quarters  for  going  off  to  Greece  to  the  Olympic  games 
when  the  State  required  him  so  urgently  at  home  (783.  1,  5). 

1  Cicero  never  speaks  of  this  law  about  the  exchange  of  provinces  except  in  784.  7. 
The  title  of  the  law  is  found  only  in  Livy  Epit.  117  M.  Antonius  consul  cum  im- 
potenter  dominaretur  legemque   de  permutatione  provinciarum  per  vim  tulisset, 
et  Caesnrem  quoque  petentem  ut  sibi  adversus  percussores  avunculi  adesset  magnis  iniuriis 
adfecisset.    That  there  was  an  exchange  is  implied  in  the  references  of  other  authors, 
e.g.,  Nic.  Dam.  30.  4  a\\a£dnevos  ;  Appian  iii.  27  eVoAAo|at;   37  €9  cvirpeirfiav 
TTJS  jSouAfjs  MaKeSoviav  viriffxi'ov/j.fvos  avrt8 a»(Te iv,    yv/mvr)V  ffrparov  yevo/jifVr)V — SO 
that  this  view,  that  the  law  did  not  specify  that  Dec.  Brutus  was  to  get  anything  in 
exchange  for  Cisalpine  Gaul,  can  hardly  be  sustained.     Antony  may  have  intended 
that  Decimus  should  never  actually  receive  Macedonia,  and  he  certainly  persisted 
in  calling  Macedonia  'his  own'  absolutely:   cp.  Phil.  vii.  3  Macedonian  suam  vocat 
omnino  ;  viii.  25  utramque  provinciam  remitto — i.e.  Macedonia  and  Cisalpine  Gaul.    But  i 
that  was  because  Decimus  did  not  acknowledge  the  law,  and  so  was  not  competent 
to  receive  Macedonia.     Antony  seems  to  have  entertained  some  expectation  that  he 
might  be  able  to  bring  his  old  comrade  Decimus  over  to  agree  to  the  exchange,  and  I 
hoped  that  perhaps  Decimus  as  one  of  Caesar's  murderers  would  join  with  himi 
against  Octavian:  cp.  Dio  xlv.  14.  1  (quoted  by  Ferrero,  iii.  86  n.)  fipx*  C-*v  ^77  rare 
TTJJ  x<apa.s   tKfivris  o  BpoCros  6  Ae/auos,   Kal  avrov  6  'Ai/rwi/toj  e'ATriSo  iro\\r)V 

fire  «al  rbv  Kaiffapa  airfKTOv6ros. 

2  783.  6,  mirifica  enim  5v(rx/>Tj0Tia  est  propter  me  turn  armorum. 

3  There  was  a  rumour  abroad  at  the  end  of  June  that  Piso  was  going  to  get  a  I 
legatio  by  means  of  a  bogus  decree  of   the   Senate   (tytvSeyypdQcp   senatus  consultol 
763.  1) — thus  indicating  that  he  was  in  league  with  Antony;  but  it  was  probably 


During  the  last  few  days  of  July  Brutus  and  Cassius  appear  to 
have  issued  a  manifesto  (783. 1  ;  Phil.  ii.  8  ;  Veil.  ii.  62.  3)  saying 
they  were  willing  to  resign  their  praetorship,  and  in  the  interests 
of  peace  leave  Italy  (cp.  Phil.  ii.  113).  This  was  their  answer  to 
those  who  supported  the  grant  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  to  Antony  for  fear 
of  civil  war  being  raised  by  the  tyrannicides.  It  is  possible  that 
they  also  asked  to  be  relieved  of  their  corn-commissionerships, 
and  to  be  informed  what  provinces  they  were  to  have  next  year. 
Piso  fulfilled  his  undertaking  on  August  1 ;  but  the  general  fear 
of  violence  from  the  veterans  prevented  any  enthusiasm  from 
being  shown.  All  the  Senate  did  was  to  assign  two  insignificant 
provinces  to  Brutus  and  Cassius,  viz.,  Crete  and  Cyrene  (Illyria 
according  to  Nic.  Dam.  28.  17).  The  courage  of  Piso  was  com- 
mendable :  he  declared  he  would  leave  Italy  if  this  tyranny  con- 
tinued (Phil.  xii.  14)  :  but,  though  Cicero  (Phil.  i.  10)  says  that 
he  gained  great  renown  in  public  estimation,  his  efforts  were 
ineffective,  and  he  obtained  no  support  (783.  7).  Accordingly,  just 
as  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  June  1  (see  above,  p.  Ixxvi), 
Antony  saw  plainly  that  his  opponents  had  no  real  backing, 
and  that  he  might  now  proceed  to  vigorous  measures  against 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  so  on  the  evening  of  the  1st,  or  on  the  2nd, 
he  wrote  a  violent  manifesto  against  them,  accusing  them  of 
shirking  their  duty  and  promoting  civil  war.  They  replied  in  a 
document  of  great  severity  and  dignity,  dated  August  4,  which 
we  still  possess  (782).  The  veterans,  bitterly  hostile  to  the  con- 
spirators, were  carrying  all  before  them.  Octavian  alone  by  his 
disagreement  with  Antony  proved  a  hindrance  to  the  complete 
union  of  the  Caesareans.  It  was,  perhaps,  about  this  time  (though 
the  date  is  very  uncertain)  that  Octavian,  though  a  patrician,  stood 
for  the  tribunate  vacated  by  the  death  of  Helvius  Cinna  (see  above, 
p.  Iviii,  note  4).  Antony  opposed  his  candidature  on  the  grounds 
that  he  was  a  patrician,  that  he  was  too  young,  and  that  he  had  never 
held  the  quaestorship ;  and  succeeded  in  having  the  election  post- 
poned. But  whether  this  additional  cause  of  disagreement  occurred 
just  at  this  juncture  or  not,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Antony  and 

1  Plut.  Ant.  16;  Suet.  Aug.  10;  Dio.  xlv.  6.  2;  Appian  iii.  31.  The  date  is 
very  uncertain.  Dio  places  this  before  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris,  Suetonius  after 
them,  and  Appian  even  after  the  reconciliation  of  Antony  and  Octavian. 

VOL.  v.  g 



Octavian  were  hostile  to  one  another.     This  state  of  things  th 
leaders  of  the  veterans  and  the  Antonian  party  generally  determine 
to  stop.    The  dramatic  scene  which  describes  how  soldiers  came  t 
Octavian's  house,  how  he  in  fear  fled  to  the  roof,  but  heard  th 
soldiers  cheering,  how  he  showed  himself  to  them  and  was  receive 
with  applause,  how  they  told  him  that  they  desired  him  to  be  recon 
ciled  with  Antony,  and  that  a  detachment  of  them  had  gone  to  urge 
the  same  course  on  Antony,  is  well  described  by  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus  29.   Antony  did  not  hold  out,  and  the  reconciliation  was 
effected1 ;  and  shortly  afterwards,  probably  some  time  about  the 
20th,2  the  law  de  permutatione  was  passed.     Octavian  supported] 
Antony:  refractory  tribunes  were  bought  off3 ;  all  the  entrances  to 
the  forum  were  barricaded  so  that  supporters  alone  of  the  law  couldJ 
pass ;  and  much  violence  was  used.*     Though  opposition  was  stillj 
to  be  apprehended  from  Octavian,  and  the  soldiers  were  wholly! 
devoted  to  him  and  his  name,  the  position  of  Antony  as  chief  man! 
in  the  State  seemed  to  be  well  established  (Phil  i.  10-23)/ 

But  Cicero  at  Leucopetra  on  August  7  did  not  hear  any  news! 
from  Rome  of  later  date  than  about  July  28  or  29.  From  that] 
he  learned  that  there  was  to  be  a  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  I 
August  1 6 ;  that  there  was  some  probability  that  Antony  would] 
give  way  and  resign  his  claim  on  Cisalpine  Gaul ;  that  an  agree- 1 

1  Appian  iii.  29. 

2  Appian  (iii.  55)  is  wrong   when  he  says  TT/I/  5e  Ke\Tt«7?i/  fiyc/Aovictv  'Ai/rwyi^l 
t5u)K6    .    .    .   STJ/UOJ    vo/j.(f,    Trap6vTos    avrov    KtKfpcavos.     Cicero    was   certainly   not! 

3  We  doubt  whether  this  statement  of  Appian  (iii.  30)  can  apply  to  the  tribunes^ 
who  were  consistently  opposed  to  Antony,  such  as  Ti.  Cannutius  (the  man  who,  I 
as  Velleius  ii.  64.  3  says,  worried  Antony  like  a  dog),  L.  Cassius  Longinus,  and! 
D.  Carfulenus — if  indeed  Carf ulenus  was  a  tribune  this  year. 

4  Liv.  Epit.  117  ;  Appian  iii.  30. 

6  During  August  Antony  promulgated  two  laws  of  a  democratic  nature :  (1)  de  tertial 
decuria,  which  enacted  that  jurymen  should  no  longer  be  taken  from  the  Senators  andl 
the  Knights  only  (the  Tribuni  Aerarii  had  been  abolished  by  Caesar:  cp.  Suet.J 
Caes.  41  ;  Dio  xliii.  25.  1),  but  that  a  third  decuria  of  centurions  and  lower  military! 
officers  without  property  qualification  be  added  ;  (2)  de  vi  etmaiestate,  which  enacted! 
that  all  citizens  condemned  under  these  heads  should  have  an  appeal  to  the  people. I 
The  quaestiones  had  been  hitherto  final ;  and  also  (3)  a  law  that  on  every  occasion  ofi 
public  thanksgiving  a  special  day  should  be  added  in  honour  of  Caesar,  that  is  that 
he  should  virtually  be  deified  (Phil.  i.  13  :  ii.  110). 

8  783.  1.   We  think,  with  Drumann  and  Groebe,  that  the  Kalends  there  mentionedi 
must  be  the  Kalends  of  August :  see  note. 


nent  would  bo  arrived  at,  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  return  to  Rome.1 
'his  optimistic  view  can  only  have  arisen  from  the  opposition 
rhich  for  the  moment  the  promulgation  of  the  law  de  permu- 
atione  caused,  and  from  the  firm  position  which  Piso  took  up,  and 
ae  support  he  seemed  likely  to  receive.  It  cannot  have  lasted 
eyond  August  1.  But  the  citizens  of  Kegium  had  probably  left 
iome  a  day  or  two  before  the  end  of  July,  and  related  their  forecast 
f  events  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  time  of  their  departure,  not 
rom  that  of  the  time  at  which  they  were  speaking  to  Cicero.  It 
ras  felt  even  then,  in  the  crisis  that  had  arisen  owing  to  the  pro- 
nulgation  of  the  law  de  permutatione,  that  Cicero  should  not  be 
bsent2 :  and,  after  the  proceedings  of  the  first  week  of  August,  it 
nust  have  been  still  more  felt  that  no  one  except  Cicero  could 
dequately  defend  the  republican  cause.  Atticus,  in  opposition  to 
is  general  approval  of  Cicero's  journey  to  Greece  (cp.  note  to 
83.  3),  now  changed  his  tone  very  emphatically  (vehementer, 
83.  2),  and,  apparently  before  August  I,3  wrote  a  harsh  letter 
Cicero  blaming  him  for  deserting  his  country  in  this  crisis. 
Cicero  wrote  back  with  wonderful  command  of  temper.  '  I 
vish '  (said  Atticus,  with  a  note  of  contempt)  '  you  would 
laborate  a  dissertation  ((r^oXiov)  defending  your  conduct/ 
Yes,  my  dear  Atticus '  (he  replies),  '  I  will  compose  an  Apologia ; 
mt  I  shall  address  it  to  those  against  whose  wish  and  advice  I 
tarted  on  my  journey.'  Atticus  reminded  him,  too  (§  6),  of  his 
nancial  difficulties  in  the  monetary  crisis  that  had  arisen.  Cicero 
eplied  that  he  saw  at  once  clearly  that  he  must  meet  his  creditors, 
so  he  set  his  face  homeward,  and  on  August  17  had  reached 
Velia,  where  he  had  a  meeting  with  Brutus,  who  seems  to  have 
)een  unusually  effusive  in  his  praise  of  Cicero  for  returning. 

1  783.  1 ;  Phil.  i.  8. 

2  Dio  xlv.  15.  4,  says  that  Cicero  returned  because  he  had  heard  that  Antony  and 
Octavian  had  become  violently  hostile  to  one  another  (e/cTreTroA-e/uayteVous).     This  is 
different  from  Cicero's  own  statement  that  he  returned  because  he  understood  that  an 
agreement  between  Antony  and  the  constitutionalists  was  likely  to  be  attained  (rein 
conventuram).  He  does  not  seem  to  have  regarded  Octavian  at  this  time  as  an  important 
factor  in  the  political  situation. 

3  Cicero  replies   to  this  letter  on  August  19,  writing  from  ship- board  as  he  was 
approaching  Pompeii,  783  fin.     The  letter  of  Atticus  reached  him,  as  would  appear, 
while  he  was  still  at  the  Straits  of  Messina  (infreto  medio")  :  cp.  783.  6,  where  see  note. 


Brutus  had  not  urged  this  course  previously,  because  (so  at  least 
Atticus  seemed  to  imply,  7$3.  5)  he  did  not  wish  to  appear  to 
give  advice  to  a  man  who  was  so  much  his  senior.1  Brutus 
told  him  of  the  events  of  the  early  part  of  August,  and  may- 
have  given  him  copies  of  Antony's  manifesto  of  the  1st  or  2nd 
and  his  own  in  reply  (782).  We  may,  perhaps,  conjecture  also 
that  he  did  not  emphasize  the  danger  and  difficulty  of  the  position 
which  he  had  created,  and  which  he  was  urging  Cicero  to  face. 
Cicero  had  no  illusions  that  he  would  be  able  to  take  a  successful 
part  in  politics,  but  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  return  and  show,  as  he 
had  always  done,  his  devotion  to  his  country.  He  was  fully 
conscious  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  which  he  was  now  espousing.8 
He  was  at  Pompeii  on  the  19th  (783  fin.),  and  at  Tusculum 
certainly  on  the  28th,  possibly  earlier.  It  was  probably  from 
Tusculum  that  he  wrote  his  letter  to  Matins  (784),  expostulating 
with  him  for  having  supported  the  law  de permutations  provinciarum. 
Matius  made  a  manly  and  honourable  reply  (785),  which  permits 
us  to  see  the  views  of  the  political  situation  which  were  held  by 
many  able,  educated,  and  moderate  Caesareans.3  On  the  31st 

1  Cp.  also  for  this  interview,  Phil.  i.  9,  atque  ego  celeriter  Veliam  devectus  Brutum 
vidi  :  quanta  meo  dolore  non  dico.     Turpe  mihi  ipsi  videbatur  in  earn  urbem  me  audere 
reverti  ex  qua  Brutus  cederet,  et  ibi  velle  tuto  esse  ubi  ille  non  posset.   Neque  vero  ilium 
similiter  atque  ipse  eram  commotum  esse  vidi :  erectus  enim  maximi  et  pulcherrimi  facti 
sui  conscientia  nihil  de  suo  casu,  multa  de  vestro  (i.e.  the  Roman  people,  dominated  as 
they  were  by  Antony)  querebatur.     It  is  really  amazing  to  see  the  veneration  with 
which  such  a  poor  creature  as  Brutus  was  regarded  by  Cicero — and  that  too  at  a  time 
when  Brutus  \vas  flying  from  all  danger,  and  Cicero  returning  to  Home  to  find  all 
things  there  in  a  blaze  (in  flammam  ipsam  venirem,  783.  2).     Cicero  certainly  fulfilled 
his  intention  of  never  faltering  in  his  devotion  to  Brutus  (720.  3). 

2  Cp.  783.  7,  nee  ego  nunc,  ut  Brutus  censebat,  istuc  ad  rempublicam  capessendatn  venio* 
Quid  enim  Jleri  potest  ?    Num  quis  Pisoni  est  adsensus?    Num  rediit  ipse  postridie  f 
Sed  abesse  hanc  aetatem  longe  a  sepulchro  negant  oportere :  Phil.  i.  10.    Hunc  (Pisonem) 
igitur  ut  sequerer  properavi  quern  praesentes  non  sunt  secuti,  non  ut  projicerem  aliquid — 
nee  enim  sperabam  id  nee  praestare poteram — sed  ut,  si  quid  mihi  humanitus  accidisset — 
multa  autem  impendere  videntur  praeter  naturam  etiam  praeterque  fatum  (apparently  the 
ordinary  accidents  of  human  life)— huius  tamen  diei  vocem  testem  reipublicae  relinquerem 
meae  perpetuae  erga  se  voluntatis. 

3  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  p.  132)  well  describes,  partly  after  Cicero  (729. 1),  the  point 
of  view  of  such  moderate  Caesareans.     'Assassination  is  a  crime  which,  when  once 
practised  or  defended  by  a  political  party,  must  render  it  impossible  for  their  opponents 
to  trust  them  again  ;  and  while  Caesar's  friends  regarded  the  late  dictator  as  the  victim 
of  hia  own  unsuspecting  confidence,  they  naturally  imagined  that  the  conspirators  and 
their  friends  assumed  the  language  of  moderation  only  whilst  they  were  overawed  by 


)icero  entered  Rome,  welcomed  by  a  large  crowd.1  The  ship  of 
he  Republic  was  not,  perhaps,  so  very  shattered  as  Cicero  had 
eclared  two  and  a  half  months  before  (744.  3),  but  it  was,  never- 
lieless,  in  a  very  unsound  state.  It  is  no  little  tribute  to  Cicero's 
.bility  and  character  that  in  this  critical  condition  of  affairs  it  was 
him  that  men  turned  their  eyes.  He  was  no  longer  left  relegated 
o  the  hold,  but  was  once  more  called  upon  to  grasp  the  helm.2 
'or  the  next  year  he  navigated  that  crazy  old  vessel,  not  always, 
erhaps,  with  consummate  wisdom,  but,  on  the  whole,  with  con- 
picuous  courage  and  spirit ;  and  when  the  inevitable  moment 
ame,  and  the  ship  went  down,  he  shared  her  fate. 

ie  populace  and  the  veterans,  and  that  as  soon  as  Decimus  Brutus  should  have 
rganized  an  army  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  Sex.  Pompeius  with  his  rapidly  increasing 
irce  should  have  arrived  from  Spain  to  join  him,  the  aristocratical  party  would  retract 
ie  concessions  made  in  the  temple  of  Earth  on  the  seventeenth  of  March,  and  would 
innul  all  the  acts  of  Caesar's  sovereignty,  as  they  had  formerly  intended  to  do  to 
lose  of  his  first  consulship.' 

1  Plutarch  Cic.  43,  '  Such  a  multitude  of  men  in  their  joy  and  longing  for  him 
cured  out  to  meet  him,  and  well-nigh  the  whole  day  was  spent  in  welcomings  and 
reetings  to  him  at  the  gates.'     When  Cicero  returned  from  Cilicia  in  a  much  greater 
risis,  he  received,  as  he  tells  us,  a  very  complimentary  welcome :  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  11.2 
(01),  obviam  mihi  sic  est  proditum  ut  nihil  posset  fieri  ornatius.   This  going  out  to  meet 

mportant  people  seems  to  have  been  a  point  of  etiquette  which  was  considered  almost 
mperative  (Plutarch,  Ant.  11,  says  that  all  the  chief  men  went  out  many  days' journey 
meet  Caesar  when  he  was  returning  from  Spain  :  cp.  667.  3,  4).  Appian  (iii.  13) 
mplies  that  it  was  considered  a  slight  to  omit  it :  if  one  could  not  go  oneself,  a 
eputy  should  he  sent. 

2  Cp.  Fam.  ix.  15.  3  (481)  written  in  the  autumn  of  46,  Sedebamus  enim  in  puppi  et 
avum  tenebamus  :  nunc  autem  vix  est  in  sentina  locus. 




IN  the  year  168  B.C.  a  certain  farmer  named  Yatinius  informed 
the  magistrates  that,  as  he  was  returning  one  night  from  ReatJ 
to  Rome,  he  was  met  by  Castor  and  Pollux,  who  told  him  thai 
Perseus  had  been  taken  captive  on  that  day.  The  magistrates 
very  properly  put  him  under  restraint  ;  but  a  few  days  later! 
when  news  of  the  capture  of  Perseus  arrived,  they  released  himjj 
and  gave  him  a  farm  as  a  reward.1 

His   grandson  was  the  celebrated,  or  notorious,  tribune,  P| 
Yatinius,  with  whom  there  is  no  record  that  the  gods  ever  hel< 
any  intercourse,  and  who  was,  according  to  Cicero  and  Catullus^ 
the  best  detested  man  at  Rome.2     He  was  a  vulgar,  low-bor^| 
creature,  who  had  vulgar  ambitions  for  mere  rank  and  title,  an< 
attained  the  vulgar  success  he  coveted.     In  the  rough-and-tumbl< 
of  Roman  politics  during  the  last  generation  of  the  Republic 
success    of  that  kind,  in  the  case  of   a  man  sprung  from  suofl 
origins  as  Yatinius,  was  pretty  sure  to  be  obtained  by  audacity, 
wit,  want  of  principle,  and  readiness  to  perform  capably  any  an< 
every  kind  of  work  which  the  heads  of  the  opposing  factions  con- 
sidered needful.    This  was  the  character  of  Yatinius,  and  the  part 
lie  played.     His  exterior  corresponded  to  his  mind.3     He 

1  Cic.  N.  D.  ii.  6. 

2  Cic.  Vat.  1,  odio  tui  ab  omnibus  paenevincor  :  cp.  9  and  39,  si  te  vicini,  si  adfin 
si  tributes  ita  oderunt  ut  repulsam  tuam  triwnphum  suum  duxerint  .    .    .  si  es   odit 
publicum  populiy  senatus,   universorum  hominum  rusticanoram;  Catull.  14,  3,  odi 

te  odio   Vatiniano.     On  this  latter  passage    we   agree   with    the    late  Prof.   Ellii 
in  his  view  that  Vatiniano  is  objective ;  though,  of  course,  the  other  view,  tht 
Catullus  is  thinking  of  the  hatred  felt  by  Vatinius  for  Calvus  and  all  his  enemies,  it 
just  possible.     Good   stories   gathered  round  Vatinius;  one   which   illustrated 
unpopularity  is  told  by  Macrobius  (ii.  6,  1).   When  Vatinius  gave  a  show  of  gladiator 
stones  were  flung  at  him :  the  aediles  then  declared  that  he  should  be  pelted  only  wit 
fruit  (poma).     A  spectator  asked  the  eminent  counsel  Cascellius  whether  a  pine-coi 
(nux  pinea)  was  fruit,  and  he  ruled  that  it  was  if  it  was  to  be  thrown  at  Vatinius. 
*  Veil.  ii.  69,  cum   Vatinius  nulli  homini  non  esset  postferendus,  in  quo  deformiti 



leformed,  and  disfigured  by  scrofulous  swellings  (strumae).  At 
e  many  jibes  were  directed,  which,  in  the  lack  of  refinement 
>f  the  age,  were  considered  not  merely  allowable,  but  even 

His  first  appearance  in  public  life  was  his  election  last  on  the 
[ist    of    quaestors    in    63.     Cicero,    the    consul,    sent     him    to 
'uteoli  to  prevent  the  exportation  of  gold  and  silver  :  the  precious 
letals  appear  to  have  been  needed  to  pay  for  the  imports  into 
[taly.     Vatinius  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  exercise 
Ibis  natural  gift  of  peculating,  and  to  institute  severe  inquisitions 
pnto  the  property  of  individuals,  with  the  result  that  the  good 
jople  of  Puteoli  laid  violent  hands  on  him.     Next  year  he  was 
[lieutenant  of  Q.  Cosconius  in  Further  Spain.     But  his  true  field 
[of  action  was  so-called  politics ;  and  the  chief   feature  of  his  life 
was  his  tribunate   in   59,  .during  the  consulship  of  Caesar  and 
Bibulus.2     He  put  his  services  unreservedly  at   the  disposal  of 
Caesar,  and  acted  as  his  most  energetic  and,  in  a  certain  sense, 
| able  helper  during  that  excited  and  noisy  year. 

It  was  no  great  distinction  for  Vatinius  that  he  set  the 
auspices  at  defiance,  though  perhaps  he  did  so  with  more  effron- 
tery than  most  politicians  :  everyone  at  that  time  set  the  auspices 
at  defiance  when  it  suited  his  purpose.  Nor  that  he  filled  the 
forum  with  soldiers ;  nor  that  he  so  intimidated  his  colleagues 
that  they  did  not  dare  to  exercise  their  right  of  intercession.3 

corporis  cum  turpitudine  certabat  ingeni,  adeo  id  animus  eius  dignissimo  domicilio  inelusus 
videretur.  'Just  to  think,'  says  Cic.  Att.  ii.  6,  2  (33),  writing  from  Antium,  'that 
there  is  a  place  so  near  Rome  where  there  are  many  people  who  have  never  seen 

1  Cp.  Senec.  de  Const.  Sap.  17.  3,  Tatinium,  hominem  natum  et  ad  risum  et  ad 
odium,  scurram  fuisse  et  venustum  et  dicacem  memoriae  proditum  est.     In  pedes  suos  ipse 
plurima  dicebat  et  in  fauces  concisas.     Sic  inimicorum,  quos  plures  habebat  quam  morbos, 
et  in primis  Ciceronis  urbanitatem  effugerat.     For  gibes  at  the  struma  of  Vatinius, 
cp.  Sest.  135,  Vat.  39  ;  Att.  ii.  9,  2  (36) ;  Plut.  Cic.  9.  26.     For  a  joke  on  his  diseased 
feet,  see  Quintil.  vi.  3,  77 :  Vatinius,  wishing  to  seem  quite  ahle  to  walk,  and  not 
merely  to  crawl,  says,  '  I've  walked  two  miles  to-day.'     'Yes,' replied  Cicero,   'the 
days  are  getting  longer  now.' 

2  During  this  year  Vatinius  aspired  to  ohtain  the  place  in  the  College  of  Augurs 
left  vacant  by  the  death  of  Metellus  Celer ;  hnt  that  hody  was  spared  the  disgrace 
for  the  time:  cp.  Att.  ii.  9.  2  (36)  ;  Vat.  19,  20.     He  was  elected  augur  in  the  room 
of  Appius  Claudius,  who  died  in  48  :  cp.  696.  2. 

3  Vat.  17,18. 


That  was  the  recognized  order  of  procedure,  and  the  virtuous  and 
high-souled  Titus  Annius  Milo  conformed  to  it  as  strictly  as  any 
Clodius  or  Vatinius.  Nor  did  it  show  any  special  gifts  to  treat 
Bibulus  with  every  kind  of  indignity,  though,  no  doubt,  it 
afforded  him  and  Caesar,  '  that  most  excellent  and  merciful  man/ 
a  considerable  amount  of  amusement.1  But  two  other  actions  of 
Vatinius  in  that  eventful  year  are  more  worthy  of  record.  The 
celebrated  law  which  is  associated  with  his  name  is  regarded,  and 
justly  regarded,  as  a  most  important  step  in  the  development  of 
the  military  monarchy.  It  enacted  that  Caesar  should  hold  Cis- 
alpine Gaul  and  Illyricum  for  five  years,  and  to  these  provinces 
the  Senate  afterwards  added  Transalpine  Gaul.  On  this  field  of 
action  Caesar  won  to  himself  the  devotion  of  the  army,  by  means 
of  which  he  was  afterwards  able  to  dictate  terms  to  the  Senate  and 
people  of  Home.  Another  remarkable  and  exciting  act  was  the" 
production  of  Vettius,  and,  according  to  Cicero,  the  subsequent 
murder  of  that  informer.  This  mysterious  affair,  of  which  we 
learn  most  from  Att.  ii.  24  (51)  and  Vat.  24-26,  shows  the 
general  lack  of  constitutional  morality  which  characterized  the 
politics  of  the  day. 

As  a  reward  for  his  services,  Caesar  appears  to  have  made 
Vatinius  one  of  his  legates  in  58 ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether 
he  ever  left  Rome  at  all.2  We  learn  that  he  failed  for  the  aedileship 
in  57.3  In  56  he  appeared  as  a  witness  against  Sestius  and 

1  Vat.  21,  22.  Really  the  way  they  treated  Bibulus  was  too  bad.    No  pantaloon  in 
a  pantomime  was  ever  more  knocked  about.    First  of  all,  Vatinius  arrested  him,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  other  nine  tribunes,  who  ordered  his  release,  led  him  along  some  kind 
of  a  bridge,  formed  by  breaking  up  the  tribunalia  in  the  forum,  to  prison,  and 
(adds   Cicero)    to  execution   and  death.     (The   latter  can  hardly  be  more  than  a 
rhetorical  flourish.)     Afterwards  it  appears  that  Vatinius  and  his  crew  drove  Bibulus 
to  leave  public  life  and  shut  himself  up  in  his  house  t  and  then  turned  round,  and  sent 
an  officer  to  arrest  him  and  drag  him  out,  thus  violating  a  fundamental  law  of  the 
Roman,  as  of  the  English,  citizen,  that  a  man's  house  is  his  castle.     The  only  resist  - 
tance  poor  Bibulus  was  able  to  make  to  all  this  was  to  issue  *  Archilochian '  edicts, 
which  broke  no  bones.     As  in  the  case  of  other  political  martyrs,  his  attitude  was 
applauded  as  nobler  than  any  triumph:  cp.  Cic.  Fam.  i.    9,  7  (153),  but  was  not 
emulated,  except,  indeed,  by  the  irrepressible  Cato  and  his  shadow  Favonius. 

2  In  that  year  he  appears  to  have  been  accused  by  Licinius  Calvus  de  vi,  on  which 
occasion,  when  there  was  some  dispute  about  challenges,  certain  partisans  of  Vatinius 
scaled  the  bench,  and  tried  to  scatter  the  lots  in  the  urn.     By  this  vigorous,  but 
scarcely  constitutional,  procedure  Vatinius  got  all  he  wished,  as  the  Schol.  Bob.  323 
(Or.)  says.  3  Sest.  114. 

PUB  LI  US  VATINIUS.  xcvii 

Milo,  when  these  worthies  were  tried  for  violence.1  In  the 
oourse  of  the  trial  of  Sestius,  Cicero  made  Vatinius  the  subject  of 
a  stringent  interrogation  which  has  come  down  to  us.  In  that 
inter rogatio  Cicero  heaps  up  every  kind  of  charge  against  his 
adverse  witness.  Sprung,  as  he  was,  from  some  mud  or  other,  he 
became  a  Pythagorean,  evoked  evil  spirits,  and  offered  up  to  them 
the  bowels  of  children  in  his  unholy  rites ;  he  set  all  religion  at 
defiance ;  he  beat  his  mother ;  he  bored  through  the  walls  of  his 
neighbours'  houses ;  when  legatus  he  made  a  round-about  journey 
to  Spain  by  sea;  and  went  to  a  dinner-party  in  a  black  toga.3  In 
fact,  he  was  the  greatest  ruffian  at  Rome,  except  Ciodius,  an  exception 
which,  according  to  Cicero,  Vatinius  resolutely  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge.4 The  reason  why  Cicero  made  this  attack  on  Vatinius  is 
stated  by  Cicero  himself  in  his  Apologia5  toLentulus  (§  7).  Vatinius 
had  said  that  Cicero  had  been  urged  to  cultivate  the  friend- 
ship of  Caesar  by  reason  of  Caesar's  extraordinary  good  luck  and 
fortune.  The  whole  interrogate,  says  Cicero,  was  simply  a  censure 
on  his  tribunate.  The  speech  is  not  bad  reading.  Cicero  regarded 
it  with  no  little  complacency.  Writing  to  Quintus,  he  says :— - 

'  I  cut  him  up  to  my  heart's  content,  gods  and  men  applauding. 
Paulus,  witness  for  Sestius,  said  he  would  prosecute  Vatiuius  if  Licinius 
Macer  hesitated,  whereupon  Macer  rose  up  from  the  benches  where  sat 
the  supporters  of  Sestius,  and  said  he  would  not  fail  to  carry  his 
undertaking  through.  In  short,  the  aggressive  bully  Vatinius  left  the 
Court  dismayed  and  crushed.'6 

This  was  possibly  in  a  measure  true ;  but  Cicero  cannot  have 
yarded  with  much  satisfaction  his  own  futile  efforts  to  dissociate 

1  In  giving  his  evidence  Vatinius  declared  that  the  whole  '  set '  (natio — this  was 
the  word  Vatinius  used :  cp.  Sest.  96  ;  N.D.  ii  74)  of  the  Optimates  should  be  destroyed 
and  cut  away  ;   he  censured  Caesar  for  his  indulgence  to  them,  and  solemnly  asserted 
that  there  never  would  be  any  peace  while  that  '  set '  existed. 

2  Cp.  Quintil.  v.  7,  6,  interim  adversus  singulos  dirigitur  actio  :  quod  insectationis 
•genus  et  permixtum  defensioni  legimus  in  orationibus  plurimis  et  separatim  editum,  sicut 

i  Vatinium  testem. 
3Cp.  Vat.  17,  14,  11,  12,  30. 

4  Cp.  Vat.  41,  quern  tu  unum  improbiorem  esst  quam  te  nunquam  soles  confiteri. 
Public  opinion  said  that  Clodius  was  the  one  man  who  was  a  greater  rascal  than 
Vatinius  :  the  latter  would  not  allow  this.     It  is  perhaps  better  thus  to  explain  unum 
than  to  read,  with  most  editors,  nonnunquam. 

5  Fam.  i.  9.  7  (153).  6  Q.  Fr.  ii.  4.  1  (105). 


the  actions  of  Vatinius  from  those  of  Caesar.  The  speech  is  a 
lively  one,  and  sufficiently  abusive  ;  but,  in  our  opinion,  the  abuse 
is  all  in  the  way  of  business,  and  did  not  betoken  much  more 
than  dislike  and  contempt  for  a  vulgar  and  unpopular  opponent. 
Cicero's  feelings  towards  Vatinius  were  of  a  very  different  nature 
from  those  which  he  entertained  for  Clodius,  whom  he  really  hated 
and  feared.  '  The  hatred  of  Yatinius,'  said  Cicero,  a  few  years 
later,  '  I  am  able  not  only  to  swallow,  but  also  to  digest.'1  For, 
with  all  his  faults,  his  want  of  principle  and  vulgar  aggressive- 
ness, Vatinius  had  one  redeeming  quality — good-humour.  He 
had  his  joke  against  everyone,  even  against  himself  and  his 
physical  deformities ;  and  this  good-humour  tended,  as  a  general 
rule,  to  disarm  in  some  degree  the  hostility  of  his  enemies.2 

In  55  he  became  praetor,  and  thereby  gained  another  step 
on  the  ladder  of  office,  by  a  clever,  but  unscrupulous,  piece  of 
tactics  on  the  part  of  Ponipey  and  Crassus,  who  again  required 
his  services  for  their  consulship.  They  procured  a  decree  of  the 
Senate  to  the  effect  that  the  praetors  should  enter  on  their 
magistracy  at  once  after  election.  As  by  this  means  their 
creature,  if  successful,  would  be  saved  from  prosecution  for  a  year, 
by  wholesale  bribery  and  intimidation  they  secured  for  him  the 
praetorship  in  opposition  to  Cato.  It  was  a  scandal  for  ever,  the 
gravest  in  the  record  of  elections.3 

When  Vatinius  vacated  this  office,  towards  the  end  of  55  or 
beginning  of  54,  he  was  accused  by  Licinius  Calvus,  probably 
under  Cicero's  law,  on  a  charge  of  ambitus.  By  giving  a  show  of 
gladiators  during  his  canvass,  he  brought  himself  within  the  severe 
penalties  of  this  law,  which  forbade  the  exhibition  of  such  shows 
within  two  years  of  the  election.4  This  speech  of  Calvus  was 
especially  famous.5  It  was  a  great  effort,  and  extorted  a  cry 

1  Q.  Fr.  iii.  9,  5  (160),  ut  eius  ista  odia  non  sorbeam  solum  sed  etiain  concoquam. 

2  Senec.  de  Const.  Sap.  17.  3,  quoted  above,  p.  xcv,  note  1. 

3  Val.  Max.  vii.  5,  6,  comitiorum  maximum  erimen.    The  case  became  proverbial 
for  the  fortune  of  election  :  cp.  Senec.  Epist.  118,  4,  'nihilmihi  tecum,  Fortuna :  non 
facio  mei  tibi  copiam.     Scio  apud  te  Catones  repelli,  Vatinios  fieri :  nihil  rogoS     Hoc 
ett  prtoatam  facere  fortunam.     For  the  scandalous  bribery  on  the  occasion  cp.  Plut. 
Cat.  Min.  42,  Pomp.  52. 

4  Vat.  37.     Cicero's  law  added  to  the  previous  penalties  for  ambitus  exile  for  ten. 

5  Cp.  Tac.  Dial.  21,  At  hercule  in  omnium  studiosorum  manibus  ver&antur  accttsa~ 


of  praise  even  from  Vatinius.  In  the  middle  of  the  speech 
he  started  up,  and  cried  excitedly,  '  I  ask  you,  judges,  is  it 
right  that,  because  this  man  is  eloquent,  I  should  be  condemned  P'1 
The  whole  clique  of  Calvus  and  Catullus  loathed  Vatinius;  his 
physical  repulsiveness  and  brawling  behaviour  doubtless  offended 
the  artistic  sensibilities  of  that  coterie :  and,  of  course,  their 
utter  detestation  of  Caesar  and  ail  his  works  extended,  with  the 
additional  feeling  of  contempt,  to  his  hireling  creatures.2  *  I  would 
hate  you  as  everyone  hates  Yatinius ' :  so  Catullus  expresses  to 
Calvus  the  highest  degree  of  hatred  he  could  feel.3  The  defence 
of  Vatinius  was  conducted  by  Cicero,  at  the  order  of  Pompey  and 
Caesar.  Cicero,  at  this  time,  after  the  complete  break -down  of  his 
opposition  to  the  triumvirs  the  year  before,  was  their  obedient  slave. 
The  defence,  Cicero  said,  was  easy.4  To  be  compelled  to  take  this 
part  was  galling  to  Cicero,  not  so  much  from  any  strong  personal 
hostility  to  Vatinius  (though  that  counted  for  something),  as  from 
his  being  forced  to  act  against  the  political  party  with  which  his 
real  sympathies  lay.  The  elaborate  and  laboured  defence,  which 
Cicero  makes  in  his  well-known  letter  to  Lentulus,  leaves  itself 
open  to  charitable  or  harsh  judgment,  according  as  critics  are 
kindly  or  malevolent.  If  Cicero  did  play  a  somewhat  unworthy 
part,  he  played  it  in  self-defence :  he  took  the  side  of  those  who 
would  not  desert,  or  show  mean  jealousy  of,  their  best  supporters. 
Pompey  had  recently  reconciled  Vatinius  with  him,  and  Caesar 
had  earnestly  requested  him  to  conduct  the  defence ;  but  Cicero 
dwells  especially  on  the  favour  shown  by  the  Optimates  to  Clodius 
as  a  motive  which  induced  him  to  alter  his  policy,  and  to  play  off 
ds  Publius  Vatinius  against  their  Publius  Clodius.5 

es  quae  in  Vatiniutn  inscribuntur,  ac  praeeipue  secunda  ex  his  oratio;  est  enim  verbis 
ta  et  sententiis  auribus  iudicum  accommodata.     It  was  during  the  delivery  of  this 
ition  that  Catullus  noticed  the  bystander  who  held  up  his  hands,  and  said  of  Calvus, 
magni,  salaputium   disertiim  (53,  5).     The   commencement  of    the   speech   was 
isidered   especially    powerful    (lul.    Sev.    rhet.    19),   Hominem    nostrae    civitatis 

mum^  de  factione  divitem,  sordidum,  maledicum  accuso  ('  «P accuse'). 
1  Senec.  Contr.  vii.  4  (19),  6,  Rogo  vos,  iudices,  num,  si  iste  disertus  est,  ideo  me 
inari  oportet. 

-  Cicero  (Vat.  38)  says  thnt  Caesar  declared  that  Vatinius  had  been  repaid  for  all 
services,  so  that  he  felt  no  concern  for  the  failure  of  Vatinius  for  the  aedileship. 
man  who  is  paid  in  money  for  service  must  submit  to  the  loss  of  position  and 

3  14,  3,  Odissem  te  odio  Vatiniano:  cp.  above,  p.  xciv,  note  2. 

4  Q.  Fr.  ii.  15,  3  (147).  5  Cp.  Plut.  Cic.  26  ;  Fam.  i.  9,  19  (153). 


We  do  not  hear  of  Yatinius  again  until  51,  when  he  appears 
as  a  legate  of  Caesar  in  Gaul.1  He,  doubtless,  remained  with  him 
until  his  invasion  of  Italyin  49,  but  took  no  prominent  part  in 
the  crisis  of  that  year.  Before  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  he  was 
sent  with  proposals  of  peace  to  Pompey,  but  was  not  present  at 
the  action.  He  had  previously  been  appointed  governor  of 
Brundisium,  which  he  defended  with  ability  against  an  attack  of 
D.  Laelius.3  During  his  governorship  of  Brundisium,  Cicero  was 
lodging  in  the  town,  and  speaks  of  having  received  considerable 
kindness  at  the  hands  of  Yatinius.  '  He  would  do  anything  if  he 
could  only  find  out  in  what  he  could  assist  me.'3  In  the  spring 
of  47  Yatinius,  with  very  inferior  forces,  defeated  the  fleet  of 
M.  Octavius  in  a  well-fought  battle  at  the  Island  of  Tauris,  off 
the  coast  of  Illyricum.4  At  the  end  of  the  same  year,  the  oath 
which  Vatinius  so  often  had  sworn,  the  oath  by  his  prospective 
consulship,  could  no  longer  be  regarded  as  a  false  one,  for  he  was 
made  consul  suffectm  apparently  within  a  few  days  of  the  end  of 

In  46  or  45,  Yatinius  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
Illyricum.  During  his  tenure  of  that  district  he  made  some 
successful  expeditions  against  the  Dalmatians,  of  which  he  gives 
a  slight  account  in  the  two  and  a-balf  letters  of  his  which 
have  come  down  to  us.  For  his  success  he  was  saluted  Imperator 
by  his  soldiers.  He  writes  to  Cicero,  asking  his  good  services  in 
confuting  the  calumnies  of  his  enemies,  and  in  securing  for  him  a 
triumph.  He  promises  his  aid  in  endeavouring  to  capture  a  run- 
away slave  of  Cicero's,  but  holds  up  his  hands  in  pretended 

1  Bell.  Gall.  viii.  46.  2  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  iii.  19,  90,  100. 

3  Att,  xi.  5,  4  (416) ;  cp.  9,  2  (423).  *  Bell.  Alex.  44,  45. 

5  Catull.  52,  3,  Per  consulatum  peierat  Vatinius.  Catullus  died  in  54,  so  we  must 
suppose  that  Vatinius,  during  his  career  of  office,  often  swore,  Ita  consul  Jiam  ut 
haec  vera  sunt,  as  Dio  Cassius  (1.  5.  4)  tells  us  Cleopatra  used  to  swear,  Sic  in  Capitolio 
itira  reddam;  and  this  is,  indeed,  virtually  stated  by  Cicero,  Vat.  6,  At  tamen  hoc, 
Vatini,  memento  .  .  .  me  .  .  .  magnificentissime  post  hominum  memoriam  consulem 
factum,  omniaque  ea  me  pudenter  vivendo  consecutum  esse  quae  tu  inpudenter 
vaticin-ando  tperare  te  saepe  dixisti:  cp.  11,  38.  The  jokes  which  Cicero 
made  on  the  consulship  of  Vatinius  (Macrob.ii.  3,  5)  are  of  the  same  nature  as  those  he 
made  on  the  consulship  of  Caninius  Rebilus — '  a  prodigy  is  the  consulship  of  Vatinius : 
in  it  was  neither  winter,  spring,  summer,  nor  autumn.*  Vatinius  asked  Cicero  why  he 
did  not  call  to  see  him.  « Oh ! '  replied  Cicero,  « I  intended  to  call  on  you  when  you 
were  consul,  hut  was  overtaken  by  night.' 


amazement  and  horror  at  Cicero's  request  on  behalf  of  a  certain 
Sex.  Servilius  and  of  a  notorious  criminal,  one  Gatilius — 

'  Are  those  the  clients,  those  the  cases  you  undertake  to  support  ?  A 
man  as  great  a  savage  as  there  is  alive,  who  has  killed,  ravished,  and 
outraged  numbers  of  free  youths,  married  women,  and  Roman  citizens, 
and  who  has  laid  whole  regions  waste.  The  ape,  who  was  not  worth  a 
half-penny,  tried  to  fight  me,  and  I  took  him  prisoner  of  war.  But,  though 
you  ask  me,  my  dear  Cicero,  what  can  I  do  ?  My  word,  I  do  wish  to 
perform  every  command  you  lay  upon  me.  The  penalty  and  punishment 
which  1  was  intending  to  execute  on  my  prisoner  I  remit  and  relinquish 
at  your  request ;  hut  what  reply  can  I  make  to  those  who  demand  satis- 
faction for  the  plunder  of  their  goods*,  the  attack  on  their  ships,  the 
murder  by  Catilius  of  their  brothers,  children,  and  parents  ?  Upon  my 
faith,  if  I  had  the  brazen  face  of  my  predecessor  in  the  augurate,  Appius, 
I  could  not  bear  these  complaints.  Well,  what  then?  I  shall  carefully 
do  all  that  I  know  you  want.  His  defence  is  being  conducted  by  your 
pupil,  Volusius,  and  possibly  that  circumstance  will  be  able  to  terrify  his 
opponents.  In  this  is  our  best  hope.' 

This  is  decidedly  amusing,  especially  the  tone  of  expostulation. 
The  not  too  scrupulous  Yatinius  is  in  amazement  at  the  magnitude 
of  the  job  which  the  righteous  Cicero  wishes  to  have  perpetrated  ; 
but  yet  he  will  do  his  best.1 

In  45,  the  successes  of  Vatinius  were  recognized  by  a  vote  which 
decreed  a  supplicatio  in  his  honour.  Soon  after  he  was  sent  out  to 
the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic  again.  In  43,  he  held  Dyrrhachium 
for  some  time  against  Marcus  Brutus,  but  finally  surrendered  to 
him  during  the  spring.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  surrender 
was  under  compulsion  or  voluntary  :  the  statements  of  Cicero  and 
Appian2  to  the  latter  effect  have  the  greater  degree  of  probability. 
Notwithstanding  this  failure,  the  triumvirs  allowed  him  the  honour 
of  a  triumph  for  his  exploits  in  Dalmatia  ;  and  on  the  31st  of  July, 
712  (42),  he  entered  the  city  as  imperator,  and  the  name  of  Vatinius 
was  added  to  the  list  of  triumphatores,  whereon  had  been  inscribed 
the  names  of  Camillus  and  Africanus,  Paullus,  and  Marius, 
Pompeius  and  Caesar.  We  hear  no  more  of  him. 

Yet  it  is  a  fitting  end  for  our  knowledge  of  a  second-rate 
politician,  and  a  second-rate,  though  courageous,  general.  A 
triumph  by  itself  had  ceased  to  be  a  real  honour ;  even  Lentulus 

1  Ep.  696.  2  Cic.  Phil.  x.  13  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  iv.  75. 


Spinther  got  a  triumph.  It  meant  no  more  than  a  peerage  means 
to-day.  Yet  we  are  glad  that  Cicero  did  not  live  to  learn  of  this 
special  scandal,  and  was  spared  the  grief  and  humiliation  of  seeing 
what  had  been  the  highest  glory  of  his  darling  republic  carelessly 
granted  to  a  vulgar  agitator,  and  the  purple-dyed  and  gold- 
bespangled  robe  of  the  triumphant  commander,  the  very  garments 
of  Jupiter  himself,  wrapped  round  the  scrofulous  swellings  of 


CICERO'S  only  son,  young  Marcus,  was  born  in  65,  about  July 
or  August,  when  L.  Julius  Caesar  and  C.  Marcius  Figulus  had 
been  just  designated  consuls  for  the  next  year.  He  was  thus 
some  nine  years  younger  than  Tullia.  During  the  early  part  of 
his  life  we  hear  little  of  him,  except  in  a  few  conventional  remarks.2 
He  is  not  mentioned  in  his  father's  correspondence  during  those 
years  except  incidentally  as  a  '  sweet  boy.'3  He  was  seven  years 
old  when  Cicero  was  exiled,  and  it  was  one  of  the  sources  of 
greatest  sorrow  to  the  father  that  just  as  his  son  was  beginning  to 
perceive  things  intelligently  he  had  felt  the  bitter  sting  of  misery 
and  sorrow.4  When  the  boy  was  eleven  years  old,  he  and  his  cousin 
Quintus  were  put  under  the  care  of  a  teacher  of  rhetoric,  called 
Paeonius,  who  appears  to  have  given  them  instruction  in  a  some- 
what declamatory  style  of  oratory.5  In  51  the  two  boys  accom- 
panied Cicero  to  Cilicia  with  the  respectable  but  irritable6  Dionysius 
as  their  tutor.  During  50  King  Deiotarus  asked  the  boys  to 
visit  him,  and  Cicero  considered  Galatia  a  very  desirable  place 
for  them  in  which  to  spend  the  summer.7  Towards  winter 
Deiotarus  took  them  back  to  Cicero  at  Laodicea.  '  The  two  lads/ 

1  Cp.  Att.  ii.  9,  2  (36)  of  the  augurate,  denique  etiam   Vatini  strumam  sacerdoti 
iifiatytf)  vestiant. 

2  Cic.  Cat.  iv.  3 ;  Post  red.  ad  Quir.  8.  3  mellitus  Cicero,  Att.  i.  18,  1  (24) 
4  Fam.  xiv.  1,  1  (82).                                           5  Q.  Fr.  iii.  3,  4  (151). 

6  Att.  viii.  4,  1  (335)  :  cp.  vi.  1,  12  (252),  Dionysius  mihi  quidem  in  amoribus  est  . 
pueri  autetn  aiunt  eumfurenter  irasci,  sed  homo  nee  doctior  nee  sanctior  fieri  potest  nee 
tui  meique  amantior. 

7  Att.  v.  17,  3  (209). 


writes  Cicero  to  Atticus  vi.  1,  12  (252),  *  are  companions  in  their 
studies  and  their  exercises  ;  but,  as  Isocrates  said  of  Theopompus 
and  Ephorus,  one  of  them  (young  Quintus)  needs  the  curb,  the 
other  (young  Marcus)  the  spur/ 

On  his  return  Cicero  appears  to  have  touched  at  Rhodes,  as  the 
boys  wished  to  see  the  town.  Young  Marcus  was  now  about 
fifteen.  He  remained  with  his  father  during  the  early  part  of  the 
eventful  year  49.  There  was  some  talk  of  sending  him  to  Greece, 
to  escape  the  dangers  to  which  Italy  was  exposed  by  reason 
of  the  Civil  War l ;  but  he  did  not  go.  At  the  end  of  March 
his  father  gave  him  the  toga  virilis  at  Arpinum,  after  the  important 
meeting  with  Caesar  in  which  Cicero  finally  committed  himself  to 
the  cause  of  Pompey.2  He  accompanied  his  father  to  Greece  in 
that  year ;  and  we  are  a  little  surprised  to  hear  that  Pompey  put 
the  boy,  who  was  not  yet  sixteen,  in  command  (we  presume  honorary 
command)  of  a  squadron  of  cavalry.  In  the  De  Officiis  (ii.  45),  a 
work  dedicated  to  young  Marcus,  Cicero  says : — 

*  When  Pompey  put  you  in  command  of  a  squadron,  you  won  great 
praise  from  that  eminent  man  and  from  his  army  by  your  skill  in  riding, 
in  throwing  the  javelin,  and  in  enduring  every  kind  of  military  toil.' 

This  shows  that  his  bent  was  decidedly  in  the  direction  of  athletics. 
He  never  displayed  any  taste  for  intellectual  pursuits. 

After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  he  returned  with  his  father  to 
Brundisium.  In  the  course  of  the  miserable  year  which  Cicero 
spent  in  that  town  he  meditated  sending  his  son  to  Caesar  with  a 
defence  against  the  calumnies  of  his  brother  and  nephew,  but  gave 
up  the  idea  when  he  heard  that  Caesar  was  in  a  dangerous  position 
in  Alexandria,  and  could  hardly  escape.3  In  the  next  year  46 
young  Quintus,  young  Marcus,  and  M.  Caesius  were  appointed 
aediles  at  Arpinum4  through  Cicero's  influence ;  and  about  the 
same  time  Cicero  wrote  for  his  son  the  dialogue  called  Partitiones 
Oratoriae,  in  which  young  Marcus  and  his  father  are  the  two 

Towards  the  end  of  the  same  year  we  have  an  account  of  an 
interesting  conversation  between  father  and  son  relative  to  a  desire 

1  Att.  vii.  17,  1  (315).  2  Att.  ix.  19,  1  (377)  :  cp.  vol.  iv,  pp.  xxxiv-xxxvi. 

3  Att.  xi.  17  and  18  (432,  434).  4  Fam.  xiii.  11,  3  (452),  where  see  note. 


of  the  latter  to  accompany  Caesar  on  his  Spanish  expedition. 
Writing  to  Atticus,  Cicero  says : — 

'  My  talk  with  the  lad  was  most  frank.  I  wish  you  would,  if  con- 
venient, inquire  about  it  from  him.  But  why  should  I  put  it  off  ?  I  told 
him  that  you  had  informed  me  of  his  wishes  and  requirements ;  namely, 
that  he  wished  to  go  to  Spain,  and  that  he  required  a  liberal  allowance.  Asj 
regards  the  liberal  allowance  I  said  he  should  have  the  same  as  the  sons  i 
of  Publilius  and  of  the  iiamen  Lentulus.  As  regards  the  Spanish  project  I 
brought  forward  two  considerations  : — First,  that  which  occurred  to  you, 
that  I  was  afraid  of  censure.  *  Is  it  not  enough  that  we  relinquished  our 
cause  ?  Are  we  even  to  take  arms  against  it  ? '  Secondly,  that  he  woulc 
be  mortified  when  he  found  that  his  cousin  was  on  more  friendly  terms  anc 
in  every  way  more  influential  with  Caesar  than  he  could  be.  I  should  prefer 
that  he  should  avail  himself  of  my  liberal  allowance  rather  than  adopt  the 
liberty  of  life  he  wishes  for  ;  but  I  left  it  to  himself,  for  I  saw  that  you  die 
not  entirely  disapprove  of  this  course.  I  shall  turn  the  matter  over  in  my 
mind  again  and  again,  and  I  beg  of  you  to  do  the  same.  It  is  an  impor- 
tant matter.  The  simple  thing  is  for  him  to  remain ;  the  other  projed 
is  dangerous.  But  we  shall  see  about  it.'1 

Yet,  after  all,  young  Marcus  did  not  go  to  Spain.  Nor  was  he 
allowed  to  set  up  a  house  of  his  own  at  Rome,  which  was  another 
project  of  his.2  He  was  sent  instead,  now  twenty  years  of  age, 
to  the  University  of  Athens  to  study  philosophy  under  Cratippus.3 
He  was  given  a  very  liberal  allowance  indeed,  his  father  putting 
aside  for  that  purpose  the  rent  of  house-property  be  owned  in  the 
Aventine  and  Argiletum.  It  amounted  to  almost  £800  a  year/ 
Cicero  appears  to  have  been  actuated  by  a  desire  that  none  of  the 
young  Romans  who  were  studying  at  Athens  should  have  a  larger 
allowance  than  Ids  son.5  No  wonder  that  he  fell  into  bad  ways, 
and  that  an  unprincipled  Greek  teacher,  one  Gorgias,  who 
appears  to  have  combined  proficiency  in  rhetoric  with  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  Athenian  demi-monde*  aided  and  abetted  him  in 
the  culture  of  his  wild  oats.7  We  hear  that  in  May,  45,  Atticus 
had  some  serious  fault  to  find  with  young  Marcus,  and  wrote  him 
a  letter  which  Cicero  says  was  written  with  us  much  gravity  and 

1  Alt.  xii.  7,  1  (500).  2  568.  2. 

3  Cp.  note  to  736.  2.  *  769.  5. 

5  568.  2  :  cp.  748.  4,  id  etiam  ad  dignitatem  meam  pertinere  eum  non  modo  liberalitet 
a  nobis  sed  etiam  ornate  cumulateque  tractari ;  also  709.  2. 

6  See  note  to  786.  6.  7  Cp.  Plut.  Cic.  24. 


restraint  as  possible,  and  precisely  in  accordance  with  his  wishes. 
Later,  about  August,  the  sensible  and  thrifty  Atticus  appears 
to  have  expostulated  with  Cicero  on  the  extravagant  allowance 
which  he  had  given  his  son,  and  pointed  to  the  results ;  but  the 
fond  father  replied  that  he  would  be  ashamed  that  Ids  son,  be  he 
what  he  may  (qualiscunque  est),  should  be  at  all  pinched  this  first 
year.1  During  the  early  spring  of  710  (44)  Leonides,  one  of  the 
authorities  of  the  University,  did  not  give  a  very  satisfactory  report 
of  the  young  man  ;  he  said  he  was  getting  on  pretty  well  *  just  at 
present'  (quomodonunc  est},  and  'so  far'  (adhuc).  In  consequence 
of  these  reports  Cicero  thought  of  taking  a  run  (excurrere)  into 
Greece  to  see  his  son.2  Trebonius,  indeed,  writing  in  May, 
speaks  warmly  of  young  Cicero's  studious  and  regular  habits 
and  his  great  popularity.3  He  had  probably  been  more  studi- 
ous or  at  least  more  steady  ;4  but  we  cannot  help  thinking 
that  this  account  of  Trebonius  was  exaggerated  in  order  that 
Cicero  might  allow  his  son  to  go  with  Trebonius  on  a  visit  to 
Asia.  Young  Cicero  wished  it  very  much.  To  be  sure,  Cratippus 
was  to  go  along  with  them,  so  that  the  boy  would  not  be  neglect- 
ing his  studies.  Herodes,  another  professor,  also  spoke  well  of 
young  Cicero.  The  father,  though  not  quite  reassured,  confesses 
with  an  affectionate  frankness,  *  I  readily  allow  myself  to  be 
imposed  on  in  this  respect,  and  I  gladly  lend  myself  to  be  con- 
vinced.'5 When  we  read  a  sentence  like  this,  College  tutors 
may  disapprove  and  shake  their  heads,  but  our  hearts  warm  to 
Cicero  all  the  same.  Natural  affection  atones  for  a  multitude  of 

Cicero  appears  to  have  also  derived  some  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  his  son's  letters  were  written  in  a  *  classic '  style,  so  that  he 
would  be  prepared  to  read  them  '  even  in  a  conversazione.'6  But 

i  601.  1;  664.  2.  2  721.  3;  746.  3  736.  1,  2. 

4  Cp.  748.  4,  Cicero  noster  quo  modestior  est  eo  me  magis  commovet. 

5  746. 

6  749.  2,  ipsius  litterae  sic  et  <f>i\offT6pyus  et  Treirivw/ufvcos  scriptae  ut  easvel  in  acroasi 
audeam  legere.     We  know  Cicero  was  a  severe  critic  of  his  son's  letters  (Quintil.  i.  7, 
34,  injilio,  ut  epistulis  apparet,  recte  loquendi  asper  quoque  exactor),  and  he  had  good 
grounds  to  be,  if  his  son  perpetrated  such  a  sentence  as  direxi  litteras  duos,  which  is 
handed  down  on  the  testimony  of  Servius  (on  Mn.  viii.  168).  We  are  uncharitable 
enough  to  have  a  lurking  suspicion  that  the  enterprising  Gorgias  may  have  composed 
the  '  classic '  epistles  which  delighted  the  too  credulous  i'ather. 

VOL.  v.  h. 



still  young  Marcus  clamoured  for  money,  and  still  the  father  desired 
to  '  give  him  a  large  margin '  (laxius),  and  continued  the  allow- 
ance.1 Atticus  remitted  the  money  by  a  Bill  of  Exchange  on 
Athens.2  Xeno,  the  agent  of  Atticus  at  Athens,  appears  to  have 
wisely  doled  out  very  small  sums  to  the  lad  in  a  chary  and 
*  skimpy  '  fashion  ^A/ffXP^c).3 

However,  the  conduct  of  Gorgias  appears  to  have  become  too 
outrageous,  and  Cicero  sent  peremptory  orders  to  his  son  to  break 
off  all  intimacy  with  that  depraved  man.  On  the  receipt  of  this 
order  young  Cicero  wrote  a  most  interesting  and  effusive  letter  to 
Tiro.4  He  will  of  course  defer  to  the  wishes  of  his  most  indulgent 
and  affectionate  father,  is  deeply  sorry  for  his  youthful  errors,  and 
promises  complete  reformation.  He  then  proceeds  to  paint  quite 
ideal  relations  between  his  tutors  and  himself.  Cratippus  is  like 
a  father  to  him ;  not  only  does  he  attend  with  pleasure  the  lectures 
of  Cratippus,  but  that  learned  professor  often  drops  into  supper, 
and  they  have  pleasant  chats  and  jokes  together.  Bruttius  also, 
who  cultivates  plain  living  and  high  thinking,5  is  his  constant 
companion,  and  with  him,  too,  merry  talk  is  not  divorced  from 
learning  and  daily  work. 

'  Indeed  I  have  taken  a  house  for  him  in  the  neighbourhood,  and,  as  far 
as  I  can,  from  my  scanty  means  I  alleviate  his  narrow  circumstances.  I 
have  started  declamation  in  Greek  with  Cassius  :  I  wish  to  practise  myself 
in  Latin  declamation  with  Bruttius.  I  have  as  my  intimate  and  daily 
associates  men  whom  Cratippus  has  brought  over  with  him  from  Mitylene, , 
men  who  are  both  learned  and  are,  as  he  considers,  of  the  highest  character. , 
Epicrates,  the  chief  of  the  Athenians,  is  with  me  a  good  deal,  and  Leonides, , 
and  others  of  the  same  sort.  De  nobis  ipsis  haec  hactenus.' 

Of  course  he  will  dismiss  Gorgias,  though  Gorgias  had  been  very 
useful  in  the  daily  rhetorical  exercises ;  and  so  on.  This  was 

1  749.  4. 

2  Cicero  is  constantly  giving  directions  to  Atticus  with  regard  to  the  amount  and 
despatch  of  his  son's  allowance:  657.  1;  664.2;  709.  2;  714.2;  721.  4;  724.  5; 
748.  4 ;  749.  1 ;  752.  4 ;  769.  5. 

3  769.  5. 

4  786.     We  are  a  little  surprised  that  he  did  not  write  to  Cicero  himself ;  but 
this  does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  father  had  reason 
to  feel  aggrieved  that  his  son  chose  the  freedman  of  the  family  as  his  correspondent : 
cp.  748.  4,  ad  me  cnim  de  hoc  re  nihil  scripsit,  ad  quew  nitnirum  potissimum  debuit. 

5  §  4,  cum  frugv  sever  ague  est  vita. 


[indeed  the  Golden  Age  of  University  life.  Not  only  does  the 
[professor  lie  down  (to  supper)  with  the  student,  and  the  student 
put  of  his  own  allowance  pay  the  rent  of  the  professor's  house, 
but  the  student  has,  or  at  least  wants  to  get  as  soon  as  possible, 
a  private  secretary  who  knows  Greek  to  copy  out  his  notes,  so  that 
I  his  valuable  time  may  not  be  wasted.1 

About  September  M.  Brutus  arrived  at  Athens.  He,  too,  not 
I  only  attended  lectures  by  Cratippus — that  was  apparently  the 
respectable  thing  to  do — but  also  proceeded  to  recruit  among  the 
'students.  The  athletic  young  Cicero  at  once  volunteered,  delighted, 
we  are  sure,  to  get  rid  of  Cratippus,  of  Greek  and  Latin  declama- 
tion, and  all  the  rest  of  it.2  Brutus  appointed  him  to  the  com- 
Imand  of  a  squadron  of  cavalry ;  and  formed  such  a  high  opinion 
of  him  that  he  declared  that,  whether,  he  was  awake  or  asleep,  he 
admired  young  Cicero  for  his  noble  nature  and  his  hatred  of 
tyrants.3  He  did  good  service  for  Brutus  in  the  campaign  against 
C.  Antouius,  received  the  surrender  of  L.  Piso,  who  was  in  com- 
mand of  a  legion,  and  won  a  victory  over  C.  Antonius  himself, 
who  attempted  to  force  a  pass  at  Byllis.4 

About  this  time  Cicero  wished  that  his  son  should  be  elected 
long  the  Pontifices,  but  thought  that  perhaps  it  was  advisable 
he  should  not  return  to  Italy  until  Brutus  came  himself.5 
It  was  fortunate  he  did  not  return  to  the  city  where  he  would 
have  met  the  fate  of  his  father,  his  uncle,  and  his  cousin  ;  for 
young  Marcus  Cicero  was  registered  among  the  proscribed.6  He 
fought  at  Philippi,  and  probably  ran  away,  as  Horace  did.  At  all 

1  786.  8. 

2  It  was  about  this  time  that  Cicero  dediaated  to  his  son  his  elegant  and  earnest 
treatise  De  Officiis :  cp.  Att.xv.  13,  6  (795),  Nos  hie  QiXoaofyovncv — quid  enim  aliud? — 
et  TO.  Trcpi  rov  Kad-fiKovTos  magnifice  explicamus  irpoff<p(avovfji.fvque  Ciceroni.  Qua  de  re 
enim  potius  pater  filio  ? 

3  Plut.  Brut.  24,  S>v  3)v  Kal   KiKepwvos   vlbs  %v  eiraive'i   $ta<pep6vT<i)S  KO.I  (pT/jffiv,  eJfr' 
fjp-nyopev  e£r'  eVvTrj/m^erai,  Qav^a^fiv  ovra  yevvaiov  ovro.  Kal  fjufforvpavvov:  Cp.Brut. 
ii.  3,  6  (837),  Cicero,  filius  tuus,  sicmihi  se  probat  industria,  patientia,  labore,  animi 
tnagnitudine,  omni  denique  officio,  tit  prorsus  numquatn  dimittere  videatur  cogitationem 
euit4s  sit  Jilius.     Quare  quoniam  efficere  non  possum  ut  pluris  facias  eum  qui  tibi  est 
earissimus,  illud  tribue  iudicio  meo  ut  tibi  persuadeas  non  fore  illi  abutendum  gloria 
tua  ut  adipiscatur  honor es  paternos. 

4  Cic.  Phil.  x.  13  ;  Plut.  Brut.  24,  26 ;  Plut.  Cic.  45. 

5  Brut.  i.  5,  3  (852) ;  12,  3  (909) ;  14,  2  (913). 

6  Appian  iv.  19. 


events,  after  the  battle  he  fled  to  Sextus  Pompeius,  by  whom  he 
was  appointed  to  a  post  of  command  in  his  army1  ;  but  he  doubt- 
less returned  to  Rome  in  -39,  when  an  amnesty  was  granted  by 
the  Treaty  of  MIsenum.2  Some  time  later  Octavian,  as  an  amende 
for  having  given  up  Cicero  to  death,3  made  him  augur,  and  in 
September,  30,  elevated  him  to  the  dizzy  eminence  of  consul 
siiffectm.'  During  this  consulship  of  young  Cicero,  and  apparently 
at  his  proposal,  the  Senate 

'threw  down  the  statues  of  Antony,  and  annulled  all  the  other  honours 
which  had  been  bestowed  upon  him,  and  further  decreed  that  henceforth 
no  Antonius  should  bear  the  name  of  Marcus.  Thus  Heaven  (TO  Scu/uoVtov) 
delivered  over  to  the  house  of  Cicero  the  final  punishment  of  Antony.'5 

Afterwards,  when  the  death  of  Antony  was  announced,  young 
Cicero  '  read  the  news  to  the  people,  and  posted  the  letter  on  the 
Rostra  where  formerly  his  father's  head  had  been  fixed.'6 

After  his  consulship,  when  an  interval  of  five  or  probably  ten 
years  had  elapsed,  young  Cicero  governed  Asia  as  pro-consul ; 
and  later,  probably  not  before  13,  he  was  legatus  of  Syria.7  This 
is  the  last  event  in  young  Cicero's  life  of  which  we  hear.  It  would 
seem  to  show  that  he  was  not  such  a  drunken  sot  as  some 
writers  represent  him,  though  doubtless  he  was  sometimes  guilty 
of  excess.  Thus  we  are  told  that,  when  drunk  on  the  occasion  of 
a  banquet  during  his  proconsulship  of  Asia,  he  had  the  rhetori- 
cian Cestius  whipped  for  having  called  his  father  an  uneducated 
man  ;  and  that  on  another  occasion  he  flung  a  cup  at  Marcus 
Agrippa.  Seneca  also  tells  us  that  he  ruined  any  little  memory 
he  had  by  drunkenness.8  But  whatever  allowances  we  make,  we 

1  Appian  iv.  51.  2  Veil.  ii.  77. 

3  Appian  iv.  51,  4s  a.iroXoyia.v  TTJS  Kuccpuvos  fK86ffcws. 

4  Fasti  Consulares  ap.  C.  I.  L.  i2,  p.  160. 

5  Plut.  Cic.  49 :  cp.  Seneca  De  Benef.  iv.  30.  2  :  Dio  Cass.  li.  19.  4 

6  App.  iv.  51. 

7  App.  iv.  51.  The  well-known  inscription,  M.  TULLIOM.  P.  M.  N.  M.  p.  N.  (=  prone- 

poti)     COR.  |  CICERONI     COS.     PROCO8.     PROV.    ASIAE   LEG.    IMP.  |  CAES.    AUG.    IN    SYRIA 

PATRONO,  like  so  many  others  found  at  Rocca  d'Arce  relating  to  the  family  of  the 
Cicero*,  is  unfortunately  not  genuine  :  cp.  C.  I.  L.  x.  *704  ;  Mommsen  Resgestae  d. 
Aug.,  p.  165. 

8  Senec.  Suas.  7,  13,    Erat  autcm  Cestius,  nullius  quidem  ingenii,   Ciceroni  etiam 
infestus :  quod  illi  non  impune  cessit.     Nam  cum  M.   Tullius,  Jilius  Ciceronis,  Asiam 
obtineret,   homo    qui    nihil    ex   paterno     ingenio    habuit     praeter   urbani- 


must  confess  that  the  son  of  Cicero  had  an  essentially  common 
nature,  transmitted  to  him  possibly  from  Terentia.  He  was 
a  degenerate  son  of  his  illustrious  father,  though  he  appears  to 
lave  inherited  some  of  Cicero's  wit.  But  he  had  no  other  intel- 
ectual  gift  whatever,  and  he  was  especially  deficient  in  application 
and  memory.  Nor  does  he  appear  to  have  had  any  ambition  l 
nor  much  energy  ;  he  was  idle  and  listless,  and  even  in  boyhood, 
while  his  cousin  required  the  curb,  he  required  the  spur.2  He 
jeems  to  have  been  good  at  physical  exercises,  to  have  been  a 
capable  subordinate  officer  in  the  army,  and  was  probably  a  fairly 
competent  administrator  :  but  it  saddens  one  to  think  that  what 
?ame  has  borne  down  the  ages  as  the  most  noteworthy  feat  of 
;he  son  of  Cicero  is  that  he  was  accustomed  to  drink  nearly  a 
gallon  and  a  half  of  wine  at  one  bout.3 

a  tern,  cenabat  apud  ewn  Cestius.    M.  Tullio  et  natura  memoriam  dempserat  et  ebrietas 

t  quid  ex  ea  supererat  subducebat  ;  subinde  interrogabat  qui  ille  vocaretur  qui  in  imo 
recumberet,  et  cum  saepe  subieetum  illi  nomen  Cestii  excidisset,  novissime  servus,  ut 
ctliqua  nota  memoriam  eius  faceret  certiorem,  interroganti  domino,  quis  ille  esset  qui  in 

mo  recumberet,  ait  '  hie  est  Cestius  qui  patrem  tuum  negabat  litteras  scisse  '  ;  adferri 
ociusflagra  iussit  et  Ciceroni,  ut  oportuit,  de  corio  Cestius  satisfecit.  The  chastisement 
was  perhaps  merited  ;  but  it  represents  a  strange  state  of  manners  to  scourge  a  guest 
at  one's  own  table  for  an  offence  committed  at  a  previous  time. 

1  In  a  fragment  of  a  letter  found  in,  Priscian  viii.  96  (i.  445.  2  Keil)  we  find  his 

ather  urging  him  '  to  work  and  strive  earnestly  to  excel  '  (quare  effice  et  elabora  ut 
excelleas).  He  doubtless  felt  that  his  son's  dull  soul  did  not  warm  with  the  desire  alev 

2  Cp.  above,  p.  ciii. 

3  Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  147  is  justly  severe  :  Tergilla  Ciceronem  M.  F.  binos  congios 
nmul  haurire  sohtum  ipsi  obicit,  Marcoque  Agrippae  a  temulento  scyphum  impactum. 
Etenim  haec  sunt  ebrietatis  opera.    Sed  nimirum  hanc  gloriam  auferre  Cicero  voluit  inter- 
fectori  patris  sui,  M.  Antonio  :  is  enim  ante  eum  avidissime  adprehenderat  hanc  pair 



FAM.  IV.  5,  4  (EP.  555). 

ST.  AMBROSE  EPISTOLAE  i.  39.  3  =  MIGNE  xvi.  1099. 
(To  Faustinus,  who  has  shut  himself  up  in  despair  at  the  death  of  him 

Sed  doles  quod  dudum  florentissima  repente  occiderit.  Verum  hoc  nobis! 
commune  non  solum  cum  hominibus,  sed  etiara  cum  civitatibus  terrisque  ipsis 
est.  Nempe  de  Bononiensi  veniens  urbe  a  tergo  Claternam,  ipsam  Bononiam, 
Mutinam,  Rhegium,  derelinquebas,  in  dextera  erat  Brixellum,  a  fronte 
occurrebat  Placentia,  veterem  nobilitatem  ipso  adhuc  nomine  sonans  ;  ad ; 
laevam  Appennini  inculta  miseratus,  et  florentissimorum  quondam  populorura 
castella  considerabas,  atque  affectu  relegebas  dolenti.  Tot  igitur  semirutarum 
urbium  cadavera,  terrarumque  sub  eodem  conspectu  exposita  funera  non  te 
admouent  unius,  sanctae  licet  et  admirabilis  feminae,  decessionem  consola- 
biliorem  habendam;  praesertim  cum  ilia  in  perpetuum  prostrata  ac  diruta 
sint;  haec  autem  ad  tempus  quidem  erepta  nobis,  meliorem  illic  vitain 
exigat  ? 

Itaque  non  tarn  deplorandam  q  uam  prosequendam  orationibus  reor :  new 
moestificandam  lacrymis  tuis  sed  magis  oblationibus  animam  eius  Domino 
commendandam  arbitror.  , 

The  language  may,  perhaps,  be  inferior  to  that  of  Sulpicius, 
but  the  hope  is  higher. 

The    very   hesitating    manner    (cp.    555.  6   note)    in   which  i 
Sulpicius  speaks  of  the  possibility  that  there  may  be  a  future  life — 
si  qui  etiam  inferis  sensus  est — no  doubt  represents  the  views  of  ai 
certain  circle  of  educated  Romans  of  Cicero's  time ;  but  it  was 
not  the  opinion  of  Cicero  himself.1    Cicero  believed  in  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul.     He  based  his  view  mainly  on  the  ground  of 

1  It  is  true  that  Cicero  sometimes  argues  on  the  supposition  that  the  soul  may  he 
mortal:  cp.  Tusc.  i.  82 ;  Fam.  v.  16,  4  (529),  dicam  quae  saepissime  et  legi  et  audivi, 
nihil  malt  esse  in  morte,  ex  qua  si  resident  sensus,  immortalitas  ilia  potius  quam  mors 
ducenda  sit,  sin  sit  amissus,  nulla  videri  miseria  debeat  quae  non  sentiatur  (cp. 
Plato  Apol.  40  c)  ;  but,  as  Zeller  says,  '  this  is  merely  the  prudence  of  the  Academi- 
cian and  of  the  practical  man  of  the  world,  who  would  make  the  moral  effect  of  Ids 
discourses  as  far  as  possible  independent  of  all  theoretic  presuppositions,'  and  who  is 
especially  anxious  to  dispel  the  fear  of  death,  which  may  prove  so  disturbing  a  factor 
in  the  conduct  of  Mfe. 


innate  notions  on  the  subject,  and  on  the  conviction  that  '  such  a 
piece  of  work  as  man,  so  noble  in  reason,  so  infinite  in  faculty,  .  .  . 
n  apprehension  so  like  a  god/  could  not  possibly  be  formed  of 
merely  earthly  mould.  No ;  rather  he  is  an  effluence  of  the 
Divine  spirit  enclosed  in  the  prison-house  of  the  body.1  To  these 
a  priori  notions  he  adds,  as  verification,  the  universal  consent 
which  obtained  with  reference  to  the  idea  of  immortality,  shown 
especially  in  the  worship  of  the  dead ;  the  care  which  each  man 
takes  that  he  be  held  in  remembrance  after  death;  and  the 
belief  of  the  great  men  of  his  own  nation,  who,  strong  in  that 
oelief,  faced  all  the  terrors  of  death  for  their  country,  and  made 
Rome  Eome.2  In  order  possibly  to  gratify  learned  readers, 
Jicero  sometimes  adduces  recondite  Platonic  arguments3 ;  but  the 
others  were  the  real  grounds  on  which  he  based  his  faith.  They 
were  such  as  actuated  the  bulk  of  the  ordinary  high-minded  and 
;houghtful  Romans  ;  and  it  is  not  the  least  attractive  of  the  many 
)roadly  human  characteristics  of  Cicero's  nature  that,  with  all  his 
extensive  learning,  he  grounded  his  deepest  beliefs  on  the  same 
!oundation«  as  did  the  mass  of  his  countrymen. 

1  Cp.  De  Leg.   i.   22,   Animal  hoc  providum,   sagax,  multiplex,  acutum,  memor, 
plenum  rationis   ft  consili,   quern  vocamus   hominem,  praeclara   quadam  condieione 
leneratum  esse  a  supremo  deo.  Solum  est  enim  ex  tot  animantium  generibus  atque  naturis 
jarticeps    rationis    et   cogitationis,    cum   cetera   sint  omnia  expertia.  .  .  .  Est  igitur, 
moniam  nihil  est  ratione  melius,  eaque  est  et  in  homine  et  in  deo,  prima  homini  cum  deo 
rationis  societas  :  ibid.  24,  quod  (genus  humanum)  sparsumin  terras  atque  satum,  divino 
auctum   sit  animorum   munere.     Cumque  alia   quibus   cohaererent   homines  a  mortali 
genere  sumpserint,  quae  fragilia  essent  et  caduca,  animum  esse  ingeneratum  a  deo:   De 
Senect.   77,    Bum  sumus  in  his  inclusi  compagibus  corporis,  munere  quodam  necessitates 
et  gravi  opere  perfungimur  :  est  enim  animus  caelestis  ex  altissimo  domicilio  depressus  et 
quasi  demersus  in  terram,  locum  divinae  naturae  aeternitatique  contrarium. 

2  Tusc.  i.  27  ;  30,  omni  in  re  consensio  omnium  gentium  lex  naturae  putanda  est ; 
31,    Maximum    vero   argumentum  est  naturam   ipsam   de  immortalitate   animorum 
tacitam  iudicare,  quod  omnibus  curae  sunt,  et  maximae  quidem,  quae  post  mortem  futura 
sint.  '  Serit  arbores  quae  alteri   saeclo  prosint*  ut  ait  Statius  in  Synephebis, 
quid  spectans  nisi  etiam  poster  a  saecula  ad  se  pertinere?    32,  Quid  in  hac  re  publica  tot 
tantosque  viros  ob  rem  publicam  interfectos  cogitasse  arbitramur  ?  iisdemne  ut  Jlnibus 
nomen  suum,  quibus  vita,  terminaretur  ?     Nemo  unquam  sine  magna  spe  immortalitatis. 
se  pro  patria  offerret  ad  mortem. 

3  e.g.  Tusc.  i.  53  ff. 






EPP.  545-698. 

A.U.C 709,710 

B.  C .        45,    44 

AET.  CIC.  61,    62 

A  2 


545.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  13). 

ASTURA  :    MARCH  7  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.   45  J  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Atticae  valetudine,  de  litteris  Bruti,  de  solitudine  sua,  de  desiderio  Attici,  de 
|se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  Cocceio  appellando. 


1.  Commovet  me  Attica,  etsi  adsentior  Cratero.  Bruti  litterae 
lecriptae  et  prudenter  et  amice  multas  mihi  tamen  lacrimas  attule- 
runt.  Me  haec  solitude  minus  stimulat  quam  ista  celebritas. 
Te  unum  desidero ;  sed  litteris  non  difficilius  utor  quam  si  domi 
iessem.  Ardor  tamen  ille  idem  urget  et  manet,  non  mehercule 
indulgente  me,  sed  repugnante  tamen.  2.  Quod  scribis  de 

Astura]  Tullia  died  about  the  middle 
[of  February  at  Tusculum.  After  that 
Cicero  seems  to  have  gone  to  a  villa  of 
Atticus,  near  Rome,  and  remained  there 
until  March  5  or  6,  when  he  came  to  the 
unfrequented  little  sea-coast  town  of 
Astura,  which  was  pleasantly  situated 
(552. 1 :  649)  between  Antium  and  Circeii. 
He  remained  there  until  the  end  of  the 
month,  writing  to  Atticus  every  day. 

1.  Attica]  Attica,  who  was  about  six 
years  old  now,  was  suffering  from  a  fever, 
and  was  not  getting  well  as  soon  as  Cicero 

Cratero}  This  famous  physician  had 
doubtless  taken  a  cheerful  view  of  Attica's 
malady.  He  is  mentioned  by  Hor.  Sat.  ii. 
3,  161,  and  Persius  iii.  65,  who  borrows 
the  name  from  Horace,  as  he  does  those  of 
Nerius,  Pedius,  Bestius.  Other  characters 
mentioned  both  in  Cicero's  letters  and  in 
Horace's  Satires  and  Epistles  are  Arrius, 
Arbuscula,  the  son  of  Aesopus,  Damasip- 
pus,  Tarpa,  Tigellius,  Trebatius. 

stimulat]  '  is  less  painful  to  me.'  Sti- 
mulare  is  more  frequent  in  this  sense  in 

Cicero  [cp.  Att.  ix.  15.  2  (373)]  than  in 
the  meaning  of  '  urging  to  action,'  which 
stimulate  bears  in  our  language. 

ardor]  *  torment '  — a  very  unusual  sense 
of  the  word,  but  found  in  Lucr.  iii.  251. 
sive  voluptas  est  sive  est  contrarius  ardor  ; 
and  Catull.  ii.  8,  grams  adquiescat  ardor. 
In  both  these  places  the  attributes  contra- 
rius  and  gravis  suggest  that  the  emotion 
which  the  word  expresses  is  painful. 
Here  the  word  by  itself  conveys  the  idea 
of  pain,  unless  it  means  simply  '  the  pas- 
sionate feeling  of  love,'  as  in  Lucr.  iv, 
1086,  1098.  Shuckburgh  translates  'pas- 
sionate unrest.' 

repugnante  tamen]  '  my  agony  haunts 
me :  not,  God  knows,  because  I  foster  it, 
but,  though  I  struggle  against  it,  in  spite 
of  my  struggles.'  The  course  taken  by 
all  the  editors  on  this  passage  is  to  insert 
a  non  before  repugnante.  "We  have  had 
occasion  before,  especially  on  Q.  Fr.  ii. 
9,  4  (132),  to  protest  against  the  audacity 
of  editors  who  do  not  hesitate  to 
make  Cicero  utter  a  sentiment  the  very 
opposite  to  that  which  the  MSS  (our  only 


EP.  5^5  (ATT.  XIL  IS). 

Appuleio,  nihil  puto  opus  esse  tua  contentione  necBalbo  et  OppioJ 
quibus  quidem  ille  receperat  mihique  etiam  iusserat  nuntiari  sel 
molestum  omnino  non  futurum.  Sed  cura  ut  excuser  morbi  causa 
in  dies  singulos.  Laenas  hoc  receperat.  Prende  C.  Septimium, 
L-  Statilium.  Denique  nemo  negabit  se  iuraturum  quern  rogaris.j 
Quod  si  erit  durius,  veniam  et  ipse  perpetuum  morbum  iurabo. 

evidence)  ascribe  to  him.  Thus  in  Ep.  1 32 
the  editors  have  forced  Cicero  to  deny  to 
Lucretius  either  ingenium  or  ars,  though 
the  words  handed  down  to  us  by  the  MSS 
convey  the  much  truer  criticism  that  the 
author  of  The  Constitution  of  Nature  pos- 
sessed both  genius  and  also  that  quality 
which  rarely  accompanies  it,  artistic 
finish.  Here  the  case  is  even  stronger  for 
adherence  to  the  MS  tradition.  Cicero  did 
struggle  against  his  grief,  as  is  plain  to 
anyone  who  reads  $  3  of  the  next  letter. 
Cp.  Lactantius  quoted  on  Ep.  574,  1.  He 
even  tried  a  remedy  against  it,  hitherto 
never  essayed,  in  drawing  up  for  himself 
an  abstract  of  the  sources  of  consolation 
which  were  open  to  him,  But  it  was  in 
vain;  his  agony  came  back  on  him, 
'  though  he  did  not  indulge  it,  but  in 
spite  of  his  struggles  against  it,  all  the 
same  (tainen).'  We  have  before  met 
tamen  in  the  sense  of  '  after  all ' ;  cp.  de 
dictatore  tamen  actum  adhuc  nihil  est, 
Q.  Fr.  iii.  9.  3  (160)  ;  qui  te  tamen  ore 
referret,  Verg.  A.  iv.  329 ;  alieniore  aetate 
post  faceret  tamen  ('all  the  same'),  Ter. 
Ad.  110,  cp.  174.  The  only  change  we 
have  made  is  the  transposition  of  repug- 
nante  and  tamen.  Dr.  Reid  suggests 
etiam  for  tamen.  Possibly  tamen  may  be 
rightly  placed  in  the  MSS,  and  the  meaning 
be  ('though  I  might  fairly  indulge  my 
sorrow),  yet  I  struggle  against  it.' 

2.  Appuleio']  Appuleius  was  augur 
this  year.  He  was  quaestor  in  43,  and 
handed  over  to  M.  Brutus  his  troops  and 
money  in  Greece  :  cp.  note  to  850.  1 :  also 
Phil.  x.  24,  and  xiii.  32 :  Appian,  B.C. 
iii.  63  :  iv.  75. 

Sed  cura  ut  excuser]  The  usual  view 
of  this  affair  is  as  follows  : — It  was  cus- 
tomary for  all  the  augurs  to  be  present  at 
the  banquet  given  by  the  incoming  mem- 
ber of  the  college.  Those  banquets  some- 
times lasted  several  days.  Appuleius  had 
promised  not  to  exact  Cicero's  presence. 
Cicero,  however,  preferred  to  provide 
himself  with  the  formal  plea  for  absence, 
namely,  the  plea  of  ill -health,  certified 
by  three  other  members  of  the  augural 
college.  This  seems  somewhat  improbable 

on  several  grounds.  It  requires  us  (1)  to 
postulate  a  number  of  augurs  who  are 
elsewhere  unnoticed :  (2)  to  suppose  thai 
an  augural  feast  lasted  for  several  days  ti 
(3)  that  absence  therefrom  required  someJ 
thing  of  the  nature  of  a  legal  affidavit,  a 
requirement  not  noticed  elsewhere,  anJ 
almost  certainly  not  demanded  in  the 
case  of  other  confraternities,  e.g.  the 
Arvales  Fratres,  where  the  attendance  is 
often  most  meagre.  These  considera^ 
tions  are  urged  by  Bardt  (Die  Prieste^ 
der  vier  grossen  Colkgien,  p.  27).  ThI 
probability  is  that  the  affidavit  (so  to 
speak)  of  excuse  was  required  when  th«i 
business  to  be  transacted  at  the  AuguraJ 
Meeting  (usually  held  on  the  Nones,  cp; 
De  Div.  i.  90,  Lael.  8)  was  of  a  special 
nature,  e.g.  when  the  co-option  of  a  new 
augur  took  place,  or,  perhaps,  some 
special  legal  or  financial  business  had 
to  be  transacted — the  reference  to  Balbu* 
and  Oppius  may  point  to  that.  The  meet- 
ing may  have  lasted  for  some  days  if  th| 
business  was  extensive  or  important :  and 
though  the  business  was  an  essential 
feature  of  the  meeting,  we  can  well  supJ 
pose,  as  in  the  case  of  the  meetings  of  oid 
own  Societies  and  Associations,  that  a  veri 
considerable  element  was  social  and  con^ 
vivial  (hence  Cicero  says,  cum  mihi  caret* 
dum  nit  conviviis) — the  principal  host 
being  probably  Appuleius,  and  the  prin« 
cipal  entertainment,  of  course,  being  the 
cena  aditialis  of  the  newly  elected  augur, 
which  was  generally  of  a  very  splendid 
nature  (cp.  Fam.  vii.  26.  2  (94)  :  also 
Seneca  Epist.  95.  41  :  123.  4.  Hortenn 
si  us  first  served  up  peacocks  at  such  a 
banquet,  Varro  R.  R.  iii.  6.  6).  "VW 
think  Appuleius  was  the  new  augur  :  but 
the  other  men  mentioned,  Laenas,  Septi-i 
mius,  Statilius,  &c.  (cp.  550),  were  p«M 
bably  only  witnesses  to  the  legal  excuM 
furnished  by  Cicero. 

Prende]  '  have  a  talk  with '  :  cp.  Gael] 
ap.  Fam.  viii.  11.  2  (267).  Often  irj 
Terence :  e.g.  Heaut.  509  ;  Phorm.  620 

durius]     *  if  there  is  any  difficulty ' 
cp.  Ter.  Phorm.  238. 

morbum  ittrabo]    cp.  Att.  i.  1.  1  (10) 

EP.  546  (ATT.  XII.  14).  7 

Cum  enim  mihi  carendum  sit  conviviis,  malo  id  lege  videri  facere 
quam  dolore.  Cocceium  velim  appellee.  Quod  enim  dixerat  non 
facit.  Ego  autem  volo  aliquod  emere  latibulum  et  perfugium 
doloris  mei. 

546.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  14). 

ASTURA  :    MARCH  8  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45;    AKT.  C1C.  61. 

De  se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  negotio  Cornificii  pro  quo  spopondit,  de 
f  maerore  suo  propter  mortem  Tulliae,  de  desiderio  Attici,  de  litteris  Bruti,  de  valetudine 


1.  De  me  excusando  apud  Appuleium  dederam  ad  te  pridie 
litteras.  Nihil  esse  negoti  arbitror.  Quomcumque  appellaris, 
nemo  negabit.  Sed  Septimium  vide  et  Laenatem  et  Statilium ; 
tribus  enim  opus  est.  Sed  mihi  Laenas  totum  receperat.  2.  Quod 
scribis  a  lunio  te  appellatum,  omnino  Corniticius  locuples  est ;  sed 
tamen  scire  velim  quando  dicar  spopondisse  et  pro  patre  anne 
pro  filio,  neque  eo  minus,  ut  scribis,  procuratores  Cornifici  et 
Appuleium  praediatorem  videbis.  3.  Quod  me  ab  hoc  maerore 
recreari  vis,  facis  ut  omnia,  sed  me  mihi  non  defuisse  tu  testis  es. 

Ill -health  and   absence   on  state -service  himself,  but  also  to  procure  two  others  to 

were  the  only  legitimate  grounds  for  non-  join  him  in  making  up  the  number.    For 

attendance.  Shuckburgh  refers  to  Lael.  8:  the  construction  cp.  Plancius  ap  Fam.  x. 

quod  autem  Nonis   in  collegia   nostro  non  21.  1  (861)  omnia  ei  petenti  recepi.     The 

ajfttisses,    valetudinem    respondeo  causam,  \vovdreciperein  this  sense  is  very  frequent 

non  maestitiam  fuisse.      LAEL.    Recte   tu  in  the  correspondence :  see  many  examples 

quidem  Scaevola,  et  vere  :  nee  enim  ab  isto  in  L.  and  S.  s.v.  recipio  B.  2.b. 

vfficio  quod  semper  usurpavi  cum  valerem  2.  lunio"]  Cicero  seems  to  have  become 

abduci  incommodo  meo  debui,  nee  ullo  casu  security  for  Cornificius,  who  had  borrowed 

arbitror   hoc  constanti  homini  posse  con-  money  from  Junius.     The  latter  applied 

tingere  ut  ulla  intermissio  fiat  offici.  to  Atticus  as  Cicero's  agent.    Cicero  says 

Cocceium]   seems  to  have  owed  money  that   Cornificius  is  in  a  position  to  pay 

to  Cicero,  and  not  to  have  kept  his  promise  himself  (locuples  est).     Moreover,  he  does 

about  paying  :  cp.  549.  3.  not  remember  when  the  alleged  transac- 
tion took  place,  and  whether  he  is  said 
to  have  become  security  for  Cornificius 

1.  apud~\     Both  ad  (cp.  Att.  ix.   6.  1  senior    (now    deceased)     or     Corniticius 

(360):   565.  1)  as  well  as  apud  (547.  1 :  junior.     Cp.  also  550:   552.  2. 

5-50.  1)  are  used  after  excusare.     Compare  Appuleium  praediatorem~\     ThisAppu- 

such  expressions  as  Lig.  30  ad  parentem  leius,  who  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the 

•  sic  agi  solet  :    ad  Brut.   i.    15.    2   (914)  augur  mentioned  above,  was  a  dealer  in 

landare  ad  £rutum  :  Liv.  xl.  24. 1  accusare  landed  estates  sold  under  foreclosure  of 

ad  patrem.  mortgage:    cp.  Att.   xii.   17(550).     For 

totum  receperat']  Laenas  had  undertaken  praediator  cp.  Balb.  45  (with  Reid's  note) 

not  only  to  give  the  necessary  certificate  and  Gaiusii.  61. 


EP.  5£6  (ATT.  XII.  IK). 

Nihil  enim  de  maerore  minuendo  scriptum  ab  ullo  est  quod 
non  domi  tuae  legerim.     Sed  omnem  consolationem  vincit  dolor. 
Quin  etiam  feci,  quod  profecto  ante  me  nemo,  ut  ipse  me  pel 
litteras  consolarer,  quern  librum  ad  te  mittam,  si   descripserinl 
librarii.     Adfirmo  tibi  nullam  consolationem  esse  talem.     Tot< 
dies  scribo,  non  quo  proficiam  quid,  sed  tantisper  impedior — noi 
equidem  satis  (vis  enim  urget) — sed  relaxor  tamen  omniaque  uitoi 
non  ad  animum,  sed  ad  vultum  ipsum,  si  queam,   reficiendum, 
idque  faciens  interdum  mihi  peccare  videor,  inter dum  peccaturus 
esse  nisi  faciam.     Solitudo    aliquid     adiuvat,    sed     multo     plus 
proficeret,  si  tu  tamen  interesses,  quae  mihi  una  causa  est  hinc 
discedendi.     Nam  pro  malis  recte  habebat.    Quamquam  id  ipsum 
doleo.     Non  enim  iam  in  me  idem  esse  poteris.     Perierunt  ilia 
quae  amabas.     4.  De  Bruti  ad  me  litteris  scripsi  ad  te  antea  : 
prudenter  scriptae,  sed  nihil   quod  me  adiuvarent.     Quod  ad  te 
scripsit,  id  vellem,  ut  ipse  adesset :  certe  aliquid,  quoniam  me  tarn 

3.  domi  tuae]  cp.  545.  1,  584.  2. 

ut  ipse  . .  .  consolarer]  ut  is  explanatory: 
cp.  note  on  Petit.  Cons.  42  (Ep.  12), «  I  did 
what  certainly  no  one  has  hitherto  done, 
I  wrote  a  consolatory  letter  (treatise)  to 
myself,'  cp.  564.  2  :  ad  Brut.  i.  9.  1 
(902)  teque  per  litteras  consolarer :  Fronto 
p.  188.  1  sentio  quam  dijficile  te  absentem 
per  litteras  consolari  :  Lactantius  i.  15. 
16  M.  Tullius  .  .  .  in  eo  libro  quo  se  ipse 
de  morte  filiae  consolatus  est. 

consolationem']  Cicero  says  there  is  no 
means  of  consolation  so  efficacious  as 
drawing  up  such  a  work  as  he  speaks  of. 
We  need  not,  by  printing  Consolationem, 
force  on  Cicero  the  egotistical  declaration 
that  his  own  treatise  surpasses  all  others 
on  the  same  subject. 

impedior]  '  I  find  in  it  a  temporary 
check — no,  not  quite  that,  my  affliction 
is  too  heavy — but  at  all  events  a  miti- 
gation (of  the  course  of  my  grief).' 
The  verbs  impedior  and  relaxor  would 
naturally  be  followed  by  some  words  in- 
dicating that  from  which  he  was  relieved, 
such  as  a  dolore,  which  Boot  would  insert, 
reading  a  dolore  atque  enitor  (see  Adn. 
Grit.) ;  but  the  words  may  well  be  under- 
stood in  a  letter.  Tamen  is  characteristic 
of  a  resumption  after  a  parenthesis. 

omniaque  nitor']  So  Zl.  M  has  ad 
omniaque  nitor,  but  with  a  line  under 
ad  to  show  that  it  should  be  deleted.  If 

we   read   ad   omnia,  the   phrase   will   bej 
analogous  to  descendere  ad  extrema   and 
such  like  (for  niti  ad  cp.  De  Sen.  82)  : 
while   omnia   nitor   would   be   like  con- 
tendere   omnia  (Verr.    ii.   52) :   cp.  for  a 
neuter  adj.   with  nitor  De  Sen.  33  tan-  [ 
turn  quantum  potest  quisque  nitatur.     Wei 
prefer  to   omit   ad,    considering   that   it  \ 
arose  from  the  proximity  of  ad  animum 
and    ad  vultum.      Wesenberg    alters    to  ; 
omnique  vi  enitor,    which  is  adopted  by  . 
Baiter,   but    is    hardly    necessary.     Cp.  ] 
Reid  in  Hermathena,  x  (1898),  p.  133. 

reficiendum]  '  To  secure  mere  composure 
of  countenance,  if  I  cannot  secure  any- 
thing like  composure  of  mind.'  For  the 
use  of  ipsum  cp.  Fin.  i.  67,  ipsam  ami-  . 
citiam,  '  the  mere  existence  of  friend- 
ship '  (as  a  relation  between  man  and 

peccaturus  esse]  sc.  mihi  vidtor. 

tamen]    '  however,'  i.e.  if  you  (not- 
withstanding all  your  business)  yet  could ; 
be  with  me. 

pro  malls']  '  This  place  is  well  enough, 
in  so  far  as  any  place  can  be  well,  in  my 

id  ipsutn]  '  The  fact  that  I  am  going  to 
meet  you,'  who  will  find  me  such  poor 
company  in  my  affliction. 

4.  ut  ipse  adesset]  '  his  company  '  :  cp. 
ut  .  .  .  consolarer,  above,  §  3. 

EP.  548  (ATT.  XII.  16).  9 

valde  amat,  adiuvaret.  Quod  si  quid  scies,  scribas  ad  me  velim, 
muxime  autem,  Pansa  quando.  De  Attica  doleo,  credo  tamen 
Cratero.  Piliam  angi  veta  :  satis  est  me  maerere  pro  omnibus. 

547.  CICEEO  TO  ATTIGUS  (ATT.  xn.  15). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  9  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  \   B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  solitudine  sua  et  vita  omnino. 

Apud  Appuleium,  quoniam  in  perpetuum  non  placet,  in  dies 
ut  excuser  videbis.  In  hac  solitudine  careo  omnium  colloquio, 
cumque  mane  me  in  silvam  abstrusi  densam  et  asperam,  non  exeo 
inde  ante  vesperum.  Secundum  te  nihil  est  mihi  amicius  solitudine. 
In  ea  mihi  omnis  sermo  est  cum  litteris ;  eum  tamen  interpellat 
fletus,  cui  repugno  quoad  possum.  Sed  adhuc  pares  non  sumus. 
Bruto,  ut  suades,  rescribam.  Eas  litteras  eras  habebis.  Cum  erit 
cui  des,  dabis. 

548.  CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  ie). 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  10  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  vita  sua  et  desiderio  Attici. 

Te  tuis  negotiis  relictis  nolo  ad  me  venire,  ego  potius  accedam, 
si  diutius  impediere.  Etsi  ne  discessissem  quidem  e  conspectu  tuo, 
nisi  me  plane  nihil  ulla  res  adiuvaret.  Quod  si  esset  aliquod 

Pansa  quando]  *  the  date  of  Pansa's  de-  excuse  for  refusing  his  hospitality,  you 

parture,'  as  we  learn  from  550j#w. :    552.  will  kindly  see   that   particular   excuses 

3.     Pansa  had  heen  appointed  to  succeed  are  made  for  each  day.'     In  perpetuum, 

Brutus  in  the  government  of   Cisalpine  which    should    properly    mean    '  for   all 

Gaul.     He  was  consul  with   Hirtius   in  time,'    here    denotes   the    whole    period 

43.     For  the  ellipse  cp.  588.  1  Et  quod  during   which   Appuleius   shall   exercise 

tu  scire  volebas  ego  quando  ex  hoc  loco  (sc.  his  hospitality  to  his  brother  augurs, 
proficiscar),   postridie   Idus   Lanuvi  con-  careo]    'I  avoid'  all  society,  cp.  659. 

stitui  manere  ;  and  Heidemann,  p.  55.  1    domo    carendum  propter    matrem  :    2 

credo']    '  I    have    confidence    in,'    cp.  Yerr.  v.  38  domo  carendum  esse  meretricis. 

Q.  Fr.   i.    3.    8  (66)  quantum   Hortensio  '  He  confined  himself  to  his  house '  is, 

'credendum  sit  nescio.  in  Lat.,  caruit  publico  (Mil.  18)  ;  *  to  be 

exiled  '  is  patria  carer  e  (Mil.  63). 

cui  repugno   quoad  possum"]     Another 

in  perpetuum  .  .  .  in  dies]  '  since  you  reason  for  not  inserting  non  before  repug- 

do  not  approve  of  my  making  a  general  nante  in  the  last  letter. 

10  EP.  549  (ATT.  XII.  18). 

levamen,  id  esset  in  te  uno,  et,  cum  primum  ab  aliquo  poterit  esse, 
a  te  erit.  Nunc  tamen  ipsum  sine  te  esse  non  possum.  Sed  nee  j 
tuae  domi  probabatur  nee  meae  poteram,  nee,  si  propius  essem 
uspiam,  tecum  tamen  essem.  Idem  enim  te  impediret  quo  minus 
mecum  esses,  quod  nunc  etiam  impedit.  Mihi  nihil  adhuc  aptius 
fuit  hac  solitudine,  quam  vereor  ne  Philippus  tollat.  Heri 
enim  vesperi  venerat.  Me  scriptio  et  litterae  non  leniunt  sed 
ob  turban  t. 

549.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  is). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dolore  suo,  de  fano  Tulliae  aedificando,  de  solitudine  sua  ne  a  Philippo  quidem 
obturbata,  de  epistula  adiuncta  ad  Brutum  danda,  de  rebus  domestieis.  de  Attici 
itinere  ad  se  suscipiendo. 


1.  Dum  recordatioues  fugio,  quae  quasi  morsu  quodam  dolorem 
efficiunt,  refugio  ad  te  admonendum :  quod  velim  mihi  ignoscas, 
cuicuimodi  est.  Etenim  habeo  non  nullos  ex  iis  quos  nunc 
lectito  auctores  qui  dicant  fieri  id  oportere  quod  saepe  tecum 
egi  et  quod  a  te  approbari  volo.  De  fano  illo  dico,  de  quo  tantum 
quantum  me  amas  velim  cogites.  Equidem  neque  de  genere 

Nunc  ipsuiii]    l  at  this  present  moment '  husband  of  Caesar's  niece,  Atia,  the  mother 

op.  584.  2.  of  the  future  Augustus. 

probabatur^    sc.    tecum   esse :    *  It   did  obturbanf]      '  distract.'      In   the   next 

not  seem  advisable  to  be  at  your  house.'  letter  §  I    solitudinem   obturbavit   means 

We  do  not  know  tbe  reason  why.  '  to   break  in   upon,'    '  to    disturb  '    my 

tamen']     'after  all':  cp.  545.  1.  loneliness. 

aptius']     So    all   the  mss   except   M1, 

which  reads  peius.     It  is   corrected    by  1.  ad  te  admonendum~\     '  I  take  refuge 

M2.     Viet,  conjectured  prius  ;  but  prius  in  refreshing  your  memory  [about  all  my 

did  not   bear  the  sense  of  '  preferable '  plans] ;  and  whatever  you  may  think  of 

in    Cicero's    time.      Kahnt    conjectured  this  particular  one,  I  hope  you  will  ex- 

optatius,  and    Otto    potius.      For   aptius  cuse'   [the  trouble  I  am  giving  you]. 

Miiller  compares  587.  5  :  Fam.  ix  24.  3  cuicuimodi  est]     cp.  549. 1  and  note  to 

(820)  nihil  est   aptius   vitae.     Dr.    Reid  81.4. 

conjectures  paratius,  comparing  2  Verr.  fano]     a  temple  to  be   consecrated  to 

i.  Ill)  paratissimum  perfugium:  Tuso.  i.  the  memory  of  his  dead  daughter.     We 

118.  hear  a  great  deal  about  it  in  the  ensuing 

Philippus']     A    neighbour    of    his    at  letters.     He  desired  it  for  the  ctTrofleWis 

Astura.     Afterwards  in  Att.  xii.  9  (649)  of  his  daughter;  and  the  whole  incident 

he  is  called  Amyntae  films.    Cicero's  fears  brings  under  our  notice  a  state  of  feeling 

were  groundless,  as  we  learn  from  the  strongly  contrasting  with  the  sentiments 

next  letter  that,  after  a  ceremonial  call,  of  modern  times.     He  here  begs  Atticus 

Philippus  at  once  left  Astura  for  Rome.  to  turn  over  the  project  in  his  mind. 

This  L.  Marcius  Philippus  was  the  second  genere~]     '  the  design,'  which  was  that 

EP.  549  (ATT.  XII.  18). 


dubito — placet  enim  mihi  Cluati — neque  de  re — statutum  esi 
enim — de  loco  non  numquam.  Velim  igitur  cogites.  Ego, 
quantum  his  temporibus  tarn  eruditis  fieri  potuerit,  profecto  illam 
consecrabo  omni  genere  monimentorum  ab  omnium  ingeniis  sump- 
torum  et  Grraecorum  et  Latinorum  :  quae  res  forsitan  sit  refricatura 
vulnus  meum.  Sed  iam  quasi  voto  quodam  et  promisso  me  teneri 
puto,  longumque  illud  tempus  cum  non  ero  magis  me  movet 
quam  hoc  exiguum,  quod  mihi  tamen  minium  longum  videtur. 
Habeo  enim  nihil  te'mptatis  rebus  omnibus  in  quo  acquiescam. 
Nam,  dum  illud  tractabam  de  quo  ad  te  ante  scripsi,  quasi 
fovebam  dolores  meos.  Nunc  omnia  respuo,  nee  quidquam  habeo 
tolerabilius  quam  solitudinem,  quam,  quod  erarn  veritus,  non 
obturbavit  Philippus.  Nam,  ut  heri  me  salutavit,  statim  Komam 
profectus  est.  2.  Epistulam  quam  ad  Brutuin,  ut  tibi  placuerat, 
scripsi,  misi  ad  te.  Curabis  cum  tua  perferendam.  Eius  tamen 
misi  ad  te  exemplum,  ut,  si  minus  placeret,  ne  mitteres. 
3.  Domestica  quod  ais  ordine  administrari,  scribes  quae  sint  ea. 
Quaedam  enim  exspecto.  Cocceius  vide  ne  frustretur.  Nam  Libo 
quod  pollicetur,  ut  Eros  scribit,  non  incertum  puto.  De  sorte  mea 
Sulpicio  confido  et  Egnatio  scilicet.  De  Appuleio  quid  est  quod 
labores,  cum  sit  excusatio  facilis  ?  4.  Tibi  ad  me  venire,  ut 
ostendis,  vide  ne  non  sit  facile.  Est  enim  longum  iter,  disceden- 

of  the  architect  Cluatius.  Cluatius  is 
mentioned  again  in  578.  3. 

re]  ' the  question '  whether  the  shrine 
shall  be  built  or  not.  On  that  he  '  has 
made  up  his  mind.' 

omni  genere  .  .  .  Latinorum]  '  every 
kind  of  memorial  which  the  genius  of 
every  artist,  whether  Greek  or  Roman,  can 
supply  '  :  sumptorum  is  the  reading  of  2 
and  the  ed.  Romana  :  A  has  scriptorum. 

longumque  illud  tempus]  This  is  the 
motto  of  George  Eliot's  poem,  '  Oh  may 
I  join  the  choir  invisible.'  It  is  a  veiy 
beautiful  sentiment,  not  unlike  Soph. 
Ant.  74,  eTrel  TT\ei<ay  \p6vos  |  $>v  Se?  /*' 
apfffKeiv  TO?S  KO.TID  rwv  eV0a8e. 

illud  tractabam]  his  treatise,  written 
for  his  own  consolation  (546.  3),  called 
'  De  Consolatione '  or  'De  Luctu  minu- 
endo.'  Cicero  quotes  from  it  in  Tusc. 
i.  65,  and  mentions  it  elsewhere  in  his 
philosophical  writings,  e.g.  Tusc.  i.  75. 
The  fragments  and  references  to  it  are 
collected  in  Miiller's  Cicero,  part  iv. 
vol.  iii.,  pp.  333  ff. 

fovebam]  Yet  he  says  in  ep.  545,  non 
mehercule  indulgente  me,  'my  grief  abides 
with  me,  not  through  my  fostering  it, 
but  in  spite  of  all  my  struggles  against  it.' 

2.  Epistulam~\     This  was  an  answer  to 
Brutus's  letter  of  consolation  (546.  4)  : 
cp.  554.  3. 

tamen]  'however'  i.e.  though  I  say 
you  are  to  send  the  letter. 

3.  Quaedam  exspecto]    '  I  expect  some 

Cocceius]  He  and  Libo  seem  to  have 
owed  money  to  Cicero.  Cic.  felt  fairly 
sure  that  Libo  would  pay,  but  was  no't 
so  certain  about  Cocceius,  cp.  546.  2 : 
552.  2.  Probably  Sulpicius  and  Egnatius 
were  securities  for  the  repayment  of  the 
capital  (de  sorte  mea). 

scilicet]  'of  course,'  'naturally.'  This 
sense  is  very  common  in  Cicero  and  the 
drama  ;  the  ironical  usage  is  oftener  met 
in  later  writers. 

4.  ostendis]    'promise,'  cp.  641.  1  note. 
vide  ne  non  sit  facile]  '  consider — perhaps 

it  may  not  be  easy ' :  cp.  note  to  554.  1. 

12  EP.  550  (ATT.  XII.  17). 

temque  te,  quod  celeriter  tibi  erit  fortasse  faciendum,  non  sine 
magno  dolore  dimittam.  Sed  omnia  ut  voles.  Ego  enim,  quidquid 
feceris,  id  cum  recte  turn  etiam  mea  causa  factum  putabo. 

550.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xn.  17). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  se  excusato  apud  Appuleium,  de  sponsione  sua  pro  Cornificio. 

Marcianus  ad  me  scripsit  me  excusatum  esse  apud  Appuleium 
a  Laterense,  Nasone,  Laenate,  Torquato,  Strabone :  iis  velim  meo 
nomine  reddendas  litteras  cures,  gratum  mihi  eos  fecisse.  Quod  pro 
Cornificio  me  abhinc  amplius  annis  xxv  spopondisse  dicit  Flavius 
etsi  reus  locuples  est  et  Appuleius  praediator  liberalis,  tamen 
velim  des  operam  ut  investiges  ex  consponsorum  tabulis,  sitne  ita — 
mihi  enim  ante  aedilitatem  meam  nihil  erat  cum  Cornificio,  potest 
tamen  fieri,  sed  scire  certum  velim — et  appelles  procuratores,  si 

tibi  videtur.  Quamquam  quid  ad  me  ?  Verum  tamen .    Pansae 

profectionem  scribes,  cum  scies.    Atticam  salvere  iube  et  earn  cura, 
obsecro,  diligenter.     Piliae  salutem. 

omnia]    sc.  fac,  as  often :  e.g.  564.  3  likely  to  give  a  good  price  for  the  estate 

Tu  vero  nihil,  nisi  ut  illi  volent :  598.1.  of  Cornifieius  (cp.   546.    2).      If  Junius 

and  Flavius,  the  creditors  of  Cornificius, 

Appuleius  praediator']     cp.  546.  2.  became  insistent,  Cicero   may  have   felt 

aedilitatem']     Cicero  was  aedile  in  70  that   he  was   secured   by  the  law    (quid 

B.C.    The  Lex  Furia  freed  all  sureties  ad  me?    Verumtamen — cp.  552.   2):  cp. 

from  their  obligation  at  the  end  of  two  Rein,  Privatrecht,  p.  673  :   Roby,  Roman 

years.    But  unfortunately  the  date  of  the  Private  Law,  ii.  p.  30,  note  2. 

Lex  Furia  cannot  be  exactly  fixed  :  it  is  quid  ad  me]     a  common  colloquialism  : 

just  possible  that  it  may  have  been  passed  cp.  Catull.  x.  31;   Plin..  Epp.  iv.  27.4 

after  Cicero's  time.     If,  as  Poste  (Gaius,  (in  a  passage  of  verse) ;  Mart.  xii.  30,  2. 

p.  402)  says,  it  was  passed  about  95  B.C.,  To  add  id  spoils  the  phrase, 

then  we  may  suppose  that  Cicero  could  Verum  tamen]     Like  'however*   with 

have  pleaded   the   statute,   but    did   not  us,  and  ciAA*  o^wws,  verum  tamen  is  often 

wish  to  do  so,  at  least  at  first,  as  Corni-  followed  by  an  aposiopesis :  cp.  Fam.  xvi. 

ficius  was  a  man  of  means,  and  Appuleius  23.  1  (754)  note. 

EP.  551  (ATT.  XII.  18a). 

551.    CICEKO  TO  ATTIC  US  (ATT.  xn.  is  a). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  13  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  adventu  Antonii  sibi  nuntiato  ;  quod  Terentia  de  obsignatoribus  sui  testament! 
loquitur  nihil  esse  demonstrat. 


1.  Heri,  cum  ex  aliorum  litteris  cognovissem  de  Antoni 
adventu,  admiratus  sum  nihil  esse  in  tuis.  Sed  erant  pridie 
fortasse  scriptae  quam  datae.  Neque  ista  quidem  euro.  Sed 
tamen  opinor  propter  praedes  suos  accucurrisse.  2.  Quod  scribis 
Terentiam  de  obsignatoribus  mei  testamenti  loqui,  primum  tibi 
persuade  me  istaec  noii  curare  neque  esse  quidquam  aut  parvae 
curae  aut  novae  loci.  Sed  tamen  quid  simile  ?  Ilia  eos  non  adhi- 
buit  quos  existimavit  quaesituros,  nisi  scissent  quid  esset.  Num  id 
etiam  mihi  periculi  fuit  ?  Sed  tamen  faciat  ilia  quod  ego.  Dabo 

1.  nihil  esse  in  tuis]  sc.  episttilis  de 
Ant.  reditu  scriptum. 

Neque  ista  quidem  euro]  It  is  very 
unfair  of  Drumann,  i.  76  (=  55,  ed.  2)  to 
say  that  this  return  of  Antony  frightened 
Cicero  :  cp.  552.  2  :  553.  1. 

propter  praedes  suos}  Cicero's  account 
in  Phil.  ii.  76-78  is  that  Antony  was  on 
his  way  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain,  when 
suddenly  he  came  back,  partly  to  give 
an  amorous  surprise  to  his  lately  wedded 
wife,  the  notorious  Fulvia  ;  but  that  the 
real  reason  was  lest  Plancus,  the  prefect 
of  the  city,  should  sell  up  his  sureties, 
because  he  had  not  paid  for  the  proscribed 
property  of  Pompey,  which  he  had  pur- 
chased. Antony  and  Caesar  were  just 
now  on  bad  terms,  as  Antony  considered 
it  unreasonable  and  ungrateful  that 
Caesar  should  require  him  to  pay  up 
(cp.  Phil.  ii.  72).  The  immediate  events 
of  this  time  are  thus  summarized  by 
Cicero  in  his  invective  ib.  77  f.  Ergo,  ut 
te  Catamitum,  nee  opinato  cum  te  osten- 
disses,  praeter  spem  mulier  aspiceret,  id- 
circo  urbem  terror e  nocturno,  Italiam 
multorum  dierum  metu  perturbasti  ?  Et 
domi  quidem  causam  amoris  habuit,  foris 
etiam  turpiorem,  ne  L.  Plancus  praedes 
suos  vender et.  Productus  autem  in  con- 
tionem  a  tribuno  plebis,  cum  respondisses  te 
rei  tuae  causa  venisse,  populum  etiam 

dicacem  in  te  reddidisti.  "We  do  not 
know  what  the  exact  jokes  were  which 
the  people  made,  perhaps  some  reference 
to  his  amorous  propensities,  perhaps  to 
his  speaking  of  res  mea  in  his  bankrupt 
condition.  Antony  does  not  seem  to 
have  ever  paid  up  these  obligations.  He 
became  reconciled  to  Caesar  soon  after- 
wards, probably,  as  Drumann  (I.e.)  sug- 
gests, because  Caesar  wanted  such  an 
able  officer  for  the  Parthian  War. 

2.  testamenti']  Terentia  seems  to  have 
feared  lest  Cicero  should  have  failed  to 
make  proper  provision  in  his  will  for 
Tullia's  infant,  Lentulus,  whose  birth  is 
announced  in  Att.  x.  18  (404).  Her  fears 
derived  confirmation  from  the  rumour 
that  no  relative  of  Dolabella,  the  father, 
was  present  at  the  execution  of  the  \vill, 
and  that  Publilius,  the  brother  of  Publilia, 
Terentia' s  successor,  had  been  asked  to 
be  present. 

curae]  may  be  either  genitive  or  dative. 
Cicero  uses  both  cases  with  locus  in  the 
sense  of  '  room  for.' 

quid  esset]  '  the  contents,'  *  the  sub- 
stance,' sc.  scriptum  in  testamento. 

Num  .  .  .fuit  ?]  *  Surely  there  was  not 
the  same  (sense  of)  danger  in  my  case ' 
(i.e.  I  did  not  refuse  to  summon  witnesses 
from  any  such  fear).  For  id . .  .  periculi 
cp.  such  phrases  as  hoc  praemi,  Vatin.  11. 


JSP.  552  (ATT.  XII.  19). 

meum  testamentum  legendum  cui  voluerit,  intelleget  non  potuisse 
honorificentius  a  me  fieri  de  nepote  quam  fecerim.  Nam  quod  non 
advooavi  ad  obsignandum,  primum  mihi  non  venit  in  mentem 
deinde  ea  re  non  venit,  quia  nihil  attinuit.  Tute  scis,  si  modo 
meministi,  me  tibi  turn  dixisse  ut  de  tuis  aliquos  adduceres  : 
quid  enim  opus  erat  multis?  Equidem  domesticos  iusseram.  Tuna 
tibi  placuit  ut  mitterem  ad  Silium  ;  inde  est  natum  ut  ad  Publilium. 
Sed  necesse  neutrum  f  uit.  Hoc  tu  tractabis  ut  tibi  videbitur. 

552.    CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (An.  xn.  19). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  14  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  loco  fani  Tulliae  condendi,  de  Cocceio  et  Libone,  de  sponsione  sua  pro 
Cornificio,  de  litteris  Balbi  et  Oppii  ad  se  de  Antonio  datis,  de  Pansae  profectione, 
de  adventu  Bruti,  de  negotio  cum  Terentia  transigendo. 


1.  Est  hie  quidem  locus  amoenus  et  in  mari  ipso  qui  et  Antio 
et  Circeiis  aspici  possit,  sed  ineunda  nobis  ratio  est  quemadmodum 

advocavi  ad  obsignandum~}  advocare 
means  'to  call  in'  anyone  to  give  assist- 
ance in  any  respect,  e.g.  as  a  witness 
(Plaut.  Bacch.  261),  to  seal  a  will 
(Quintilian  Declam.,p.  53,  15  ed.  Hitter), 
or  the  like.  It  is  used  absolutely  in 
Cluent.  54  :  Seneca  De  Brev.  Vitae  ii.  4 
hie  advocat,  hie  adest.  Yet  in  a  special 
individual  case  it  seems  a  little  strange 
to  have  no  accusative.  Boot  desires  to 
add  alios.  Could  the  reading  have  been 
advocates  advocavi,  as  in  1'laut.  Gas.  570  ? 

nihil  attinuit}  'it  was  of  no  conse- 
quence '  (that  they  should  be  sum- 
moned). The  inf.  advocari  is  to  be  sup- 
plied, cp.  Quintil.  x.  1.  105. 

aliquosl  l  a  few.'  For  the  antithesis 
with  multus  cp.  Fam.  iv.  3.  1  (494)  sed 
aliquid  atque  adeo  multa  addunt. 

domesticos}  It  looks  as  if  Cicero's  law 
was  at  fault  here.  We  are  told  that 
domestici  testes  non  adhibendi  sunt  (Ul- 
pian  Reg.  xx.  3,  p.  594,  Huschke)  ;  and 
domestici  are  said  to  be  those  who  are  in 
the  power  of  the  testator.  These  latter 
were  cartainly  ineligible  as  witnesses :  cp. 
Gaius  ii.  105.  In  testibus  autem  non  debet 
is  etse  qui  in  potestate  est  ant  familiae 
emptoris  aut  ipsius  testatoris  .  .  .  itaque 
reprobation  est  in  ea  re  domes ticuni  testi- 
monium :  cp.  Justinian  Inst.  ii.  10.  9. 

Mr.  Roby  (Roman  Private  Law,  i.  179, 
note  1)  says  that  Cicero  here  "  does  not 
appear  to  have  had  any  witnesses  who 
were  within  Gains'  prohibition."  Then 
we  take  it  the  word  domestici  in  our 
passage  has  a  wider  meaning  than  that 
used  in  the  law-books,  and  means  those 
living  in  his  household,  whether  they 
were  under  his  power  or  not.  For 
example,  the  learned  men  who  were 
often  in  the  house  of  Cicero,  Dionysius, 
Nicias,  and  the  like,  if  they  had  obtained 
Roman  citizenship,  may  have  been  called 
in.  Or  could  it  be  that  the  practice  of 
calling  in  as  witnesses  those  who  were 
in  the  power  of  the  testator  was  unde- 
sirable (non  debet  :  reprobatum  est)  but 
not  strictly  illegal  ?  It  might  have  been 
better  to  get  in  outsiders,  but  not  strictly 
necessary  (necesse)  to  do  so.  We  hardly 
think  so,  and  believe  that  domesticos  here 
means  '  members  of  my  household,'  i.e. 
staying  in  my  house,  though  not  strictly 
in  Cicero's  power. 

est  natttm}  'it  came  about,'  cp.  Fin. 
iii.  63. 

neutrum}  either  for  Atticus  to  bring 
strangers  or  for  Cicero  to  send  for  Silius. 

1.  Antio  et  Circeiis}  'is  within  view 
both  from  Antiuni  and  Circeii.'  Cicero 

EP.  552  (ATT.  XII.  19). 


in  omni  mutatione  dominorum,  quae  innumerabiles  fieri  possunt  in 
infinita  posteritate,  si  modo  haec  stabunt,  illud  quasi  consecratum 
remanere  possit.  Equidem  iam  nihil  egeo  vectigalibus  et  parvo 
contentus  esse  possum.  Cogito  interdum  trans  Tiberim  bortos 
aliquos  parare  et  quidem  ob  bane  causam  maxime  :  nihil  enim 
video  quod  tarn  celebre  esse  possit,  sed  quos,  coram  videbimus,  ita 
tamen  ut  hac  aestate  fanum  absolutum  sit.  Tu  tamen  cum 
Apella  Ohio  confice  de  columnis.  2.  De  Cocceio  et  Libone  quae 
scribis  approbo,  maxime  quod  de  iudicatu  meo.  De  sponsu, 
si  quid  perspexeris  et  tamen  quid  procuratores  Cornifici  dicant 
velim  scire,  ita  ut  in  ea  re  te,  cum  tarn  occupatus  sis,  non  multum 
operae  velim  ponere.  De  Antonio  Balbus  quoque  ad  me  cum 
Oppio  conscripsit,  idque  tibi  placuisse,  ne  perturbarer.  Illis  egi 

indicates  the  relations  of  place  by  case 
alone  without  prepositions.  We  have  a 
characteristic  passage  in  Att.  ix.  5, 1  (359), 
iter  ad  superum,  navigatio  infero,  discessus 
Arpinwn,  mansio  Formiis. 

si  modo  haec  stabunt}  '  as  long  as  Rome 
is  Rome.'  Cicero  sometimes  uses  haec  for 
'  the  present  constitution  of  things/  *  the 
Roman  Republic'  :  cp.  Reid  on  Sull.  32. 
Boot  quotes  Sull.  76,  where  Cicero  says  of 
persons  like  Catiline,  Cethegus,  Autronius, 
Lentulus,  neque  enim  est  quisquam  qui 
arbitretur,  illis  inclusis  in  rep.  pestibtis, 
diutius  haec  stare  potuisse.  Again  in 
Flacc.  104,  liceat  Us  qui  haec  salva  esse 
voluerunt  ipsis  esse  salvis  :  cp.  Cat.  iv.  7  : 
Gael.  39. 

vectigalibus]  '  income  from  various 
sources  '  (the  idea  of  *  large  '  is  implied 
in  the  plural)  :  cp.  561.  1. 

kortos~]  "We  think  the  principal  idea  of 
this  word  in  the  plural  is  a  suburban 
building  site  where  a  villa  residence  with 
some  ground  about  it  either  was  or  could 
be  built :  but  the  condition  of  ita  being 
in  reasonable  proximity  to  a  city  is 

celebre]  '  I  do  not  think  there  is  any 
other  position  so  frequented.'  Cicero  was 
desirous  that  the  shrine  dedicated  to  his 
daughter  should  be  in  a  frequented  site, 
where  there  would  be  many  passers-by  to 
see  the  shrine. 

sed  quos~\  '  what  particular  pleasure- 
ground  I  shall  purchase  there,  we  shall 
settle  when  we  meet,  only  keeping  this 
before  us,  that  the  monument  must  be 
completed  this  summer.' 

Apella  Ohio"]  The  marble  of  the 
columns  was  to  be  Chian. 

2.  De  Cocceio}  cp.  549.  3. 

iudicatu  meo}  Cicero  was  desirous  of 
avoiding  the  duty  of  serving  on  juries. 
It  was  a  moot  point  whether  augurs  were 
liable  to  be  called  on.  "We  read  in  Brut. 
117  that  Q.  Aelius  Tubero  decided, 
against  the  testimony  of  his  uncle  the 
younger  Scipio,  that  augurs  did  not 
possess  this  privilege  of  exemption : 
cp.  554.  3  iudiciali  molestia.  The  word 
iudicatus  is  rare.  Dr.  Reid  thinks  that 
in  this  passage  the  reference  is  not  to 
criminal  juries,  but  to  the  private  office 
of  iudex,  a  complimentary,  not  obligatory, 
office.  For  the  general  exemption  of 
priests  from  militia  and  munera  publica 
cp.  Marquardt  iii,  216,  note  5  (ed.  1878)  : 
Wissowa,  Religion  und  Kultus  der  Homer, 
p.  429  (ed.  1902). 

De  sponsu}  See  Adn.  Grit.  For  Cicero's 
suretyship  in  this  case  cp.  546.  2  : 

tamen}  '  at  any  rate.' 

ita  ut  .  .  ponere}  'only  I  would  not 
wish  to  spend  much  time  in  the  matter.' 
For  ita  ut  cp.  Vol.  Is,  p.  84. 

De  Antonio}  cp.  551.  1. 

conscripsit}  Boot  rightly  warns  us 
that  conscripsit  does  not  necessarily  imply 
joint  authorship  of  the  letter.  Conscribere 
is  often  used  just  like  scribere  in  the 
letters.  But  probably  the  letter  was  a 
joint  one,  like  Ep.  357. 

idque}  '  and  they  said  that  you  approved 
of  their  writing,  to  save  me  from  being 

16  EP.  553  (ATT.  XII.  20). 

gratias.  Te  tamen,  ut  iam  ante  ad  te  scripsi,  scire  volo  me 
ueque  isto  nuntio  esse  perturbatum  nee  iam  nllo  perturbatum  iri. 
3.  Pansa  si  hodie,  ut  putabas,  profectus  est,  posthac  iam  incipito 
scribere  ad  me  de  Bruti  adventu  quid  exspectes,  id  est,  quos  ad 
dies.  Id,  si  scies  ubi  iam  sit,  facile  coniectura  adsequere.  4.  Quod 
ad  Tironem  de  Terentia  scribis,  obsecro  te,  mi  Attice,  suscipe 
totum  negotium.  Vides  et  officium  agi  meum  quoddam,  cui  tu 
es  conscius,  et,  ut  nonnulli  putant,  Ciceronis  rem.  Me  quidem 
id  multo  magis  movet,  quod  mihi  est  et  sanctius  et  antiquius, 
praesertim  cum  hoc  alter um  neque  sincerum  neque  firmum  putem 

553.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  20). 
ASTURA;  MARCH  15;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Antonio,  de  Terentia,  tuna  de  dolore  suo  dissimulando,  quod  hortatus  erat 
Atticus,  se  litteras  de  fano  et  de  Terentia  ab  Attico  exspectasse,  denique  de  rebus 
bistoricis  quibusdam  ab  Attico  certior  fieri  vult. 


1.  Nondum  videris  perspicere  quam  me  nee  Antonius  commo- 
verit  nee  quidquam  iam  eiusmodi  possit  commovere.  De  Terentia 
autem  scripsi  ad  te  iis  litteris  quas  dederam  pridie.  Quod  me 
hortaris,  idque  a  ceteris  desiderari  scribis,  ut  dissimulem  me  tarn 
graviter  dolere,  possumne  magis  quam  quod  totos  dies  consumo  in 
litteris  ?  Quod  etsi  non  dissimulations  sed  potius  leniendi  et 
sanaudi  animi  causa  facio,  tamen,  si  mihi  minus  proficio,  simu- 
lationi  certe  facio  satis.  2.  Minus  multa  ad  te  scripsi,  quod 

3.  quos  ad  dies}  'about  wbat  day  ?'  (sincerum)    or    deeply    rooted   (Jirmum). 

4.  de    Terentia}     Tbis    refers    to    tbe  He  thinks  she  possibly  does  not  mean  to 
payment  of  her  dower.  Cicero  says,  '  you  keep  her  promise,  and,  even  if  she  does 
see"  it  is  a  question  involving  my  character  now  mean  it,  she  will  probably  change  her 
as  an  upright  man — and  ot  this  you  are  mind  soon. 

cognizant— and     involving     further,   in 

the  opinion  of  some,  the  pecuniary  in-  1.  quod}  So  M.  No  doubt  quom  of 
terests  of  my  son.'  Terentia  had  possibly  Gronovius  would  be  more  strictly  accu- 
undertaken  to  make  an  allowance  to  rate;  but  the  inaccuracy  is  slight.  No- 
young  Cicero,  if  the  portion  were  re-  one  would  feel  any  difficulty  in  an  un- 
funded. Cicero  says  this  latter  considera-  studied  composition  in  English  in  saying 
tion  has  much  less  weight  with  him  than  «  Can  I  do  so  more  than  that  (i.e.  the  fact 
his  regard  for  his  own  character  (cp.  that)  I  spend  whole  days  in  writing  ?  ' 
557.  4),  for  he  does  not  think  Terentia's  prtfcio  .  .  .  simulation^}  '  if  I  am  not 
feeling  towards  Marcus  is  either  sincere  doing  much  good  to  myself,  surely  I 

EP.  654  (ATT.  XIII.  6,  §§  1-3). 


exspectabam  tuas  litteras  ad  eas  quas  ad  te  pridie  dederam. 
Exspectabam  autem  maxime  de  fano,  non  nihil  etiam  de  Terentia. 
Velim  me  facias  certiorem  proximis  litteris,  On.  Caepio,  Serviliae 
Claudi  pater,  vivone  patre  suo  naufragio  perierit  an  mortuo,  item 
Eutilia  vivone  C.  Cotta  filio  suo  mortua  sit  an  mortuo.  Pertinent 
ad  eum  librum  quern  '  de  luctu  minuendo '  scripsimus. 

554.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  6,  §§  1-3). 

ASTURA  ;    MIDDLE  OF  MARCH  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  \   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  aquae  ductu,  de  columnario,  de  Pisone  et  hereditate  Herenniana,  de  epistula 
sua  ad  Brutum  data. 


1.  De    aquae   ductu   probe   fecisti.      Columnarium    vide    ne 
nullum  debeamus.     Quamquam   mihi   videor    audisse  e  Camillo 

am  doing  enough  to  keep  up  appear- 

2.  Cn.  Caepio  .  .  .  mortuo]  Servilia 
was  the  wife  of  Claudius.  We  have  no 
data  to  settle  the  question  whether  Caepio 
died  during  the  life,  or  after  the  death, 
of  his  father ;  but  that  Rutilia  (sister  of 
Rutilius  mentioned  hy  Cicero,  Brut.  110) 
survived  her  son  Cotta  is  made  certain 
by  a  passage  in  Seneca  (Consol.  ad  Hel- 
viam  16,  7),  nee  quisquam  lacrimas  eius 
post  elatum  filium,  notavit.  Atticus  was 
not  able  to  answer  Cicero's  question  at 
once  :  cp.  558.  2.  C.  Cotta  is  one  of  the 
interlocutors  in  the  De  Natura  Deorum. 

de  luctu  minuendo']  This  is  the  same 
treatise  as  that  usually  called  De  Consola- 
tione,  cp.  549.  3,  note. 

1.  aquae  ductu~\  We  have  no  data  to 
guide  us  to  the  subject  here  mentioned, 
unless  it  is  the  same  as  that  mentioned  in 
Att.  v.  12,  3  (202).  Boot  remarks  that 
Cicero  tells  us,  De  Leg.  Agr.  iii.  9,  that 
he  paid  a  tax  to  the  town  of  Tusculum 
,(cp.  692.  3)  for  the  use,  for  his  private 
grounds,  of  the  Aqua  Crabra,  an  aqueduct 
which  supplied  Tusculum.  Cicero  at 
times  seems  to  have  taken  counsel's 
opinion  as  to  his  use  of  the  Aqua  Crabra 
(Balb.  45). 

VOL.   V. 

Columnarium']  a  tax  on  pillars  im- 
posed (possibly)  by  Julius  Caesar  among 
his  sumptuary  laws  (Suet.  Caes.  43),  to 
check  extravagance  in  the  architecture  of 
private  houses.  Cicero's  question  was 
probably  connected  with  some  building 
he  was  engaged  on  at  Tusculum.  The 
word  columnarium  is  also  found  applied  to 
an  extra  tax  imposed  on  the  province  of 
Asia  by  the  Pompeians  in  48  (Caes. 
B.C.  iii.  22). 

vide  ne  nullum]  literally,  'take  care  do  I 
owe  no  tax,'  that  is,  '  perhaps  we  are  not 
liable  for  the  tax  at  all'  :  cp.  549.  4,  and 
Roby,  §  1656.  Cicero  had  heard  a  rumour 
of  a  modification  of  the  act  which 
would  render  him  liable ;  hence  quam- 
quam.  Video  is  used  like  vereor  in 
the  letters;  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  26  (814), 
where  vide  ut  probare  possit  means  'take 
care  will  he  be  able  to  prove,'  literally 
'  take  care  about  Bis  being  able.'  Just  as 
vereor  ut  veniat  is  '  I  have  my  fears  about 
his  coming,'  that  is,  '  I  fear  he  will  not 
come,'  so  vide  ut  possit  in  some  cases  is 
'  take  care  about  his  being  able,'  that  is, 
'  take  care  that  he  does  not  prove  unable,' 
which  might  also  be  expressed  vide  nenon 
possit,  as  here.  But  vide  ut  in  814  might 
also  possibly  be  =  cura  ut,  as  in  Fam.  xvi. 
1.  2  (285) :  «  see  that  he  is  able  to  prove,' 
*  see  that  he  succeeds  in  proving.' 



JSP.  554.  (ATT,  XIII.  6,  §§  1-3). 

commutatam  esse  legera,  2.  Pisoni  quid  est  quod  honestius 
respondere  possimus  quam  solitudinem  Catonis  ?  Nee  cohere- 
dibus  solum  Herennianis,  sed  etiam,  ut  scis — tu  enim  mecum. 
egisti — de  puero  Lucullo,  quam  pecuniam  tutor — nam  hoo 
quoque  ad  rem  pertinet — in  Achaia  sumpserat.  Sed  agit  libe- 
raliter,  quoniam  negat  se  quidquam  facturum  contra  nostram 
voluntatem.  Coram  igitur,  ut  scribis,  constituemus  quern  ad 
modum  rem  explicemus.  Quod  reliquos  coheredes  convenisti, 
plane  bene.  3.  Quod  epistulam  meam  ad  Brutum  poscis,  non 
habeo  eius  exemplum,  sed  tamen  salvum  est  et  ait  Tiro  te  habere 
oportere  et,  ut  recorder,  una  cum  illius  obiurgatoria  tibi  meam 
quoque  quam  ad  eum  rescripseram  misi.  ludiciali  molestia  ut 
caream  videbis. 

2.  solitudinem~]  '  the  unprotected  condi- 
tion of  young  Cato,'  that  is,  '  the  absence 
of  his  guardians.'  Piso  seems  to  have 
applied  to  young  Cato  for  money  owed  by 
his  father  to  the  heirs  of  Herennius. 

Nee  coheredibus]  Wes.  proposes  to  add 
cfe,  but  it  is  bar  (Unnecessary.  '  Our  excuse 
is  the  unprotected  position  of  young 
Cato,  not  only  to  the  heirs  of  Herennius, 
but  also,  as  you  know,  in  the  matter  of 
young  Lucullus,  in  respect  of  the  money 
which  the  tutor  of  Lucullus  (i.e.,  Cato, 
the  father,  who  was  tutor  of  young 
Lucullus,  Fin.  iii.  8:  Varro  R.  R.  iii. 
2.  17,  M.  Cato  nuper  cum  Luculli  accepit 
tutelam)  took  when  he  was  in  Asia.'  The 
expression  is  slightly  irregular  for  de 
pecunia  puero  Lucullo  debita  quam,  but 
the  sense  is  plain.  Boot  ingeniously 
suggests  that  we  should  read  debel  for  de. 
At  one  time  we  thought  that  possibly  de 
stood  for  D  C  (i.e.,  sexcenta  millia  sester- 
tium),  in  order  to  get  an  antecedent  for 
quam  pecuniam — the  word  debet  being 
easily  understood  from  the  context.  But 

it  is  hardly  necessary.  It  would  seem 
from  tu  enim  mecum  egisti  that  Cicero 
and  Atticus  were  joint  guardians  of  the 
young  Lucullus. 

agit  liberaliter]  sc.  Piso. 

convenisti']  After  this  word  the  old 
editors  supplied  fecisti.  But  the  word 
can  be  understood,  cp.  635.  4,  Attributes 
quod  appellas,  valde  probe,  sc.  fecisti. 

3.  Tiro']  This  passage  shows  that  Tiro 
used  to  keep  copies  of  Cicero's  letters. 

obiurgatoria~\  Brutus  remonstrated 
with  Cic.  for  'persevering  in  obstinate 
condolement '  for  the  loss  of  Tullia.  The 
letter  is  referred  to  545. 1  :  546.  4  :  547  : 
549.  2.  This  matter  about  the  correspon- 
dence with  Brutus  and  the  reference  to 
exemption  from  serving  as  a  iudex  seem  to 
place  this  letter  in  March  and  not  in 
June  :  for  further  considerations  see  0.  E. 

Schmidt,  pp.  311-312. 
549.  2." 

misi]    He  did  so  on   March  llth,  cp. 

ludiciali  molestia']  '  the  annoyance  of 
serving  on  a  jury  '  :  cp.  552.  2. 

EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


555.     SERVIUS  SULPICIUS  TO  CICEEO  (FAM.  iv.  5). 

ATHENS  ;    MIDDLE  OF  MARCH  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Servius   Sulpicius  Achaiae  praefectus,  consolatur  M.  Ciceronem  adflictum  obitu 



1.  Postea  quam  mihi  renuntiatum  est  de  obitu  Tulliae,  filiae 
uae,  sane  quam  pro  eo  ac  debui  graviter  molesteque  tuli  commu- 
temque  earn  calamitatem  existimavi,  qui,  si  istic  adfuissem, 
leque  tibi  defuissem  coramque  meum  dolorem  tibi  declarassem. 
Stsi  genus  hoc  consolationis  miserum  atque  acerbum  est,  propterea 
uia,  per  quos  ea  confieri  debet  propinquos  ac  familiaris,  ii  ipsi 
:>ari  molestia  adficiuntur  neque  sine  lacrimis  multis  id  conari 
Dossunt,  uti  magis  ipsi  videantur  aliorum  consolatione  indigere 
[uam  aliis  posse  suuin  officium  praestare,  tamen  quae  in  praesentia 
n  mentem  mihi  venerunt  decrevi  brevi  ad  te  perscribere,  non  quo 
a  te  fugere  existimem,  sed  quod  forsitan  dolore  impeditus  minus 

There  is  a  learned  discussion  on  the 
Language  of  Sulpicius  by  J.  H.  Schmalz 
n  the  Zeitschrift  fur  das  Gymnasialwesen 
txxv.  pp.  87-126.  He  points  out  that 
Sulpicius  studied  to  improve  his  style  by 
urning  poetry  into  prose  (Quintil.  x.  5, 
;),  and  that  he  probably  used  for  that 
mrpose  Ennius,  Terence,  and  Plautus, 
who  were  authors  eminently  adapted  for 
lis  purpose,  and  also  popular.  We  are 
further  told  (Phil.  ix.  13)  that  Sulpicius 
was  fond  of  what  was  old,  largely  owing 
no  doubt  to  his  legal  studies  (cp.  vol.  iv, 
p.  Ixxix ;  cp.  Top.  36)  ;  so  'that  it  is 
natural  that  his  language  should  be  some- 
times archaic. 

1.  renuntiatum]  'news  had  duly  (re-) 
reached  me,'  cp.  Mayor  on  reddere  in  Juv. 
•  93. 

sane  quam~]  '  I  was  indeed,  as  in 
duty  bound,  most  deeply  and  grievously 
moved.*  For  sane  quam  see  on  Att.  i.  11, 

,  pro  eo  ac  debui']  cp.  Cat.  iv.  3.  Nam 
primum  debeo  sperare  omnis  deos  qui  huic 
urbi praesident  pro  eo  mihi  ac  mereor  rela- 
turos  gratiam  esse.  Cicero  more  commonly 
uses  pro  eo  quod.  Schmalz  (p.  122)  says 
pro  eo  ac  debeo  is  a  legal  phrase,  and  that 

Cicero  would  probably  have  said  ut 
Fam.  i.  9,  2  (153),  Att.  xiii.  1,  3  (601). 

neque  tibi  defuissem]  1 1  should  have 
been  with  you.' 

genus  hoc  consolationis]  ( consolation 
generally,'  '  consolation  in  the  abstract,' 
'  consolation  per  se.'  In  Fam.  v.  12,  1 
(109)  genus  scriptorum  tuorum  means  '  the 
general  character  of  your  work,'  and  in 
Fam.  vii.  23,  2  (126)  genus  signorum 
omnium  means  '  all  the  statues  in  the 

miserum  atque  acerbum  est]  '  is  sad  and 

propterea  quia~]  Quia  is  often  thus  used 
in  Cicero's  philosophical  works,  never  in 
his  orations. 

confieri~]  Not  found  in  Cicero,  but  used 
by  Plant.  Trin.  408 ;  Lucr.  iv.  291 ; 
Caesar  B.  G.  vii.  58,  2,  and  confieret  by 
Balbus  ap.  Att.  viii.  I5a,  3  (346) :  ix.  7a,  1 
(351) ;  and  Liv.  v.  50,  7.  Cicero  always 
uses  confici,  cp.  Boot  on  Att.  ii.  16,  2 

propinquos  ac  familiaris']  Schmalz  (p. 
117)  refuses  to  eject  these  words  (which 
many  editors  consider  to  be  a  gloss)  on 
the  ground  that  diffusiveness  is  a  charac- 
teristic of  the  style  of  Sulpicius,  e.g.  in 
this  section  alone  propterea  quia  for  quia  ; 
si  istic  adfuissem  for  si  adfuissem. 



EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 

ea  perspicias.     2.  Quid  est  quod  tanto  opere  te  commoveat  tuu 
dolor  intestinus  ?     Cogita  quern  ad  modum  adhuc  f ortuna  nobis 
cum  egerit :    ea  nobis   erepta   esse    quae    hominibus  non  minu 
quam  liberi  cara  esse   debent,  patriam,  honestatem,  dignitatem 
honores   omnis.     Hoc   uno  incommodo   addito  quid  ad  dolorem 
adiungi  potuit  ?     Aut  qui  non  in   illis  rebus  exercitatus  animus- 
callere  iam  debet  atque  omnia  minoris  existimare  ?     3.  An  illiu&i 
vicem,  cedo,  doles  ?     Quotiens  in  earn  cogitationem  necesse  esti 
et  tu  veneris  et  nos  saepe  incidimus,  hisce  temporibus  non  pessime- 

perspicias]  \iforsitan  did  not  intervene, 
we  should  have  had  the  indicative  per- 
spicis  after  quod. 

2.  Quid  est  quod. .  .commoveat}  Usually 
the  indicative  follows  a  question  expressed 
in  this  form  :  cp.  Plaut.  Epid.  560,  Quid 
est  quod  voltus  turbatust  tuus  ;  Hud.  414, 
Quis  est  qui  nostris  tarn  proterve  foribus 

facit  iniuriam. 

intestinus~\  '  private,'  '  personal^'  often 
united  with  domesticum,  cp.  2  Verr.  i.  39, 
itttestinum  ac  domesticum  malum. 

Aut  qui  non]  '  or  what  heart,  trained  in 
the  school  of  present  events,  must  not 
have  become  hardened,  and  think  all  else 
of  slighter  value.'  For  callere  cp.  the  joke 
in  Plaut.  Pers.  305,  magis  calleo  quam 
aprugnum  callum  c'allet.  Dr.  Reid  thinks 
(perhaps  rightly),  and  so  does  the 
Thesaurus,  that  in  our  passage  callere 
means  '  to  be  wise,'  It  has  been 
noticed  that  existimare  with  a  genitive  of 
price,  though  found  in  Plaut.  Capt.  682, 
Mostell.  73  ;  Nepos  Cato  1,2-;  Suet.  Oct. 
40,  is  not  Ciceronian.  In  Att.  i.  20,  2  (26), 
Leg.  Agr.  ii.  40,  Muren.  34,  there  is  a 
variant  aestimare,  which  is  generally  read. 
See  Schmalz,  p.  99. 

3.  An  illius  vicem,  cedo,  doles  ?]  So  we 
read  for  credo  of  the  MSS.     Cp.,  for  cedo 
used  in  questions,  Naev.  ap.  De  Sen.  20, 
Cedo    qui    vestram    rempublicam    tantam 
amisistis  tarn  cito  ? :  Cato  ap.  Quintil.  ix. 
2,  21,  Cedo,  si  vos  in  eo  loco  essetis  quidaliud 

fecissetis  ?  The  change  to  credo  is  just  the 
kind  of  change  which  would  be  made  by  a 
copyist ;  cp.  Rah.  Post.  38,  where  cedo  is 
corrupted  into  accedo&n&accredo  (Mr.  Clark 
reads  age,  cedo) ;  and  by  reading  cedo  we 
can  retain  An,  which  is  almost  certainly 
right.  Manutius  and  Lambinus  alter  An 
to  At,  a  possible,  but  too  facile,  pro- 
ceeding. If  we  retain  credo,  as  Mendels- 
sohn does,  it  must  be  interpreted  as  having 

a  slight  shade  of  irony  which,  at  least  to 
modern  ideas,  is  sadly  out  of  place,  *  or  is 
it  for  her  sake  (I  suppose  it  is)  that  you  are 
grieving?'  For  this  parenthetic  and 
ironical  sense  of  credo,  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i.  1.  7 
(30) :  587.  3 ;  Reid  on  Arch.  10,  and 
Lucr.  v.  174,  at,  credo,  in  tenebris  vita  at 
maerore  iacebat  J)onec  diluxit  rerum  geni- 
tails  origo,  '  or  was  it  (I  presume  it  was) 
that  life  long  lay  prostrate,'  &c.  In  our 
passage  Munro  wished  to  read  Cicero  for 
credo,  and  in  the  passage  from  Lucretius 
to  alter  credo  to  crepera,  '  wavering '  or 
'  in  darkness '  — both  of  which  alterations, 
however  striking,  are  most  unconvincing.. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  credo 
parenthetic  in  an  interrogative  sentence- 
is  almost  unprecedented.  Leg.  Agr.  i.  19- 
is  not  a  case. 

illius  vicem]  vicem  is  very  common  in 
the  Epp.  with  verbs  and  phrases  expressing 
emotion  :  cp.  Fam.  xii.  23,  3  (792),  tuam 
vicem  saepe  doleo:  i.  9,  2  (153);  Att.  iv. 
6,  1  (110)  ;  vi.  3,  4  (264) ;  viii.  2,  2  (332)  ; 
15,  3  (350)  ;  ad  Brut.  i.  10,  5  (897). 

et  tu  veneris  et  nos  saepe  incidimits] 
There  is  a  slight  anacoluthon  ;  for  incidi- 
mus is  co-ordinate  with  necesse  est,  whereas 
it  ought  to  be  co-ordinate  with  veneris* 
'  How  often  must  you  have  arrived  at  the 
same  conclusion,  and  it  occurred  to  me- 
too ' :  for  the  displacement  of  et  cp. 
note  on  785.  8,  and  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  12  ; 
69.  In  order  partly  to  avoid  this  anacolu- 
thon, Lambinus  read  ut  tu  veneris.  But 
the  translation  given  above  shows  the 
force  of  the  double  et. 

For  the  difference  between  venire  in 
cogitationem,  *  to  arrive  at  a  conclusion  ' 
by  previous  thought,  and  incidere  in 
cogitationem,  'to  stumble  upon  a  con- 
sideration '  by  mere  chance,  Watson 
excellently  compares  Fam.  ii.  7,  2  (227), 
quod  in  reipublicae  tempus  non  incideris 

EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5).  21 

cum  iis  esse  actum  quibus  sine  dolore  licitum  est  mortem  cum 
vita  commutare  ?  Quid  autem  fuit  quod  illam  hoc  tempore  ad 
vivendum  magno  opere  invitare  posset  ?  Quae  res  ?  Quae  spes  ? 
^Quod  animi  solacium  ?  Ut  cum  aliquo  adulescente  primario  con- 
iuncta  aetatem  gereret  ?  Licitum  est  tibi,  credo,  pro  tua  dignitate 
ex  hac  iuventute  generum  deligere  cuius  fidei  liberos  tuos  te  tuto 
committere  putares !  An  ut  ea  liberos  ex  sese  pareret  quos  cum 
lorentis  videret  laetaretur  ?  Qui  rem  a  pareute  traditam  per  se 
;enere  possent,  honores  ordinatim  petituri  essent,  in  re  publica, 
n  amicorum  negotiis  libertate  sua  uti  ?  Quid  horum  fuit  quod 
non  prius  quam  datum  est  ademptum  sit  ?  '  At  vero  malum 
est  liberos  amittere.'  Malum  :  nisi  hoc  peius  est,  haec  sufferre 
et  perpeti.  4.  Quae  res  mihi  non  mediocrem  consolationem 
attulit  volo  tibi  commemorare,  si  forte  eadem  res  tibi  dolorem 

ed  veneris — iudicio  enim  tuo,  non  casu,  in 
\psum  di&crimen  rerum  contulisti  tribuna- 
um  tuum :  add  Petron.  107,  hoc  argumento 
ncidisse  videntur  in  navem,  non  venisse. 

licitum  est]  This  (not  licuit)  is  the 
jerf.  which  was  used  in  ordinary,  un- 
daborated  style.  In  Cicero  it  is  found 
>nly  in  his  earlier  works  and  in  his  Epp. : 
p.  Schmalz,  Antib.  ii.  22. 

res  .  .  .  spes~\  The  alliteration  caused 
y  the  juxtaposition  of  these  words,  which 
s  so  common  in  Latin  (cp.  Att.  iii.  22,  4 
81);  Fam.  xii.  25,  2  (825);  Sail.  Cat. 
1)  can  hardly  be  reproduced  in  English. 
What  scope,  what  hope,  what  heart's 
olace?'  (Shuckburgh)  :  'what  hope? 
iirhat  fruition?  what  consolation  for  the 
oul  ? '  (Jeans). 

aetatem  gereret]  This  is  rare  for  the 
more  usual  aetatem  ageret :  cp.  Petr.  63, 
vitam  Chiam  gessi :  Suet.  Vesp.  24,  Dom. 
1 ;  Val.  Flacc.  vi.  695,  semivir  impubem- 
que  gerens  sterilemque  iuventam. 

liberos]  The  plural  is  often  used  for  a 
single  child  :  cp.  Prov.  Cons.  35 ;  Tac. 
Ann.  i.  42;  also  Gell.  ii.  13,  Antiquiora- 
tores  historiaeque  aut  carminum  scriptores 
etiam  umim  filium  filiamve  liberos  multi- 
tudinifs  numero  appellarunt. 

ordinatim']  l  in  regular  course  '  accord- 
ing to  the  Lex  Annalis,  from  which,  says 
Watson,  Caesar  had  departed  in  favour  of 
his  friends.  For  the  adverb,  cp.  Dec. 
Brut.  ap.  Fam.  xi.  13,  2  (859);  Cicero 
would  have  said  ordine. 

uti~\  So  the  MSS  ;  supply  possent. 
Gulielmius  and  "Wesenberg  (Em.  57)  read 

usuri.  Inferior  MSS  give  uterentur.     Hof- 
mann  suggests  usi. 

At  vero]  almost  =  at  enim,  as  Watson 
says,  comparing  Phil.  ii.  33,  At  vero 
Cn.  Pompei  voluntatem  a  me  aliertabat 
oratio  mea. 

Malum  :  nisi]  The  sense  is,  '  a  mis- 
fortune, true  (and  so  to  be  deplored),  only 
(lit.  "  were  it  not  that")  this  is  a  greater 
misfortune '  (and ordinary  ills  seem  trifling 
in  presence  of  a  grave  calamity).  For 
this  elliptico-adversative  sense  of  nisi  = 
1  only '  after  a  negative  or  virtual  negative, 
cp.  Madv.  442,  c.  obs.  3,  and  note  on 
Att.  xi.  23,  1  (437).  To  the  exx.  there 
given  add  Ter.  Eun.  548  ;  Phorm.  475. 
The  ellipse  is  sometimes  expressed :  cp. 
Phorm.  953,  Nescio,  nisi  me  dixisse  nemini 
certo  scio.  See  a  good  note  on  this  usage 
by  Kritz  on  Sail.  Jug.  24,  5  ;  cp.  ib.  67.  3. 

4.  Quae  res  .  .  .  attuliC]  Wes.  reads 
attulerit.  Schmalz  (p.  124)  argues 
that  the  indicative  of  the  MSS  is  to 
be  retained  (1)  as  usual  in  the  old 
poets,  e.g.  Plaut.  Cist.  65,  unde  est  tibi 
cor  commemora,  cp.  Drager  ii.  p.  462 ; 
(2)  and  in  the  old  orators,  e.  g.  Cato  ap. 
Gell.  vi.  3,  16,  cogitate  quanto  nos  inter 
nos  privatim  cautius  facimus ;  (3)  and  in 
ordinary  language,  e.g.  Petron.  76,  84, 
100,  &c.  The  polemic  of  Madvig  on  Fin. 
iv.  67,  is,  perhaps,  too  sweeping.  Schmalz 
retains  the  indicative  in  Cornif .  ad  Herenn. 
iv.  13  (gerimus],  Verr.  ii.  131  (sunt) : 
Att.  xiii.  18  (630),  vides  propinquitas  quid 
habet ;  but  we  can  hardly  think  rightly. 

volo  tibi  commemorare']  =  commemorabo. 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV:  5). 

miimere  possit.  Ex  Asia  rediens,  cum  ab  Aegina  Megarara  verst 
navigarem,  coepi  region  es  circumcirca  prospicere  :  post  me  eraB 
Aegina,  ante  me  Megara,  dextra  Piraeus,  sinistra  Corinthus ;  quaj 
oppida  quodam  tempore  florendssima  fuerunt,  nunc  prostrata 
diruta  ante  oculos  iacent.  Coepi  egomet  mecum  sic  cogitare  :  *  hem 
nos  humunculi  indignamur  si  quis  nostrum  interiit  aut  occisus  es 
quorum  vita  brevior  esse  debet,  cum  uno  loco  tot  oppidum  cadaver 
proiecta  iacent  ?  Yisne  tu  te,  Servi,  cohibere  et  meminisse  horn 
nem  te  esse  natum  ? '  Crede  mihi,  cogitatione  ea  non  mediocrit< 

Ex  Asia  rediens]  A  fine  passage  imi- 
tated by  St.  Ambrose  (see  Addenda  to 
the  Comment.}  and  referred  to  by  Byron 
(Childe  Harold,  iv.  44).  Too  much  stress 
must  not  be  laid  on  Roman  rhetoric  in 
reference  to  this  topic  ;  and  some  deduc- 
tion must  be  made  before  we  can  use  it 
as  evidence  of  the  condition  of  Hellas  at 
this  time.  On  the  exaggeration  of  Roman 
writers  about  the  decay  of  Greece,  cp. 
Dr.  Reid,  Municipalities  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  pp.  405  f .  It  was  a  good  theme 
for  pathetic  rhetoric,  in  competition 
with  which  truth  is  at  times  obscured. 
For  example,  Seneca,  in  Ep.  91,  is  cer- 
tainly guilty  in  this  respect.  However, 
Megara  had  never  wholly  recovered  its 
destruction  by  Demetrius  Poliorcetes 
(307  B.C.)  :  Piraeus  had  been  recently 
burned  by  Sulla  in  the  Mithridatic  war  ; 
Corinth  had  not  yet  been  restored  by 
Julius  Caesar,  and  become  the  Laus  Julia ; 
cp.  Leg.  Agr.  ii.  87,  Corinthi  vestigium 
vix  relictum  est.  For  the  singular  Me- 
garam,  cp.  De  Div.  i.  57. 

regiones  circumcirca}  This  adverb,  as 
most  compound  adverbs,  is  rare  ;  and  it  is 
not  used  by  Cicero.  For  the  adverb  used 
as  an  adjective,  cp.  Liv.  xxii.  23,  4, 
omnibus  circa  solo  aequatis  ;  Cic.  N.  D.  ii. 
166,  ipsorum  deorum  saepe  praesentiae, 
where  Mayor  compares  Ter.  Andr.  175, 
eri  temper  lenitas  ;  Plaut.  Pers.  385,  non 
tu  nunc  hominum  mores  vides.  Add 
St.  Paul,  1  Timothy  v.  23,  «  Use  a  little 
wine  for  thy  stomach's  sake  and  thine  often 
infirmities.'  Sometimes  whole  phrases 
are  used  as  adjectives,  e.  g.  De  Orat.  iii. 
10,  Carbonis  eodem  illo  die  mors :  De 
Orat.  ii.  20,  tot  locis  sessiones. 

hmn  /]  '  Ah  ! '  cp.  for  its  use  in  cases 
of  reflection,  Ter.  Heaut.  128:  uK  video 
haec  coepi  cogitare,  *  hetn,  tot  men  solius 
Kolliciti  sint  causa  ? ' 

indignamur  *i]     cp.  Vol.  Max.  iii.  8, 

7,  Non  indignabuntur  lumina  Urbis  nostr 
si  ...  centurionum  quoque  virtus  spectat 
dam  se  obtulerit.  Often  after  verbs  e: 
pressing  emotion  (e.  g.  mirari)  si  is  tin 
used,  as  et  in  Greek,  e.  g.  Lael.  54. 

oppidum    cadavera"]      This    contracts 
genitive  plural  (-«•/»  for  -orum)  is  verj 
rare  in  neuters  ;  cp.  Neue  i3  181.    Forth! 
sentiment  Bockel   compares,  in   additioj 
to  Cat.   iv.   11,  lines  from  the  Anthoj 
Lat.  iii.  2,  8   (ed.  Burmann),  Hae  sum 
quas    merito    quondam    mirata    vetustaM 
Magnarum  rerum  magna  sepulcra  vides 
Rutil.  i.  413,    Non    indignemnr   mortalj 
corpora   solvi     Cernimus   exemplis   opj. 
posse  mori ;  Byron,  Childe  Harold  ii. 
'  Look  on  this  spot — a  nation's  sepulchre| 

Visne   iu~\     According    to    Bentley 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.   6,   92,  visne  tu,  or  vin  tt 
simply   asks   a   question,     while   vis 
'can't  you,'   'won't  you,'  is  a 
exhortation.     If  this   is  true,    it  woul 
appear  that  we  ought  to  read  vis  tu  her 
Bentley  has  fallen  into  an  error  as  regai 
his  own  rule  on  Hor.  Sat.   i.  9,   69, 
which  see  Palmer's  critical  note. 

homincm~\    and  so  liable  to  the  chanj 
and  chances  of  this  mortal  life :  see 
on  Q.  Fr.  ii.  9,  4  (132)  ;  Fam.  v.  16, 

Crede  tnihi]  Schmalz  (p.  115)  la 
down  that  crede  mihi  belongs  to  comm< 
language,  mihi  crede  to  more  polish* 
style  ;  and  gives  the  following  conclusioi 
as  the  result  of  an  extended  induction  :- 
(1)  In  Cicero's  speeches  and  philosophic 
works  only  mihi  crede ;  (2)  crede  mil 
by  preference  in  Att.,  but  only  once 
Fam.  ;  (3)  in  Cicero's  correspond* en ts  onlj 
c.  in.,  never  in.  c.  ;  (4)  in  Ovid  Ponl 
c.  tn.  9  times,  m.  c.  once  :  just  the 
verse  proportion  in  Met. ;  (5)  in  Hor 
Sat.  and  Epp.  only  m.  c.  ;  (6)  the  plebeii 
language  of  Varro's  Menippeans 
Petronius  has  only  c.  m.  ;  (7)  if  the  w< 

EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


sum  confirmatus.  Hoc,  idem  si  tibi  videtur,  fac  ante  oculos  tibi 
sroponas  :  modo  urio  tempore  tot  viri  clarissimi  interierunt ;  de  im- 
perio  populi  Roman  i  tanta  deminutio  facta  est;  omnes  provinoiae 
conquassatae  sunt :  in  unius  mulierculae  animula  si  iactura  facta 
est,  tanto  opere  commoveris  ?  Q/uae  si  hoc  tempore  non  diem 
suum  obisset,  paucis  post  annis  tamen  ei  moriendum  fuit,  quoniam 
homo  nata  fuerat.  5.  Etiam  tu  ab  bisce  rebus  animum  ac  cogita- 
ionem  tuam  avoca  atque  ea  potius  reminiscere  quae  digua  tua 
)ersona  sunt :  illam  quarn  diu  ei  opus  fuerit  vixisse ;  una  cum  re 
niblica  fuisse  ;  te,  patrern  suum,  praetorem,  consulem,  augurem 
vidisse ;  adulescentibus  primariis  nuptam  fuisse;  omnibus  bonis 

separated,     crede     always     precedes 

Hoc,  idem  si  tibi  videtur']  So  Mendels- 
ohn punctuates;  usually  the  conima  is 
)laced  after  idem.  In  either  case  take 
hat  word  as  neuter.  Schmalz  (p.  113) 
ays  that  it  is  a  mark  of  more  elegant 
tyle  to  omit  tibi.  In  the  Epp.  we 
lave  si  tibi  videtur  18  times,  si  videtur 
>nly  once  (Fam.  iv.  2,  43  Ep.  389) :  con- 
versely in  the  De  Legibus  si  placet  1 
times,  while  si  tibi  placet  does  not  occur 

\odo  .  .  .  interierunt']  Melmoth 
uotes  the  reflections  of  Addison  in 
Vestminster  Abbey  (Spectator,  No.  26) : 
"When  I  look  upon  the  tombs  of  the 
great,  every  emotion  of  envy  dies  within 
me ;  when  I  read  the  epitaphs  of  the 
beautiful,  every  inordinate  desire  goes 
out ;  when  I  meet  with  the  grief  of  parents 
upon  a  tombstone,  my  heart  melts  with 
compassion ;  when  I  see  the  tomb  of  the 
parents  themselves,  I  consider  the  vanity 
of  grieving  for  those  whom  we  must 
quickly  follow  ;  when  I  see  kings  lying 
by  those  who  deposed  them,  when  I  con- 
sider rival  wits  placed  side  by  side,  or  the 
holy  men  that  divided  the  world  with 
their  contests  and  disputes,  I  reflect  with 
sorrow  and  astonishment  on  the  little 
competitions,  factions,  and  debates  of 
mankind.  When  I  read  the  several  dates 
of  the  tombs  of  some  that  died  yesterday, 
and  some  six  hundred  years  ago,  I  con- 
sider  that  great  day  when  we  shall  all 
of  us  be  contemporaries  and  make  our 
appearance  together.' ' 

deminutio']     i.e.  in  prestige  and  moral 
influence,  not  in  territory. 

conquassatae']  '  convulsed,'  cp.  Sest.  56, 
etiam  exteras  nationes  illius  anni  furore 
conquassatas  videbamus. 

in  unius  .  .  .  animula]  *  in  the  frail 
life  of  one  feeble  woman.'  The  dimi- 
nutives express  pity.  Animula  recalls 
Hadrian's  celebrated  address  to  his  soul: 
Animula  vagula  blandula  Hospes  comesque 
corporis  Quae  mine  abibisinloca  (Spartian. 
Hadr.  25).  Schmalz  (p.  114)  says  that 
almost  always  in  Cicero  and  'Caesar 
iactura  and  similar  words  are  used  with 
the  genitive  of  the  thing  lost ;  in  with 
ablative  belongs  to  a  less  elegant  style, 
though  it  occurs  in  Fam.  x.  28,  3  (819), 
magnum  damnum  factum  est  in  Servio ; 
cp.  Quintil.  x.  1,  89  :  Curt.  iv.  14.  17, 
semper  gravior  in  paucitate  iactura  est.  In 
565.  2,  iactura  in  repraesentando  is  some- 
what different. 

diem  suum  obisset]  cp.  Serv.  ap.  Fam. 
iv.  12,  2  (613),  Marcellum  diem  suum 
obisae  ;  Plaut.  Cist.  175,  Ea  diem  suum 
obiit,  facta  morigera  est  viro  ;  Poen.  904. 
The  classical  phrase  is  obire  mortem.  We 
do  not  find  obire  by  itself  meaning  'to 
die '  in  Cicero,  but  he  uses  obitus  for 
'  death '  in  Rep.  ii.  52. 

5.  ac  cogitationein]  Cicero  does  not  use 
ac  before  c,  g,  q. 

tua  persona]  '  the  character  you  bear,' 
'  the  position  you  hold  ' :  cp.  note  to  Fam. 
vi.  6.  10(488). 

una  .  ..fuisse]  cp.  Att.  vii.  10  (303), 
Lael.  2.  An  old  alteration  approved  by 
Weiske  and  Madvig  ^Adv.  Crit.  iii.  156, 
note)  is  Jloruisse. 

primariis']  sc.  Cn.  Piso,  Crassipes, 
Dolabella.  " 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 

prope  perfunctam  esse :  cum  res  publica  occideret,  vita  excessisse 
Quid  est  quod  tu  aut  ilia  cum  fortuna  hoc  nomine  queri  possitis 
Denique  noli  te  oblivisci  Ciceronem  esse  et  eum  qui  aliis  consueri 
praecipere  et  dare  consilium,  neque  imitare  malos  medicos  qu 
in  alienis  morbis  profitentur  tenere  se  medicinae  scientiam,  ips 
se  curare  non  possunt ;  sed  potius  quae  aliis  tute  praecipere  sole 
ea  tute  tibi  subice  atque  apud  animum  propone.  6.  Nullu 
dolor  est  quern  non  longinquitas  temporis  minuat  ac  molliat 
hoc  te  exspectare  tempus  tibi  turpe  est  ac  non  ei  rei  sapienti 
tua  te  occurrere.  Quod  si  qui  etiam  inferis  sensus  esi 

perfunctam  esse]  ferfungi,  '  to  pass 
through,'  is  generally  used  of  evil  fortune, 
but  sometimes  we  find  it  applied  to  a 
course  of  honours  and  good  fortune,  e.g. 
Fana.  i.  8.  3  (119),  cum  et  honoribus  am- 
plissimis  et  laboribus  maximis  perfuncti 
essemus  ;  De  Orat.  iii.  7,  <tb  honorum  per- 
functione:  Brut.  8,  aetas  nostra  perfuncta 
rebus  amplissimis  ;  Ter.  Hec.  594. 

cum  res  publica  occideret]  cp.  De  Orat. 
iii.  10  of  M.  Antonius,  the  orator,  ut  ille 
et  vixisse  cum  republica  pariter  et  cum  ilia 
simul  exstinctus  esse  videatur. 

hoc  nomine]  '  on  this  account,'  origi- 
nally a  hook-keeping  term,  cp.  note  to 
Earn",  ii.  1,  1  (166).  To  the  exx.  there 
given  add  Sull.  21  ;  Muren.  82 ;  Phil. 
xiv.  29. 

imitare']  So  all  the  MSS.  Schmalz 
(p.  126)  rightly  says  that  this  is  to  be 
taken  as  the  archaic  infinitive  of  the  active 
form,  and  not  as  the  imperative  of  the 
deponent;  comparing Liv. Andr.  1  (Bibb.), 
Si  malos  imitabo.  Varro  ap.  Non.  473,  20, 
tuum  opux  nemo  imitare  potest.  He  thinks 
Sulpieius  may  be  imitating  or  quoting  an 
old  poet  who  said,  noli  imitare  malos 
medicos.  For  a  long  list  of  verbs  active 
in  archaic  Latin,  but  deponent  in  later 
times,  cp.  Drageri.  150,151.  Forthecon- 
struction  which  supplies  the  affirmative 
volueris  out  of  the  negative  noli,  Hofmann 
compares  Fam.  xii.  30.  1  (899),  noli  mihi 
impudens  esse  nee  mihi  molestiam  exhibere. 
Essentially  similar  are  Hor.  Sat.  i.  1,  3 
(where  see  Palmer) ;  Cic.  N.  D.  i.  17  : 
Alt.  vii.  15,  3  (311) :  cp.  Madv.  462  b. 

apud  animum  propone]  cp.  Fam.  ii.  3, 
1  (169),  apud  animum  tuum  relinquam  ; 
Liv.  xxxiv.  2.  4,  utatuere  apud  animum 
meum.  In  his  exhaustive  treatise  on 
Greek  and  Roman  Consolationes  in  the 
Leipziger  Studien,  ix.  p.  99,  Buresch 

thinks  that  the  verses  of  Sophocles  (Frag. 
666,  ed.  Nauck)  were  introduced  into  Tusc. 
iii.  71,  owing  to  this  rebuke  of  Sulpieius. 

6.  longinquitas  temporis']  cp.  Soph.  El. 
179  xp°vos  7"P  fv/u-apljs  0*6$  'time  is  a 
comfortable  god.' 

hoc  te  .  .  .  tibi  turpe  est]  Cicero  would 
have  left  out  either  tibi  (cp.  Fam.  iv.  6, 1 
(574),  turpe  enim  esse  existimo  me  non  ita 
ferre  casum  meum,  where  he  is  perhaps 
tacitly  correcting  Sulpieius)  ;  or  te  (cp. 
Att.  ix.  10,  6  (365),  turpe  nobis  puto  esse 
de  fug  n  coffitare). 

ei  rei .  .  .  occttrrere]  '  to  anticipate  this 
result,'  lit.  '  to  go  to  meet '  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i. 
1,  4(30),  contraque  erigas  ac  resistas  sive 
etiam  ultra  occurras  negotiis.  For  the 
sentiment  cp.  Fam.  v.  16,  5  (529),  Nam 
quod  adlatura  est  ipsa  diuturnitas  quae 
maximos  luctus  vetustate  tollit,  id  nos  prae- 
cipere consilio  prudentiaque  debemus ;  and 
especially  Att.  xii.  10  (651)  impetret  ratio 
quod  dies  impetratura  est. 

Quod  si  qui . .  .  sensus  est]  '  if  the  dead 
have  any  consciousness' — a  sad  if:  cp. 
Tac.  Agr.  46.  1.  Our  passage  has  been 
referred  to  by  Archbishop  Whately  to 
show  that  a  belief  in  a  future  life, 
though  nominally  professed,  cannot  be 
regarded  as  practically  forming  any  part 
of  the  creed  of  the  cultured  Romans  of 
Cicero's  time.  In  a  letter  to  Torquatus 
in  the  early  part  of  this  year  Cicero 
speaks  of  death,  if  it  should  befall  him 
in  the  troubles  and  tumults  of  the  period, 
as  sine  ullo  sensu.  Fam.  vi.  4.  4  (540). 
It  should,  however,  be  noticed  that 
when  Cicero,  to  beguile  his  grief,  devoted 
himself  to  philosophical  studies,  one  of 
the  first  results  (some  months  later)  was 
the  Tusc.  Disp.,  in  the  first  book  of 
which  he  has  collected  whatever  his 
learning  or  reflections  could  contribute 

EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


•qui  illius  in  te  amor  fuit  pietasque  in  omnis  suos,  hoc  certe 
ilia  te  facere  non  vult.  Da  hoc  illi  mortuae ;  da  ceteris  amicis 
ac  familiaribus  qui  tuo  dolore  maerent ;  da  patriae,  ut,  si  qua 
in  re  opus  sit,  opera  et  consilio  tuo  uti  possit.  Denique,  quoniam 
in  earn  fortunam  devenimus  ut  etiam  huic  rei  nobis  serviendum 
sit,  noli  committere  ut  quisquam  te  putet  non  tarn  filiam  quam 
rei  publicae  tempora  et  aliorum  victoriam  lugere.  Plura  me  ad 
te  de  hac  re  scribere  pudet  ne  videar  prudentiae  tuae  diffidere ; 
qua  re,  si  hoc  unum  proposuero,  finem  faciam  scribendi:  vidimus 
aliquotiens  secundam  pulcherrime  te  ferre  fortunam  magnamque 
ex  ea  re  te  laudem  apisci :  fac  aliquando  intellegamus  adversam 
quoque  te  aeque  ferre  posse  neque  id  maius  quam  debeat  tibi  onus 
videri,  ne  ex  omnibus  virtutibus  haec  una  tibi  videatur  deesse. 
Quod  ad  me  attinet,  cum  te  tranquilliorem  animo  esse  cognoro, 
de  iis  rebus  quae  hie  geruntur  quemadmodumque  se  provincia 
habeat  certiorem  faciam.  Yale. 

to  throw  light  on  the  condition  of  the 
soul  after  death.  The  received  philo- 
sophical opinion  on  the  subject  seems  to 
have  heen  expressed  by  Seneca  when  he 
terms  the  belief  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  a  beautiful  dream  (belhtm  somnium), 
and  describes  its  adherents  as  asserting 
rather  than  proving  a  most  acceptable 
doctrine.  Friedlander  (SG.  iii6  735  if.) 
has  a  learned  discussion  on  the  relation 
of  a  belief  in  a  future  life  to  ancient 
Roman  speculation  and  conduct. 

qui  illius]  cp.  Fam.  vii.  2,  1  (182). 
Si  mihi  permisisses,  qui  meus  amor  in  te 
est,  confecissem. 

Denique}  Watson  points  out  that  it  is 
probable  that  Sulpicius  intended  to  finish 
his  letter  with  the  words  uti  possit,  when 
this  new  topic  occurred  to  him. 

ut  etiam  .  .  .  sit]  '  that  even  this  con- 
sideration must  be  attended  to.' 

alionttii]  perhaps  not  exactly  '  the  other 
side '  (alterorum),  but  '  others  '  than  we 
and  the  supporters  of  the  republic. 

pulckerrime']  'most  nobly/  'finely' 

apisci']  For  this  form  cp.  note  to  Att. 
viii.  14.  3  (349).  It  is  found  in  Livy  and 
post-Augustan  writers.  To  the  exx.  in 
the  Dictt.  add  Cic.  Leg.  i.  52  ;  Turpil.  10 
(Ribb.),  apisci  haud  possem  sine  maana 
miseria ;  Titin.  2.  purpuramque  aptae 

tranquilliorem']  This  reading  of  the 
MSS  is  rightly  defended  by  Lehmann 
(p.  83)  ;  cp.  Att.  xi.  12,  4  (427),  Quod  me 
audis  erectiorem  esse  animo  ;  Fam.  ii.  8,  2 
(201),  et  animo  et  consilio  paratum  ;  v.  12, 
9  (109),  alacres  animo  ;  Tusc.  iv.  37  ;  Rep 
i.  14. 

provincial  Achaea :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4  2 

KP.  066  (ATT.  XII. 

556.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An*,  xn.  21). 

ASTURA;  MARCH  16 ;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  dote,  de  Balbi  condicione,  de  loco  fani  Tulliae  aedificandi  et  aliis  rebus  privatis. 

1.  De  dote,  tanto  magis  perpurga,     Balbi  regia  condicio  est 
delegandi.     Quoquo  raodo   confice.     Turpe   est   rem   impeditam 

1.  De  dote]  This  must  refer  to  the  re- 
payment of  her  dower  to  Terentia,  a 
matter  frequently  mentioned  in  the  letters 
of  this  period. 

tanto  magis  perpurga']  sc.  quanta  diffi- 
cilius  est.  Atticus  had  dwelt  on  the 
difficulty  of  coming  to  a  settlement. 
Perpurga  is  a  stronger  expression  than 
explica  or  expedi  for  winding  up  a  busi- 
ness transaction.  Translate  '  make  a 
clean  settlement  of  it '  :  cp.  purgare 
rationes,  Suet.  Calig.  29.  But  perhaps  it 
may  mean  something  quite  different, 
namely,  *  make  our  apologies  most 

delegandi]  The  generally  accepted 
view  of  this  passage  is  that  Terentia 
became  desirous  of  getting  the  mcmey 
due  for  her  dowry  without  delay  (she 
had  been  divorced  for  about  a  year),  and 
Balbus  advanced  the  money,  as  it  were 
bought  the  debt  from  her,  and  then 
Terentia  assigned  (delegare}  Balbus  to 
Cicero  as  his  creditor  in  the  matter.  She 
would  appear  to  have  done  this  without 
consulting  Cicero,  just  notifying  to  him 
the  transfer  of  his  obligation.  This 
conduct  seemed  to  Cicero,  and  not  un- 
reasonably, to  be  '  lordly '  (regia}. 
Balbus  may  have  had  no  desire  to  press 
Cicero  hard ;  but  Cicero  naturally  did 
not  wish  to  he  under  an  obligation  to 
such  an  influential  Caesarean  as  Balbus, 
and  was  accordingly  insistent  that  Atticus 
should  clear  off  the  debt.  The  transla- 
tion will,  then,  be  :  "  Terentia' s  arrange- 
ment in  assigning  Balbus  as  my  creditor 
is  a  very  lordly  proceeding."  'This  is  a 
somewhat  rare  use  of  delegare.  It  is 
generally  used  of  assigning  or  deputing 
one's  debtor  to  pay  not  oneself  but  a 
third  person  :  cp.  Ulpian's  definition  in 
Dig.  xlvi.  2.  11  Delegare  est  vice  sua 
alium  reutn  dare  creditori  vel  cui  iusserit 
('or  to  his  order'):  Seneca  Benef.  iv.  11.3 
The  shipwrecked  mariner  whom  we 
have  helped  nunquam  amplius  in  con- 

deos  delegat  illi  pro   se  gratiam   reddant   1 
(cp.  Proverbs  19.   17)  :    but  it  seems  to    j 
be    occasionally  found   in  the   sense  of 
assigning  one's  creditor   to  become  the 
creditor  of  one's  debtor,    as   Terentia  is 
held    to    have     assigned     her     creditor 
Balbus  to  be  the  creditor  of  her  debtor 
Cicero  :  cp.  Seneca  Epist.  18.  14  Prius, 
inquis,  redde  quod  debes.     Delegabo  te  ad 
Epicurum  :      ab     illo    fiet     numeratio  : 

*  Immodica    ira    gignit    insaniam.' 
(In  Digest  xxiii.  3.  5.  8  creditorem  dele- 
gavit  ut  daret  dotem,  the  word  only  means 

*  ordered  ').    But  allowing  the  possibility 
of  this  interpretation,  the  order  of  words 
is  rather  against  taking  Balbi  and  delegandi 
together.     We   rather  think,    with    Dr. 
Reid  (Hermathena  x.  (1898),  pp.  132-3) 
that  delegandi  means  delegandi  pecuniamr 
and  is  used  in   a   partially   untechnical 
sense,  meaning  little  more  than  'making 
over,'   'paying  over,' the  money.    Cicero 
may    have    approached    Balbus    with   a 
proposal    that    he    should   advance    the 
money  to  satisfy   Terentia's   claim,  and 
Balbus  was  for  exacting  hard  conditions. 
For    this    use    of    delegare    cp.    663.  4 
Quinto  dekgabo    ('make   over')    *i   quid 
aeri  meo  alieno  supererit :  Font.  18  Quid  si 
hoc    critnen    optimis    no  minibus    delegare 
possumus   ('  if  we  can  shift  (make  over) 
the  charge  to  men  of  excellent  credit'): 
De  Domo  16  Lelegavi  (sc.  I  transferred 
the   claim   the  people  made    on  me  to 
lower  the  price   of  corn)  amico   locuple- 
tiori    (sc.   Pompeio).      In  Att.  xii.  3.  2 
(468)   delegationem  a  mancipe  annua  die 
means    '  transference   of   the    debt    [due 
to  Cic.  by  the  former  owner  of  the  con- 
fiscated estate]   to  the  purchaser  to  be 
paid  by  him  to  me  a  year  hence,'   the 
phrase    delegatio    a    mancipe   being   like 
solvere  ab  Egnatio  Att.  vii.  18.  4  (316)  i 
cp.  Plane.   103   and  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  69 
Scribe  decem    a   Nerio    (to  be   paid  by 
Nerius).    Perhaps,  too,  in  the  uncertain/ 

EP.  556  (ATT.  XII.  21).  27 

iacere.  Insula  Arpinas  habere  potest  germanam  cnroBldMriv,  sed 
vereor  ne  minorem  TI/UTJV  habere  videatur  t/croTnajuoe-  Est  igitur 
animus  in  hortis :  quos  tamen  inspiciam,  cum  venero.  2.  De 
Epicuro,  ut  voles,  etsi  /ueOapfjL6<  in  posterum  genus  hoc  perso- 
narum.  Incredibile  est  quam  ea  quidam  requirant.  Ad  antiques 
igitur :  ave/jttnjrov  yap.  Nihil  habeo  ad  te  quod  scribam,  sed 
tamen  institui  cotidie  mittere  ut  eliciam  tuas  litteras,  non  quo 
aliquid  ex  his  exspectem,  sed  nescio  quo  modo  tamen  exspecto. 
Qua  re  sive  habes  quid  sive  nil  habes,  scribe  tamen  aliquid  teque 

passage  of  Cato  149.  2  donicum  pecu- 
niam  <solverit  aut~>  satisfecerit  aut 
delegarit,  the  word  pecuniam  should  be 
transposed  to  precede  delegarit,  and  no 
addition  should  be  made.  Generally, 
however,  the  ace.  of  the  thing  after 
delegare  signifies  a  sphere  of  duty  :  cp. 
Caelap.  Fam.  viii.  1.  1  (192)  hunc  laborem 
alteri  delegavi. 

Insula  Arpinas]  Cicero  says,  '  It 
would  be  a  perfect  site  for  the  deification, 
hut  I  fear  its  out-of-the-way  position 
would  seem  to  diminish  the  token  of 
respect '  paid  to  the  memory  of  the  dead. 
The  Insula  Arpinas  is  generally  supposed 
to  be  the  island  formed  by  the  delta  of  the 
Fibrenus  just  hefore  it  flows  into  the 
Liris.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  in  his  charming 
and  learned  treatise  on  '  Cicero's  "Villas,' 
pp.  10  ff.  (cp.  p.  20),  shows  that  that 
island  was  the  spot  in  which  Cicero's 
own  villa,  his  '  Arpinas,1  lay  ;  hut  that 
\vhat  he  calls  the  Insula  Arpinas  here  was 
an  island  formed  ahout  a  mile  and  a  half 
higher  up  the  Fibrenus,  and  now  called 

sed  vereor  ne  minorem  n^v]  These 
words  are  omitted  by  the  A  family  of 
See  Adn.  Crit. 

in  hortis]  The  trans- Tiberine  villa 
of  which  he  writes  in  Ep.  552.  1. 

tamen]  can  only  mean  here  '  be  that 
as  it  may,'  i.e.  whether  I  buy  them  or 
not,  I  shall  examine  them.  Perhaps  we 
should  read  turn. 

2.  /j.edap/j.offo/na.i']  *  I  shall  remodel.' 
Attic  us  had  asked  Cicero  to  give  the 
statement  of  the  Epicurean  view  in  the 
'  De  Finibus  '  to  some  friend  of  his,  who 
had  asked  him  to  make  interest  with 
Cicero  to  procure  him  this  honour. 
Cicero  grants  his  request,  but  adds,  'In 
future  I  shall  remodel  my  practice  with 
regard  to  the  persons  in  my  dialogues. 
You  would  be  surprised  how  some  people 
covet  a  place  among  the  interlocutors.  I 
will  have  recourse  only  to  the  ancients. 
This  causes  no  heart-burnings  '  :  cp.  in 
another  connexion,  Juv.  i.  170 — 

Experiar  quid  concedatur  in  illos, 
Quorum  Flaminia  tegitur  cinis  atque  Latina. 

ut  eliciam]  '  to  write  with  a  view  of 
drawing  replies  from  you  ;  ut  eliciam 
follows  mittere  closely;  if  it  went  with 
constitui,  it  should  of  course  in  strict 
sequence  be  elicerem :  but  institui  elicere 
practically  is  the  same  as  missurus  sum. 


EP.  557  (ATT.  XII. 

557.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  21). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.   61. 

De  epistula  Bruti  ad  Atticum  missa,  de  hortis   emendis,  de  Terentia,  de  Oviae 
C.  Lolliiuxoris  negotio,  de  se  in  forum  non  rursus  vocando. 


1.  Legi  Bruti  epistulam  eamque  tibi  remisi,  sane  non  prudenter 
rescriptam  ad  ea  quae  requisieras.  Sed  ipse  viderit,  quamquam 
illud  turpiter  ignorat :  Catonem  primum  sententiam  putat  de  auim- 
adversione  dixisse,  quam  omnes  ante  dixerant  praeter  Caesarem ; 
et  cum  ipsius  Caesaris  tarn  severa  f  uerit,  qui  turn  praetorio  loco 
dixerit,  consularium  putat  leniores  fuisse,  Catuli,  Servili,  Lucul- 
lorum,  Curionis,  Torquati,  Lepidi,  Gelli,  Volcati,  Figuli,  Cottae, 
L.  Caesaris,  C.  Pisonis,  M'.  Glabrionis,  etiam  Silani,  Murenae, 
design atorum  consulum.  '  Cur  ergo  in  sententiam  Catonis  ? ' 

1.  Bruti  ep."]  Brutus  had  written  a 
Cato  in  which  Cicero  thinks  that  his  own 
services  as  regards  the  Catilinarian  con- 
spiracy were  underrated,  and  those  of 
Cato  exaggerated.  Attic  us  had  written 
to  Brutus,  pointing  out  some  defects 
(mistakes)  in  the  work,  and  Cicero  con- 
demns the  ill-considered  nature  and 
general  tone  of  Brutus'  reply. 

prudenter]  '  a  very  ill-considered 
reply,'  "Watson,  who  compares  quam 
cuiquam  minus  prudenti  non  satis  gratns 
videri,  Vhil.  ii.  5,  where  minus  prudenti 
is  translated  by  Mr.  King,  '  who  does 
not  look  at  the  matter  in  the  light  light.' 
The  tempting  change  to  pudenter  is  there- 
fore unnecessary. 

quae  requisieras]  '  the  mistakes  you 
pointed  out  in  the  work  ' :  cp.  Att.  vi.  1, 
8  (252),  e  quibus  unum  iaropiKov  requiris, 
'  in  which  you  point  out  one  mistake  in 
history,'  literally,  '  you  miss  historical 
accuracy  in  one  point.' 

animadversione]  'the  punishment'  of 
Lentulus  and  his  associates. 

quam  omnes  ante]  '  though  the  others 
had  expressed  this  opinion  before  him.' 

severa]  Caesar  was  for  punishing  the 
conspirators  by  imprisonment  for  life, 
and  confiscation  of  their  property. 

f  uerit  .  .  .  dixerit]  These  are  the  re- 
ported views  of  Brutus,  as  expressed  in 

his  letter ;  the  verbs  must  therefore  be 
in  the  subjunctive. 

praetorio]  Caesar  was  praetor  desiyna- 
tus  at  the  end  of  63.  The  order  in  which 
Senators  were  usually  asked  their  opinion 
was — consuls  elect  (this  would  only  apply 
for  the  later  months  of  the  year),  the 
princeps  senatits,  the  consul  ares,  the 
praetorii,  the  aedilicii,  the  tribunicii  and 
the  quaestoricii — in  all  these  classes  the 
magistrates  elect  (when  members  of  the 
Senate)  speaking  before  the  ex-magis- 
trates of  the  same  class :  cp.  Greenidge, 
Roman  Public  Life,  p.  269  f. 

etiam]  After  enumerating  the  consu- 
lars  Cicero  introduces,  by  etiam,  the 
names  of  the  consuls  elect.  The  MSS 
place  etiam  wrongly  before  M\  G labrionis. 
The  correction  was  made  by  Boot.  Very 
nearly  the  same  list  of  distinguished  con- 
sulars  who  approved  of  Cicero's  action  dur- 
ing his  consulship  is  found  in  Phil.  ii.  12. 

'  Cur  ergo  .  .  .  Catonis']  sc.  itum  est. 
This  is  supposed  to  be  an  objection  raised 
by  Brutus  in  defence  of  his  statement. 
'If  all  these  had  already  given  their 
opinion  to  that  effect,  why  was  it  on  the 
proposal  of  Cato,  a  tribune  elect,  that 
the  house  divided  ? '  The  answer  of 
Cicero  is,  because  it  embodied  the  same 
proposal  in  more  striking  and  detailed 

EP.  657  (ATT.  XII.  21). 


Quia  verbis  luculentioribus  et  pluribus  rem  eamdem  comprehen- 
derat.  Me  autem  hie  laudat  quod  rettulerim,  non  quod  patefecerim, 
quod  cohortatus  sim,  quod  denique  ante  quam  consulerem  ipse 
iudicaverim.  Quae  omnia  quia  Cato  laudibus  extulerat  in  caelum 
perscribendaque  censuerat,  idcirco  in  eius  sententiam  est  facta 
discessio.  Hie  autem  se  etiam  tribuere  multum  mihi  putat,  quod 
scripserit  *  optimum  consulem.'  Quis  enim  ieiunius  dixit  in- 
imicus  ?  Ad  cetera  vero  tibi  quern  ad  modum  rescripsit !  Tanturn 
rogat  de  senatus  consulto  ut  corrigas.  Hoc  quidem  fecisset,  etiam 
si  a  ftdrario  admonitus  esset.  Sed  haec  iterum  ipse  viderit. 
2.  De  hortis,  quoniam  probas,  office  aliquid.  Rationes  meas  nosti. 
Si  vero  etiam  a  Faberio  aliquid  recedit,  nihil  negoti  est.  Sed 

hie]     Brutus. 

quod']  4  for  bringing  the  matter  before 
the  senate,  not  for  disclosing  the  plot.' 
In  Att.  i.  14,  5  (20)  he  complains  that 
Clodius  spoke  of  him  as  '  the  mere  dis- 
coverer' of  the  conspiracy  me  tantum  com- 
perisse  omnia  criminabatur. 

consulerem  .  .  .  iudicaveritn]  ( for  having 
formed  my  own  opinion  before  I  asked 
that  of  the  Senate.'  iudicare  is  generally 
'to  pronounce  an  opinion,'  but  it  some- 
times means  '  to  form '  one.  Good  ex- 
amples of  the  latter  are  in  De  Or.  i.  118, 
in  artibus  .  .  .  fastidiose  iudicamus  :  ii. 
178,  plura  iudicant  homines  odio  out  amore 
.  .  quam  veritate. 

Cato']  He  spoke  as  tribune  elect. 

perscribendaque].  There  were  special 
senators  appointed  by  Cicero  to  take 
accurate  account  of  the  whole  of  this  im- 
portant debate  (Cic.  Sull.  41-42).  The 
president  of  the  senate  could  have  a  record 
of  the  discussion  made,  and  when  it  was 
made  and  approved  by  him  it  had  a  semi- 
official character,  but  was  left  in  the 
keeping  of  the  president  (Willems  Le 
Senat,  ii.  205).  Cato  proposed,  that  is, 
we  gather,  suggested  to  the  president, 
Cicero,  that  his  motion  should  be  so  re- 
corded; and  as  the  motion  was  .highly 
laudatory  of  Cicero,  his  suggestions  were 
adopted  (Sull.  1.  c.). 

idcirco~\  Cicero  now  ascribes  the  adop- 
tion of  Cato's  proposal,  as  the  one  on 
which  to  divide  the  house,  riot  so  much 
to  its  greater  fulness  and  clearness,  as  to 
the  praises  of  himself  which  it  contained. 

enim']    '  why,    who   ever   spoke    more 

r' pngly,    even     though    a     personal 
y?''lit.     (But  he  is  wrong),   <  for 

what  enemy,'  &c.  For  enim,  referring  to 
an  ellipse,  cp.  Juv.  vii.  158,  mercedem 
appellas  ?  quid  enim  scio,  and  Dougan  on 
Tusc.  i.  11. 

de  senatus  consulto]  Brutus  acknow- 
ledged some  one  mistake  made  about  the 
decree  of  the  senate,  and  merely  asked 
Atticus  to  correct  it.  But  this,  says 
Cicero,  does  not  show  any  respect  for 
the  criticisms  of  Atticus.  He  would 
have  done  the  same,  even  if  the  error  had 
been  pointed  out  to  him  by  a  copying 
clerk.  Hofmann  suggests  Salvio,  one  of 
the  copyists  of  Atticus  :  cp.  646.  3.  But 
he  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  more 
important  of  the  copyists  of  Atticus  (cp. 
772.  6),  so  Cicero  would  hardly  have 
chosen  his  name  in  this  connexion. 

2.  recedif]  This  is  the  MSS  reading, 
and  is  defended  by  Dr.Eeid  (op.  ci*.p.!34), 
who  says  that  when  property  or  money 
passed  over  from  one  person  to  another 
it  was  said  recedere,  and  he  compares  Pro 
Quinct.  38,  cum  res  ab  eo,  quicum  con- 
traxisset,  recessissei  et  ad  heredem  per- 
venisset.  The  word  is,  however,  somewhat 
unusual,  '  if  any  money  has  passed  from 
Faberius.'  Faberius  was  a  secretary  of 
Caesar,  and  owed  Cicero  money,  which  he 
found  hard  to  recover.  It  would  be 
attractive  if  we  could  read  Sin  JEroti 
(Hofmann  had  suggested  Eros  for  vero) 
iam  a  Faberio  aliquid  recedit,  *  if  any 
money  has  by  now  reverted  to  Eros  from 
Faberius ' :  but  that  would  be  rather 
bold.  For  Eros,  the  accountant  of 
Atticus,  often  mentioned  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  years  46  to  44,  see 
Index.  He  had  all  particulars  of  the 
debt  due  by  Faberius  to  Cicero,  cp.  606.  1. 


JSP.  557  (ATT.  XII.  21). 

etiam  sine  eo  posse  videor  contendere.  Venales  certe  sunt  Drusi, 
fortasse  etiam  Lamiani  et  Cassiani :  sed  coram.  3.  De  Terentia 
non  possum  commodius  scribere  quam  tu  scribis.  Officium  sit 
nobis  antiquissimum :  si  quid  nos  fefellerit,  illius  malo  me  quam 
mei  paenitere.  4.  Oviae  C.  Lolli  curanda  sunt  HSc.  Negat 
Eros  posse  sine  me,  credo,  quod  accipienda  aliqua  sit  et  danda 
aestimatio.  Vellem  tibi  dixisset.  Si  enim  res  est,  ut  mihi  scribit, 
parata  nee  in  eo  ipso  mentitur,  per  te  confici  potuit.  Id  cognoscas 
et  conficias  velim.  5.  Quod  me  in  forum  vocas,  eo  vocas  unde 
etiam  bonis  meis  rebus  fugiebam.  Quid  enim  mihi  foro,  sine 
iudiciis,  sine  curia,  in  oculos  incurrentibus  iis  quos  aequo  animo 
videre  non  possum  ?  Quod  autem  homines  a  me  postulare  scribis, 
ut  Romae  sim,  neque  mihi  ut  absim  concedere,  aut  quadamtenus 
eos  mihi  concedere,  iam  pridem  scito  esse  cum  unum  te  pluris 
quam  omnis  illos  putem.  Ne  me  quidem  contemno  meoque 
iudicio  multo  stare  malo  quam  omnium  reliquorum.  Neque 
tamen  progredior  longius  quam  mihi  doctissimi  homines  concedunt, 
quorum  scripta  omnia,  quaecumque  sunt  in  earn  sententiam,  non 
legi  solum,  quod  ipsum  erat  fortis  aegroti  accipere  medicinam,  sed 

The  usual  emendation  is  that  of  Klotz 
(also  found  in  *)  accedit  (cp.  recepi 
in  M  in  Att.  xii.  37,  1  (579)  for  accepi 
of  CZ).  Boot  conjectures  redit  or  redierit. 
The  latter  is  adopted  hy  Andresen. 

contendere]  '  make  a  push  for  it ' 
(Jeans) ;  that  is,  for  the  effecting  of  a 
purchase  of  some  building-ground  on 
which  to  erect  the  monument  to  Tullia. 

Lamiani]  belonging  to  L.  Aelius 
Lamia :  cp.  Fam.  xi.  16  (888).  It  was 
probably  his  son  who  was  addressed  by 
Horace  in  Carm.  i.  26 ;  iii.  17. 

3.  De  Terentia]     The  business  is  that 
referred  to  at  the  end  of  Ep.  552. 

si  quid  nos  fefellerit]  'If  I  prove  to  have 
made  a  mistake  in  the  matter  [that  is,  not 
to  have  consulted  my  own  interests],  I 
would  rather  have  to  feel  dissatisfied  with 
her  [for  taking  advantage  of  me]  than 
with  myself  for  any  failure  in  my  own 
conduct.'  This  is  a  fine  sentiment,  which 
has  sometimes  been  obscured  by  careless 
or  inadequate  translation. 

4.  Oviae  C.  Loll%]  sc.  uxoris. 
aestimatio]     See   on    Fam.    ix.    16,  7 


5.  bonis  meis  rebus]    '  when  I    was  a 
happy  man.'     This  use  of  abl.  absol.  has 

been  frequently  commented  on,  e.g. 
131.  4. 

ut  .  .  .  concedere']  omitted  in  the  MSS, 
but  found  in  I  and  J,he  edition  of  As- 
censius.  See  Adn.  Grit. 

aut  quadamtenus]  So  Lamb,  for  aut 
quatenus  of  the  MSS.  Andresen,  omitting 
the  words  ut  Romae  .  .  .  concedere,  reads 
scribis,  aliquatenus  eos  mihi  concedere, 
which  seems  to  mean,  '  As  to  the  demand 
you  say  that  people  make  of  me,  that  it  is 
only  up  to  a  certain  point  that  they  grant 
indulgence  to  me  (and  do  not  tolerate  my 
long-continued  grief).'  But  the  ex- 
pression is  unnatural,  and  the  addition 
given  above  is  a  decided  improvement : 
'  they  require  my  presence  in  Rome,  and 
do  not  tolerate  my  absence,  or  tolerate  it 
only  up  to  a  certain  point.' 

iam  pridem  .  .  .  cum]  t  it  is  long  since.' 
This  is  the  only  instance  of  iam  pridem  est 
cum  in  Cicero,  though  he  uses  multi  anni 
.sunt  cum  and  like  phrases  often  enough  ; 
Fam.  xv.  14.  1  (241);  Att.  ix.  lla.  2. 
(366) :  ep.  iam  diust  cum,  Plaut.  Amph. 
302  ;  iam  diust  factum  cum,  as  in  251. 

tamen]  '  all  the  same'  (though  this  seeias 
to  be  a  self-willed  and  arrogant  opinion). 

accipere  medicinam']  *  that  is,  taJdng  my 

EP.  558  (ATT.  XII.  22}.  31 

in  mea  etiam  scripta  transtuli,  quod  certe  adflicti  et  fracti  animi 
non  fuit.  Ab  his  me  remediis  noli  in  istam  turbam  vocare,  ne 

558.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  22.) 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  18  ;     A,  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Terentia,  turn  requirit  ab  Attico  quo  tempore  Rutilia  et  Clodia  mortuae  sint,  de 
hortis  emendis. 


1.  De  Terentia,  quod  mihi  omne  onus  imponis,  non  cognosco 
tuam  in  me  indulgentiani.  Ista  enim  sunt  ipsa  vulnera  quae  non 
possum  tractare  sine  maximo  gemitu.  Moderare  igitur,  quaeso,  ut 
potes.  Neque  enim  a  te  plus  quam  potes  postulo :  potes  autem 
quid  veri  sit  perspicere  tu  unus.  2.  De  B-utilia,  quoniam  videris 
dubitare,  scribes  ad  me  cum  scies,  sed  quam  primum,  et  num. 
Clodia  D.  Bruto  consular!,  filio  suo,  mortuo  vixerit.  Id  de 
Marcello  aut  certe  de  Postumia  sciri  potest,  illud  autem  de 
M.  Cotta  aut  de  Syro  aut  de  Satyro.  3.  De  hortis  etiam  atque 
etiam  te  rogo.  Omnibus  meis  eorumque  quos  scio  mihi  non 
defuturos  facultatibus — sed  potero  meis — enitendum  mihi  est. 
Sunt  etiam  quae  vendere  facile  possim.  Sed,  ut  non  vendam 

medicine.'     Perhaps  these   words   are   a  fore  what  lie  asks  of  Atticus  is  to  consider 

gloss,  but  the  expression  is  correct  enough,  '  what  is  fair'   {quid  veri  sit).     For  cog- 

and  not  superfluous.  nosco  =  agnosco  cp.  Plaut.  Pseud.  988  :  Cic. 

recidam']  'lest  I  may  have  a  relapse.'  Brut.  313  :  Verg.  J5n.  6.  340,  and  often: 

Recidere  is   a  technical   word,    cp.   Liv.  also  Madv.  Fin.  ii.  82. 

xxiv.  29.  3.     We  find  febres  recidivae  in  2.  De  Rutilia]  cp.  553.  2. 

Plin.  H.  N.  xxx.  104.  Id]     'the  latter.' 

illud"]  '  the  former  '  question,  whether 
Rutilia  survived  Cotta.     In  this  sentence 

•  1.  cognosco]  1 1  do  not  see  your  usual  de  in  all  the  five  places  means  'from.'  We 
thought! ulness  for  me  in  throwing  the  do  not  know  which  of  the  Marcelli  is  re- 
whole  weight  of  this  matter  [about  the  ferred  to.  Postumia  was  wife  of  Servius 
refunding  of  Terentia' s  portion]  on  me.  Sulpicius.  M.  Cotta  was  governor  of 
The  parts  of  the  business  you  leave  to  me  Sardinia  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
are  just  the  sore  spots  which  I  cannot  War,  cp.  Att.  x.  16.  3.  (402).  Syrus  and 
touch  without  great  distress.'  Probably  Satyrus  were  probably  literary  slaves 
Atticus  had  suggested  an  interview  with  belonging  to  Atticus. 
Terentia,  with  a  view  to  inducing  her  to  3.  ut  non  vendam']  *  supposing  I  do 
moderate  her  demands.  Cicero  wishes  to  not  sell  [to  provide  money  for  the  pur- 
do  what  is  right.  Terentia  seems  to  have  chase],  but  pay  rent  to  the  person  from 
tried  to  get  more,  under  a  promise  of  whom  I  shall  purchase  the  property,  but 
making  advances  to  young  Marcus,  which  not  more  than  for  one  year.'  The  ellipse 
promises  Cicero  does  not  think  quite  sin-  of  quam  after  plus  has  been  illustrated  on 
cere  or  likely  to  be  carried  out.  There-  Att.  v.  1.  1  (184),  and  is  common  enough. 


EP.  559  (ATT.  XII. 

eique  usuram  pendam  a  quo  emero  non  plus  annum,  possui 
adsequi  quod  volo,  si  tu  me  adiuvas.  Paratissimi  sunt  Drusiani  r 
cupit  enim  vendere.  Proximos  puto  Lamiae,  sed  abest. 
tamen,  si  quid  potes,  odorare.  Ne  Silius  quidem  quidquam  utiti 
sutSy  et  is  usuris  facillime  sustentabitur.  Habe  tuum  negotium, 
nee  quid  res  mea  familiaris  postulet,  quam  ego  non  euro,  sed  qui( 
velim  et  cur  velim  existima. 

559.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  23). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  19  J    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dolore  suo  et  solitudinis  amore,  deTerentia,  de  CarneadislegationeRomana,  de-. 
valetudine  Atticae,  de  Gamala,  de  Drusi  hortis  a  se  emendis. 


1.  Putaram  te  aliquid  novi,  quod  eius  modi  fuerat  initium 
litterarum,  quamvis  non  curarem  quid  in  Hispania  fieret,  tamen 
te  scripturum,  sed  videlicet  meis  litteris  respondisti,  ut  de  foro  et 
de  curia.  '  Sed  domus  est '  ut  ais  '  forum/  Quid  ipsa  domo  mini 
opus  est  carenti  foro  ?  Occidimus,  occidimus,  Attice,  iam  pridem 
nos  quidem,  sed  nunc  fatemur,  postea  quam  unum  quo  tenebamur 

Proximos]     '  next  most  desirable.' 

utitur}  '  Silius  does  not,  any  more  than 
Drusus  or  Lamia,  make  any  use  of  his 
pleasure  grounds.'  We  have  adopted 
suis  with  Wes.,  and  read  is  for  Us  with 
Lipsius.  Btr.  simply  omits  it* :  but  it  is 
awkward  having  no  object  to  follow 
utitur.  Could  Us  possibly  be  a  corruption 
of  IIS  =  duabus  centesimis  et  semissibus 
2^  per  cent,  (per  month  =  30  p.  c.  per 
annum)  ?  But  that  would  bean  immense 

et  ii\  Silius,  like  Drusus  and  Lamia, 
makes  no  use  of  his  gardens,  but,  unlike 
them,  being  a  rich  man  he  will  be  content 
with  the  interest.  Then  sustentabitur 
means  'will  be  staved  off':  cp.  Fam. 
xiii.  64,  1  (235). 

Hale]  '  regard  it  as  if  it  were  your 
own  business.'  Boot  compares  Att.  xiii. 
49,  2  (666\  habuit  suutn  negotium  Qallus. 
Slightly  different  is  a  te  habebo,  <  I  shall 
owe  to  you,'  601,  2. 

1.  Putaram  te~\  'I  thought  you  werejj 
going  to  tell  me  some  news,  as  you  began 
your  letter  by  saying  that,  though  I  ha<K 
no  interest  in  Spain,  yet  you  would  telK 
me  what  was  going  on  there.' 

utdeforo"]  'apparently  you  have  an* 
swered  my  letter,  for  example,  in  writing? 
about  (my  frequenting)  the  forum  and, 
senate.'  videlicet  =  '  as  I  perceive.'  DrJi 
Reid  suggests  et  for  ut. 

domus  est  .  .  .  forum"]  So  great  will  be£. 
the  number  of  Cicero's  visitors  that 
Atticus  says  his  house  will  be  a  sort  of 
forum.  This  must  have  been  urged  b«J 
Atticus  as  a  reason  why  Cicero  should 
come  to  Rome.  Cicero  naturally  asks  what 
purpose  would  be  served  by  his  living  in 
Rome  in  such  privacy  as  his  house  could 
afford  him.  If  he  lives  in  Rome,  he  must 
court  publicity,  and  be  seen  in  the  f  orum> 
and  the  senate  :  cp.  557,  5. 

unum  quo  tenebamur']  '  the  only  link 
that  bound  me  to  life.' 

EP.  559  (ATT.  XII.  23). 


amisimus.  Ifcaque  solitudinem  sequor,  et  tamen,  si  qua  me  res 
isto  adduxerit,  enitar,  si  quo  modo  potero — potero  autem — ut 
praeter  te  nemo  dolorem  meum  sentiat,  si  ullo  modo  poterit,  ne  tu 
quidem.  Atque  etiam  ilia  causa  est  non  veniendi.  Meministi 
quid  ex  te  Aledius  quaesierit :  qui  etiam  nunc  molesti  sunt,  quid 
existimas,  si  venero  ?  2.  De  Terentia  ita  oura  ut  scribis,  meque 
hac  ad  maximas  aegritudines  accessione  non  maxima  libera.  Et, 
ut  scias  me  ita  dolere  ut  non  iaceam,  quibus  consulibus  Carneades 
et  ea  legatio  Romam  venerit  scriptum  est  in  tuo  annali.  Haec 
nunc  quaero,  qua  causa  fuerit ;  de  Oropo,  opinor,  sed  certum 
nescio :  et  si  ita  est,  quae  controversiae  ?  Praeterea,  qui  eo 
tempore  nobilis  Epicureus  fuerit  Athenisque  praef uerit  nortis  ? 
qui  etiam  Athenis  iro\tTiKol  fuerint  illustres  ?  Uuae  te  etiam  ex 
Apollodori  puto  posse  invenire.  3.  De  Attica  molestum,  sed 
quoniam  leviter,  recte  esse  confido.  De  Gamala  dubium  mihi  non 
erat.  Unde  enim  tarn  felix  Ligus  pater  ?  Nam  quid  de  me  dicam, 

solitudinem']  We  agree  with  Boot  that 
we  should  rather  read  solitudinem  with  2A 
than  solitudines  with  C  :  cp.  629.  1.  Cic. 
constantly  speaks  of  solitudo  in  this  hook, 
and  he  means  by  it  « the  life  of  a  recluse  ' 
which  he  could  not  pursue  at  Rome.  By 
solitudines  he  indicates  rather  '  out-of-the- 
way  places,'  as  in  Fam.  ii.  16,  2  (394). 
Translate  '  What  I  want  is  loneliness  ' ; 
cp.  645.  1 :  547.  Cp.  for  the  contrary 
sequor  celebritatem,  563.  1. 

poterit]  'shall  be  possible,'  impers., 
as  often  in  the  letters  ;  see  Index. 

Aledius]  a  Caesarean  :  cp.  469.  2  ; 
560.  1;  563.  2;  564.  3.  The  form 
varies  in  MSS  :  in  inscriptions  it  is  always 
Alledius.  '  If  they  can  be  so  annoying 
tome,'  says  Cicero, '  when  I  am  here, 
what  do  you  think  they  would  be  if  I 
were  to  come  to  you  in  Rome  ? ' 

2.  ita  dolere  ut  non]  '  that  my  grief  is 
not  prostration ' :  cp.  584, 2. 

quibus  consulibus']  P.  Cornelius  Scipio 
Nasica  and  M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  consuls 
in  155. 

ea]  '  that  embassy,'  not  quite  so  strong 
as  would  be  ilia,  *  that  famous  embassy. 

Haec]  He  asks  for  several  details: 
hence  the'plural. 

Oropo']  Cicero's  memory  was  not  at 
fault.  The  envoys  came  to  seek  the  re- 
mission of  the  fine  imposed  on  Athens  for 
the  devastation  of  Oropus.  This  is  the 
VOL.  v. 

first  hint  that  Cicero  was  engaged  on  the 
Aoademica:  cp.  Dr.}leid,Academica,  p.  29. 

certum  nescio"]  '  I  do  not  know  for  cer- 
tain' :  cp.  Sull.  38. 

Apollodori~]  The  ellipse  is  probably 
annali :  cp.  above  in  tuo  annali.  It  is  not 
quite  so  harsh  as  the  ellipse  of  oratione  in 
Orat.  233  sume  de  Gracchi  (sc.  oratione) 
apud  censores,  to  which  passage  Dr.  Reid 
has  referred  us,  as  oratio  is  not  in  the 
context.  See  also  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad. 
i.  13.  In  610.  3  libro  may  have  fallen 
out  before  Libonis. 

3.  leviter]  '  since  her  attack  is  trifling.' 
The  ellipse  is  probably  est,  the  verb  sub- 
tantive  being  used,  as  in  recte  esse. 

De  Gamala']  Atticus  had  questioned 
some  statement  made  by  Cicero  in  his 
work  De  Luctu  Minuendo.  "What  the 
statement  was  and  who  Gamala  was  we 
are  unable  to  say.  The  context  would 
lead  us  to  infer  that  he  was  the  son 
(more  probably  than  the  daughter)  of 
Ligus.  It  is  probable,  further,  that  he  had 
died  during  his  father's  lifetime.  Cicero 
may  have  ascribed  to  him  good  qualities 
to  a  degree  which  led  Atticus  to  question 
his  statement.  Cicero  declares  that  he 
was  right,  and  appeals  to  the  happiness  or 
luck  generally  attributed  to  Ligus,  adding 
that  no  amount  of  prosperity  could  allevi- 
ate his  own  grief.  For  the  name  Gamala 
cp.  C.I.L.  xiv.  373. 



EP.  559  (ATT.  XII. 

cui  ut  omnia  contingant  quae  volo,  levari  non  possum  ?  De  Drus 
hortis,  quanti  licuisse  tu  soribis,  id  ego  quoque  audieram  et,  u 
opinor,  heri  ad  te  scripseram,  sed  quanti  quanti,  bone  emitur  quo< 
necesse  est.  Mihi  quoquo  modo  tu  existimas — scio  enim  ego  ips( 
quid  de  me  existiruem — levatio  quaedam  est,  si  minus  doloris,  a 
offici  debiti.  Ad  Siccam  scripsi,  quod  utitur  L.  Gotta.  Si  nihi 
conficietur  de  Transtiberinis,  habet  in  Ostiensi  Gotta  celeberrimo 
loco,  sed  pusillum  loci :  ad  hanc  rem  tamen  plus  etiam  quam  satis 
Id  velim  cogites.  Nee  tamen  ista  pretia  hortorum  pertimueris.  Nee 
mini  iam  argento  nee  veste  opus  est  nee  quibusdam  amoenis  locis 
hoc  opus  est.  Video  etiam  a  quibus  adiuvari  possim.  Sed  loquere 
cum  Silio.  Nihil  enim  est  melius.  Mandavi  etiam  Siccae.  Re- 
scripsit  constitutum  se  cum  eo  habere.  Scribet  igitur  ad  me  quid 
egerit  et  tu  videbis. 

licuisse]  f  the  price  put  on  Drusus' 
gardens.'  Licere  is  'to  be  valued  at,' 
liceri  '  to  bid  for.' 

ut  opinor,  heri]  Cicero's  memory  has 
failed  him  here.  He  did  not  say  anything 
in  his  letter  of  the  day  before  (§4)  about 
the  price  ;  but  the  addition  of  ut  opinor 
shows  thai  he  did  not  feel  quite  certain  on 
the  point. 

quanti  quanti]  ( be  the  price  what  it 
may' :  cp.  Munro  on  Lucr.  v.  584. 

levatio]  '  it  is  a  discharge  of  my 
bounden  duty,  if  it  is  not  an  alleviation 
of  my  grief.'  The  word  is  zeugmatic,  or 
perhaps  one  should  rather  say  carelessly 
used ;  for  levare  officium,  '  to  discharge 
one's  duty,'  is  hardly  possible,  though 
levare  dolorem  is  quite  regular. 

utitur]  <  he  is  a  friend  of  :  cp.  bruti 
qui  hoc  utatur,  Att.  vi.  1,  25  (252). 

habet]     'has  a  property'  :  cp.  786.7. 

celeberrimo  loco]  « in  a  frequented 
situation,  but  cramped  for  room. ' 

Nee  .  .  .  quibusdam  amoenis  locis]  If  the 
text  is  sound,  the  meaning  must  be  that 
Cicero  can  spare  some  of  his  picturesque 

retreats,  and  by  their  sale  raise  the  money ; 
for  the  site  of  the  monument.     But  the  i 
suggestion  of  Pluygers  mentioned  by  Boot 
is  very  ingenious,  and  worthy  of  that  acute 
scholar.     He  thinks  he  has  detected  in' 
the  passage  a  hexameter  verse  and  thel 
beginning  of  a  second  (with  the  words  of 
Cicero  quam  amoenis  locis  coming  in  be- 
tween the  two  verses)  which  he  woulc 
add  to  the  fragments  of  Lucilius.     He 
would  read — 

Nee  mihi  tarn  argento  nee  veste  opus  est 

neque  bubus. 
quam  amoenis  locis : 
Hoc  opus  est — 

'  I  care  not  so  much  for  plate,  raiment,  ot 
herds '  as  for  picturesque  sites  for  my 
girl's  monument : 
That's  what  I  want.' 

Marx,  however,  does  not  seem  to 
acknowledge  them. 

constitutum]  '  has  made  an  appoint- 
ment '  to  talk  the  matter  over  :  cp.  Fam. 
vii.  4  (503) ;  Att.  xii.  1.  1  (505). 

EP.  561  (ATT.  XII.  25).  35 

560.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  24). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  A.  Silio,  de   Ovia,  de  Cicerone  Athenis   sustentando,  de    Publilii   itinere  in 
Africam,  de  inorte  P.  Crassi  Venuleiae  filii  et  Eegilli  Lepidi  filii. 


1.  Bene  fecit  A.  Silius  qui  transegerit:  neque  enim  ei  deesse 
volebam  et  quid  possem  timebam.  De  Ovia  confice,  ut  soribis. 
De  Cicerone  tempus  esse  iam  videtur,  sed  quaero,  quod  illi  opus 
erit,  Athenis  permutarine  possit  an  ipsi  ferendum  sit,  de  totaque  re 
quern  ad  modum  et  quando  placeat  velim  consideres.  Publilius 
iturusue  sit  in  Africam  et  quando  ex  Aledio  scire  poteris :  quaeras 
et  ad  me  scribas  velim.  2.  Et,  ut  ad  meas  ineptias  redeam,  velim 
me  certiorem  facias,  P.  Crassus,  Veuuleiae  filius,  vivone  P.  Crasso 
consulari,  patre  suo,  mortuus  sit,  ut  ego  meminisse  videor,  an  postea. 
Item  quaero  de  Regillo,  Lepidi  filio,  rectene  meminerim  patre 
vivo  mortuum.  3.  Cispiana  explicabis  itemque  Preciana.  De 
Attica  optime :  et  ei  salutem  dices  et  Piliae. 

561.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  25). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  21  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis  et  pecunia  pro  iis  solvenda. 

1.  Scripsit  ad  me  diligenter  Sicca  de  Silio,  seque  ad  te  rem 
detulisse,  quod  tu  idem  scribis.     Mini  et  res  et  condicio  placet,  sed 

1.  A.    Silius]      apparently     different  Aledio]     cp.  559.  1. 

from  the  Silius  from  whom  Cic.  wished  2.  ad  meas  ineptias']  'to  my  scribbling,' 

to  purchase  horti,  who  seems  to  be  gener-  his  Gonsolatio. 

ally  mentioned  without  a  prenomen:  yet  P.  Crassus]  consul  in  97,  father  of  the 

cp.  562.  1.  Triumvir:  cp.  De  Off.  ii.  57. 

qui  transegerif]     '  in  having  come  to  Regillo]     It  is  not  clearly  known  who 

An  agreement,'  *  having  settled  the  matter  this  man  was.  He  may  have  been  a  son  of 

out  of  court.'     This  refers  to  some  case  the  consul  of  78  (Klebs  in  Pauly-Wis- 

he  had  with  another  man.  sowa  s.v.  Aemilii  No.  84). 

•   Ovia]     cp.  557.  4.  3.   Cispiana]      Cispius    and     Precius 

Athenis]     ( whether  his  allowance  can  possibly  owed  money    to   Cicero.      We 

be  made  to  him  hy  a  draft  on  Athens  or  hear  of  a  Precius  in  Att.  vi.  9.  2  (282) 

must  be  made  over  to  him  here.'  Possibly  who  had  left  a  legacy  to  Cicero.      For 

we  should  read  Athenas.  as  in  748.  4.  Cispius  cp.  616.  2. 



EP.  561  (ATT.  XII. 

ita  ut  numerate  malim  quam  aestimatione.  Voluptarias  eniral 
possessiones  nolet  Silius.  Yectigalibus  autem  ut  his  possum  esse-' 
contentus  quae  habeo,  sic  vix  minoribus.  Unde  ergo  numerate  ?j 
HS  DC.  exprimes  ab  Hermogene,  cum  praesertim  necesse  erit,  etl 
domi  video  esse  HS  DC.  Reliquae  pecuniae  vel  usuram  Silio-; 
pendemus,  dum  a  Faberio  vel  cum  aliquo  qui  Faberio  debet  reprae-j 
sentabimus.  Erit  etiam  aliquid  alicunde.  Sed  totam  rem  tul 
gubernabis.  2.  Drusianis  vero  hortis  multo  hos  antepono  :  neque- 
sunt  umquam  comparati.  Mihi  crede,  una  me  causa  mo  vet,. 
in  qua  scio  me  T£Tv0w<70eu.  Sed,  ut  facis,  obsequere  huic  error! 
meo.  Nam  quod  scribis  eyy»jjoajua,  actum  iam  de  isto  est :  alia, 
magis  quaero. 

1.  Voluptarias]  'show-places.'  Cicero 
would  rather  give  Silius  ready  money ;  for 
if  he  assigned  to  him  some  property  of  his 
own  at  a  valuation,  that  valuation  should 
he  very  high,  and  Silius  would  not  be 
very  likely  to  accept  it,  as  he  was  under- 
stood not  to  he  desirous  of  acquiring 
*  show -places,'  loci  amoeni,  as  Cicero  calls 
them  elsewhere.  Cicero's  property  would 
he  a  voluptaria  possessio,  not  a  mere  farm. 

Vectigalibus]    '  income.' 

numerate]  '  how,  then,  hy  cash  down  ?  ' 
(sc.  can  I  pay),  referring  to  numerate, 

HS  DC.]  This  number  is  probably 
erroneous  ;  600,000  sesterces  would  be 
more  than  £5000,  far  too  large  a  sum  to 
represent  a  small  part  of  the  purchase 
price.  Numbers  are  very  easily  cor- 

Hermogene]  cp.  569.  2.  Hermogenes 
owed  money  to  Cicero.  He  may  possibly 
be  the  same  as  Hermogenes  Clodius  (640. 1 
cp.  667.  \).  Corradus  supposes  that  he 
was  the  wild  son  of  the  actor  Aesopus 
(cp.  Aesopifilius  Att.  xi.  15.  3  (430),  and 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  239),  but  there  is  no 
evidence  that  he  was  called  Hermogenes, 
though  he  adopted  the  gentile  name 
Clodius  (Pliny  H.  N.  ix.  122). 

cum  .  . .  erit]  For  cum  causal  with  fut. 
cp.  Madv.  Fin.  v.  28. 

vel  usuram]  '  I  will  even  pay  interest 
on  the  rest  or  the  purchase-money,  until 
1  can  get  cash  from  Faberius  or  from 
some  debtor  of  his.  Besides  there  will  be 
something  from  other  quarters.' 

2.  hos]      We    have  added  this  with! 

comparati]  *  the  property  of  DrusueM 
was  never  put  on  the  same  level  as  this.'  : 
We  might  have  expected  comparandi  or 
comparabiks  rather  than  comparati.  Bud 
umquam  virtually  gives  comparati  this 
sense.  Dr.  Reid  compares  Nepos  Timol, 
3.  6  nullius  umquam  consilium  non  modo 
antelatum  sed  ne  comparatum  quidem  est. 

TtrvtySxrQai]     1 1  am  entSltJ  '  I  am  - 
foolish  (daft)  over '  this  scheme  of  dedi- 
cating a  shrine  to  Tullia. 

tyyfipafj.a]     *  as  to  your  advice  that 
I  should  die  in  harness,  that  is  all  up  :  ij 
think  of  other  things  now.'     He  refers  to  i 
Atticus'    advice  to  resort  to  the  forum  j 
and  Senate,   and  to   make  politics  *  the! 
employment  of  his  old  age.'     The  word  3 
literally    means    'an     employment    (orj 
position)  to  grow  old  in.'       With    this- 1 
passage  must  be  compared  Att.  xii.  29,  21 
(565)  vel  tu  illud  tyy-ftpa/ua  vel  evTa.<pior 
putato,  where  it  is  clear  (as  Boot  has 
pointed  out)  that  Cicero  refers  to  the  story 
which  we  find  in  Plutarch's  Gato  24,  that 
even  as  Dionysius  was  advised  by  a  friend 
to  look  on  the  throne  as  the  best  position 
to  die  in  (lvTd<f>iov),  so  Cato  the  censor  I 
thought  the  service  of  the  state  the  best 
place   to   grow  old   in    (lyyfjpafjia)  — '  as. j 
there  is  no  bed  for  a  dying  man  like  the 
throne,  so  there  is  no  armchair  for  old  I 
age  like  politics.'     So  Cicero  says  to  his.  I 
friend,  concerning  the  monument,   'you! 
may  look  on  it  either  as  the  fad  of  my  I 
old  age  or  the  solace  of  my  deathbed.' 

EP.  562  (ATT.  XIL  26).  37 

562.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  28). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  22  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C,  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Siliano  negotio,  de  occupationibus  Attici  et  studio  una  cum  Cicerone  vivendi, 
-de  Nicitt. 


1.  Sicca,  ut  scribit,  etiam  si  nihil  confecerit  cum  A.  Silio, 
tamen  se  scribit  x.  Kal.  esse  venturura.  Tuis  occupationibus 
ignosco,  eaeque  mihi  sunt  notae.  De  voluntate  tua  ub  simul  simus, 
vel  studio  potius  et  cupiditate  non  dubito.  2.  De  Nicia  quod  scribis, 
si  ita  me  haberem  ut  eius  humanitate  frui  possem,  in  primis 
vellem  ilium  mecum  habere.  Sed  mihi  solitudo  et  recessus  pro- 
vincia  est.  Quod  quia  facile  ferebat  Sicca,  eo  magis  ilium 
desidero.  Praeterea  nosti  Niciae  nostri  imbecillitatem,  mollitiam, 
oonsuetudinem  victus.  Cur  ergo  illi  molestus  esse  velim,  cum 
mihi  ille  iuoundus  esse  non  possit  ?  Voluntas  tamen  eius  mihi. 
grata  est.  Unam  rem  ad  me*  scripsisti,  de  qua  decrevi  niliil  tibi 
rescribere.  Spero  enim  me  a  te  impetrasse  ut  privares  me  ista 
molestia.  Piliae  et  Atticae  salutem. 

1.  ut  scribit]    These  words  are  gene-       positely  and  elegantly  a  state  of  feeling 
rally  bracketed   by    editors  as  spurious       which   is    very  widely  experienced  but 
because  scribit  follows.     But  to  weed  out       very  rarely  expressed  in  words. 

such  slips  from  the  letters  is  to  rob  them  imbecillilatem,  mollitiam~\    '  how  feeble 

of  a  characteristic  feature.  and  delicate  he  is,  how  he  orders  his  life  by 

2.  Nicia]     Nicias  of  Cos  is  mentioned  rule.'     These  express  physical  disabilities 
in  an  interesting  passage  in  Att.  vii.  3,  on  the  part  of  Nicias.     Cicero  felt  that 
10  (294).    See  also  Index.    Suetonius  De  his  way  of  life  would  prove  a  constraint 
Gramm.  14  tells  us  that  Nicias  carried  a  on  Nicias,  and  did  not  see  that  there  were 
love-letter  from  C.  Memmius  to  the  wife  any  counterbalancing  advantages  accru- 
of  Pompey,   and  for  this  reason  lost  the  ing  to  himself  from  Nicias.   " 
friendship  of  Pompey.     Also  that  Nicias  Unam  rem~\     He  refers  to  the  difficulty 
wrote  a  book  on  Lucilius  of  which  Santra  with  Terentia  from  which  he  has  already 
approved  :  cp.  also  537.1.  (558.  1)  begged  Atticus  to  deliver  him. 

solitudo  .  .  .  est]    '  the  solitary  life  of  a  privares~]     '  rid  me  '  ;   privare,  unlike 

recluse   is   my  sphere  of  action.'     This  our  '  deprive,' of  ten  refers  to  the  removal 

whole  passage  down  to  grata  (quoted  by  of  undesirable   things,   states,  &c. :    cp. 

Suet.  De  Gramm.  14)  expresses  very  ap-  Fin.  i.  37 ;  Lucr.  ii.  649,  iii.  90o. 


EP.  563  (ATT.  XII. 

563.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (Anvxii.  27). 
ASTUKA;  MARCH  23 ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  6i. 

De  Siliano  negotio,  de  Cottae  villula,  de  Cicerone  suo,  de  Aledio,  de  litteraru 
commercio,  de  Bruti  adventu  exspectato. 


1.  De  Siliano  negotio,  etsi  mihi  iion  est  ignota  condicio,  tame 
hodie  me  ex  Sicca  arbitror  omnia  cogniturum.  Cottae,  quod  nega 
te  nosse,  ultra  Silianam  villam  est,  quam  puto  tibi  notam  esse 
villula  sordida  et  valde  pusilla,  nil  agri,  ad  nullam  rem  loci  satis 
nisi  ad  earn  quam  quaero.  Sequor  celebritatem.  Sed,  si  perficitur 
de  hortis  Sili,  hoc  est,  si  perficis — est  enira  totum  positum  in  te — 
nihil  est  scilicet  quod  de  Gotta  cogitemus.  2.  De  Cicerone,  ut 
scribis,  ita  faciam  :  ipsi  permittam  de  tempore  :  nummorum  quan- 
tum opus  erit  ut  permutetur  tu  videbis.  Ex  Aledio,  quod  scribis, 
si  quid  inveneris  scribes.  Et  ego  ex  tuis  animadverto  litteris 
et  profecto  tu  ex  meis  nihil  habere  nos  quod  scribamus  :  eadem 
quotidie  quae  iam  iamque  ipsa  contrita  sunt,  tamen  facere  non 
possum  quin  quotidie  ad  te  mittam  ut  tuas  accipiam.  3.  De 
Bruto  tamen,  si  quid  habebis.  Scire  te  enim  iam  puto  ubi  Pansam 
exspectet.  Si,  ut  consuetudo  est,  in  prima  provincia,  circiter  Kal, 
adfuturus  videtur.  Vellem  tardius;  valde  enim  urbem  fugio 

1.  pusilla']     «  very  mean   little   farm- 
stead.'   Pusilla  sometimes  means  '  minia- 
ture.'    We  have  Roma  pusilla,  '  the  city 
on  a  small  scale,'  in  Att.  v.  2,  2  (185). 

Sequor  celebritatem']     <  what  I  aim  at  is 
u  frequented  position.' 
scilicet']     « of  course.' 

2.  ut    permutetur']      <  that   a    bill    of 
exchange    he    drawn    for    the    amount 

Akdio]     cp.  559.  1. 

scribis]  Wes.  reads  scribas,  which 
might  be  somewhat  more  elegant  than 
scribig  of  the  MSS.  ;  but  the  latter  is  quite 

contrita]  '  worn  threadbare ':  cp.  Att. 
ix.  4.  1  (361)  quae  sunt  horwn  temporum 
ea  iam  contrivimus. 

3.  De  Bruto']  (sc.  scribe,  cp.  590.  4  and' 
often)  that  is,  about  the  day  of  hisl 
probable  arrival  in  Eome  on  his  return;; 
from  his  Gallic  province. 

Scire  te  enim']  '  1  think  you  mustj 
know  by  this  time  where  he  is  waiting" 
for  Pansa.'  The  MSS  omit  te.  We  do- 
not  think  that  the  subject,  other  than  the  • 
reflexive  pronoun,  can  be  understood 
with  the  verb  :  so  we  must  either  alter  toi 
sciri  with  Baiter :  or  better  read  scire 
<te>  according  to  a  conj.  of  Wesenberg. 

prima  provincia]  '  at  the  very  threshc 
of  his  province,'  that  is,  the  border  nearest' 
Rome  :  cp.  Fam.  iii.  6,  2  (213),  where  see ' 
note ;  ultima  prov.  Att.  v.  16,  4  (208) 
primus   digitus,    Catull.   ii.  3 ;    digit 
primoribus,  Plaut.  Bacch.  675. 

EP.  564  (ATT.  XII.  28).  39 

ttultas  ob  causas.  Itaque  id  ipsum  dubito  an  excusationem  ali- 
[uam  ad  ilium  parem  :  quod  quidem  video  facile  esse.  Sed  babe- 
nus  satis  temporis  ad  cogitandum.  Piliae,  Atticae  salutem. 

564.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (Are.  xn.  23). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  24  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  \    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Siliano,  de  dolore  suo  et  aliorurn  sermone  non  curando,  de  Triario,  de 
astriciano  negotio,  de  Publilii  profectione,  de  Lentulo  puero. 


1.  De  Silio  nilo  plura  cognovi  ex  praeseute  Sicca  quam  ex 
tteris  eius.  Scripserat  enim  diligenter.  Si  igitur  tu  ilium  con- 
eneris,  scribes  ad  me,  si  quid  videbitur.  De  quo  putas  ad  me 
nissum  esse,  sit  missum  necne  nescio ;  dictum  quidem  mihi  certe 
mil  est.  Tu  igitur,  ut  coepisti,  et,  si  quid  ita  conficies,  quod 
quidem  non  arbitror  fieri  posse,  ut  illi  probetur,  Ciceronem,  si 
ibi  placebit,  adhibebis.  Eius  aliquid  interest  videri  illius  causa 
oluisse,  mea  quidem  nihil  nisi  id,  quod  tu  scis,  quod  ego  magni 
estimo.  2.  Quod  me  ad  meam  consuetudinem  revocas,  f uit  meum 
uidem  iam  pridem  rempublicam  lugere,  quod  faciebam,  sed 
nitius.  Erat  enim  ubi  acquiescerem.  Nunc  plane  nee  ego  victum 
ec  vitam  ill  am  colere  possum,  nee  in  ea  re  quid  aliis  videatur 

excusationem   .       .   parent']       For  the  conveneris  above.     This  is  one  of  the  pas- 

ustom  of  going  to   meet  governors   re-  sages  to  which  Munro  appeals  (on  Lucr. 

urning  home  from  their  provinces  cp.  i.  1114)  to  show  that  there  is  often  prac- 

am.  xvi.  11.  2  (301).  tically  no   difference  between  the  first 

Piliae,  Atticae  salutem~\     cp.  550  fin.  ;  and  second  futures  :  cp.  Roby,    §   1485, 

62  fin.  and  often.     The  ellipse  is  dices :  Madv.    Opusc.  Acad.   463   note    1    (ed. 

p.  560.  3.     For  the  asyndeton  of  two  1887). 

roper  names   Heidemann  (p.   81)  com-  ut  illi  probetur']     sc.  Terentiae. 

ares  Alt.  iv.  17.5(149):  vi.  1.  13  init.  Eius    aliquid    interest]      'it   will   do 

252) :  vii.  21.  3  (321).  Marcus  good  to  seem  to  have  studied  her 

interests  ;   I  have  no  concern    in    the 

1.  De  quo  putas]  '  as  to  that  subject  on  matter  but  that  which  you  know  of.'  He 

rhich  you  think  a  message  has  been  sent  refers  to  his  anxiety  to  take  the  course 

o  me.'     This  was  the  affair  of  Terentia's  which  honour  points  out  in  the  whole 

ower  and  her  possible  allowance  to  young  transaction . 

tfarcus,  in  view  of  which  Cicero  suggests  illius  causa  voluisse']  cp.  571.  3 ;  653.  2 ; 

hat  the  latter  should  have  an  interview  666.  1  ;  767.  6,  and  often, 

ith  his  mother  (Ciceronem  adhibebis).  2.  mitius]     '  less  violently.' 

dictum']     '  told,'   i.e.   by  letter.      "We  Erat .  .  .  ttbi~]   He  refers  to  his  love  for 

iculd  say  '  reached  me.'  Tullia. 

conjicies]     Observe  that  this  future  is  vitam  illam   colere']     This   expression, 

sed  in  apparently  quite  the  same  way  as  which   seemed  incorrect  to  Ernesti,   is 


EP.  564  (ATT.  XII. 

mihi  puto  curandum.  Mea  mihi  conscientia  pluris  est  quam 
omnium  sermo.  Quod  me  ipse  per  litteras  consolatus  sum,  non 
paenitet  me  quantum  profecerim.  Maerorem  minui  :  dolorem 
nee  potui  nee,  si  possem,  vellem.  3.  De  Triario,  bene  interpre 
taris  voluiitatem  meam.  Tu  vero  nihil,  nisi  ut  illi  volent.  Am< 
ilium  mortuum,  tutor  sum  liberis,  totam  domum  diligo.  De 
Castriciano  negotio,  si  Castrioius  pro  mancipiis  pecuniam  accipere 
volet  eamque  ita  solvi  ut  nunc  solvitur,  certe  nihil  est  commodius 
Sin  autem  ita  actum  est  ut  ipsa  mancipia  abduceret,  non  mihi 
videtur  esse  aequum — rogas  enim  me  ut  tibi  scribam  quid  mih 
videatur — :  nolo  enim  negoti  Quintum  fratrem  quidquam  habere, 
quod  videor  mihi  intellexisse  tibi  videri  idem.  Publilius,  si 
aequinoctium  exspectat,  ut  scribis  Aledium  dicere,  navigaturus 
videtur.  Mihi  autem  dixerat  per  Siciliam.  Utrum  et  quando 
velim  scire.  Et  velim  aliquando,  cum  erit  tuum  commodum, 
Lentulum  puerum  visas  eique  de  mancipiis  quae  tibi  videbitur 
attribuas.  Piliae,  Atticae  salutem. 

sufficiently  defended  by  the  Plautine 
parallel,  equidem  vix  vitam  colo,  Rud. 
283,  adduced  by  Boot,  and  Ter.  Heaut. 
136:  cp.  Cic.  Fam.  iii.  13.  2  (277); 
Lucr.  iv.  1260  quo  victu  vita  colatur, 
and  often.  '  I  cannot  now  maintain 
that  style  of  living  and  manner  of  life.' 
For  vita  and  victus  cp.  note  to  261.  9,  and 
Lucr.  v.  804.  Generally  the  order  is 
vita  et  victus,  but  cp.  Plaut.  Capt.  493 
victu  et  vita.  For  colere  victutn  cp.  Cic. 
Hortensius  Frag.  43  (ed.  Miiller),  lau- 
tum  victum  et  elegantem  magnifice  .  .  . 

me  ipse  .  .  .  consolatus  sum']  cp.  546.  3. 

Maerorem  .  .  .  vellem~\  '  The  sadness  of 
look  I  have  lessened:  the  sadness  of  heart 
I  could  not,  and,  if  I  could,  I  would 
not.'  Maeror  is  the  outward  manifesta- 
tion, dolor  the  inward  feeling,  of  grief. 
See  on  Att.  i.  16,  3  (22)  :  cp.  the  touch- 
ing line  in  Hor.  Epist.  i.  14,  7,  fratrem 
maerentis,  rapto  de  fratre  dokntis. 

3.  De  Triario]  Triarius  is  one  of  the 
interlocutors  in  Fin.  i.  He  commanded 
the  fleet  of  Pompey  off  Asia  in  49-48 
(cp.  Caes.  B.C.  iii.  51),  and  fell  in  the  war 
(Cic.  Brut.  266). 

illi']    the  family  of  Triarius. 

Castriciano  negotio]  cp.  567.  2,  « As  to 
that  transaction  with  Castricius,  if  C.  will 
take  money  for  the  slaves  on  the  present 

terms  [ut  nunc  solvitur,  that  is  by  aesti- 
matio],  of  course  nothing  could  be  better. 
But  if  things  have  gone  so  far  that  he  has 
actually  conveyed  the  slaves  away,  I  do' 
not  think  it  is  fair '  on  Castricius'  part. 
Q.  Cicero  had  made  over  certain  slaves  to 
Castricius  in  liquidation  of  a  debt.  He 
afterwards  changed  his  mind  about  parting 
with  them.  This  Castricius  is  perhaps 
the  same  mentioned  in  Att.  ii.  7,  5  (34). 

ita  solvi]   The  MSS  read  ei,  which  could 
not   here  take  the  place  of    sibi :    the* 
simplest  correction  is  ita  (ia  for  i).     Qu. 
dissolvi  ? 

navigaturus]  '  seems  likely  to  go  to 
Africa  (cp.  560,  1)  by  long  sea ;  now  he 
had  told  me  he  was  going  overland  through 
Sicily.'  He  mentions  the  equinox,  as  it 
was  a  little  before  this  period  of  the  year 
(about  March  5th)  that  navigation  com- 
menced after  the  winter. 

Lentulum]  son  of  Dolabella  andTullia. 
For  some  time  Dolabella  seems  to  ha 
borne  the  name  of  Lentulus  :  cp.  Macrol 
Sat.  ii.  3.  3  idem  (Cicero)  cum  Lentulut 
generum   suum   .  .   .   vidisset ;    Ascon. 
(4  KS)  Cicero  filiam  post  mortem 
generi  P.   Lentulo  collocavit  :  Plut.  Ci< 
41.  6.     Dolabella  was  probably  adopt* 
by  a  Lentulus  when  he  became  a  plebeian 
though  this  is  not  quite  certain,  as  plebeie 
Lentuli  are  hard  to  find. 

EP.  565  (ATT.  XII.  29}.  41 

565.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An',  xn.  29). 

ASTURA  ;   MARCH  25  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Siliano,  de  Bruto.  de  hortis  emendis  et  de  se  ab  Oppio  et  Balbo  in  hac 
Te  adiuvando. 


1.  Silius,  ut  scribis,  hodie.  Cras  igitur  tu  vel  potius  cum  poteris 
scribes,  si  quid  erit,  cum  videris.  Nee  ego  Brutum  vito  nee 
tamen  ab  eo  levationem  ullam  exspecto,  sed  erant  causae  cur 
hoc  tempore  istic  esse  nollem,  quae  si  manebunt,  quaerenda  erit 
excusatio  ad  Brutum  et,  ut  nunc  est,  mansurae  videntur.  2.  De 
hortis,  quaeso,  explica ;  caput  illud  est  quod  scis.  Sequitur  ut 
etiam  mihi  ipsi  quiddam  opus  sit :  nee  enim  esse  in  turba  possum 
nee  a  vobis  abesse.  Huic  meo  consilio  nihil  reperio  isto  loco 
aptius,  et  de  hac  re  quid  tui  consili  sit.  Mihi  persuasum  est 
et  eo  magis  quod  idem  intellexi  tibi  videri,  me  ab  Oppio  et  Balbo 
valde  diligi.  Cum  his  communices  quanto  opere  et  qua  re  velim 
hortos,  sed  id  ita  posse  si  expediatur  illud  Faberianum;  sintne 
igitur  auctores  futuri.  Si  qua  etiam  iactura  facienda  sit  in 

1 .  hodie]     sc.  te  conveniet  or  videbit  :       quid  tui  consilist  (=  consili  est)  ?  but  it  is 
•cp.  660.  1  sed  ubi  eos  ? :  752.  3  Quando      not  necessary. 

enim  ilium?:  770.4  Utinam  te  illic  !  ita  .  .  .  si]     '  only  if .' 

ad  Brutum]    cp.  note  to  546. 1.  communices]    This  use  of  the  pres.  subj. 

ut  nunc  est]     '  for   the  present ' :    cp.  for  imperative  is  rare  in  the  Letters. ;  but 

Fain.  x.  31,  6  (824).    Also  721,  3  quo-  cp.  Att.  i.  17.  11  (23)  and  note  to  iv.  4a 

tnodo  nunc  est:  737.  3  :  Hor.  Sat.  i.  9.  5.  (101).    Miiller    says     "Nam  communices 

2.  caput]  '  the  chief  thing  is ':  cp.  Att.  Ciceronem   non   scripsisse    potius    quam 
i.  17.  4  (23),  and  often.  communica,   communicabis,  velim  fac  vel 

Sequitur]     '  A  further  consideration  is  sim.  communices,  communices  quaeso  (conj. 

that  I  want  something  of  the  sort  for  Boot)   certissimum  est."      He  compares 

myself.     I  cannot  endure  the  turmoil  of  580.  4  scribas  igitur  si  quid  erit  certius, 

Rome,  nor  [on  the  other  hand]  to  be  away  where  he  thinks   we  must  alter  to  the 

from  you.'  For  quiddam  Boot  conjectured  more  usual  scribes.    However,  such  varia« 

quiete  iam.     For  turba  cp.  557.  5.  tions   of  expression  must,  we  think,   be 

de  hac  re  .  .  .  sit]   sc.  scribes  or   dices.  allowed  in   Cicero's   unstudied  writings. 

The  ellipse  of  these  words  is  common,  but  sintne  igitur  atictores]  '  ask  them  there- 

the  run  of  the  sentence  is  a  little  strange  fore  if  they  will  guarantee  the  payment  of 

if  some  such  word  is  not  expressed.     So  that  debt.'    Some  such  word  as  roges  must 

Moser  suggested  mihi  <perscribes> ;   and  be   inferred  from  communices.     Boot  and 

Miiller  re  <velim  scire>   quid.     But  cp.  Schmidt   alter    to    suntne.     Oppius    and 

640  init.  Quid  est  quod  Hermogenes  mihi  Balbus  were  managing  the  affairs  of  Fa- 

Clodius    [sc.     scripsit]     Andromenem  sibi  berius*(whom  Appian  calls  r'bv  7 pafj. [tare a 

dixisse :  631.  3  sed  quia  [sc.  scribis,  added  rov   Kaivapos)   during   his  absence    with 

by  the  edd.]  et  desiderari  a  Varrone.    We  Caesar, 

once  thought  we  should  read  at  de  hac  re  iactura]    Cicero  is  willing  to  relinquish 

42  EP.  566  (ATT.  XII.  33). 

repraesentando,  quoad  possunt  adducito — totum  eiiim  illud  despe- 
ratum  :  denique  intelliges  ecquid  inclinent  ad  hoc  meum  consilium 
adiuvaiidum.  Si  quid  erit,  magnum  est  adiumentum :  si  minus, 
quacumque  ratione  contendamus.  Yel  tu  illud  lyyi'ipafjia,  quemad- 
modum  scripsisti,  vel  evra^iov  putato.  De  illo  Ostiensi  nihil  est 
cogitandum.  Si  hoc  non  adsequimur — a  Lamia  non  puto  posse — 
Damasippi  experiendum  est. 

566.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (A.TT.  xn.  33). 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIO.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis,  si  non  Silii  aut  Drusi,  at  Damasippi,  de  valetudine  Atticae. 

1.  Ego,  ut  heri  ad  te  scripsi,  si  et  Silius  is  fuerit  quern  til 
putas,  nee  Drusus  facilem  se  praebuerit,  Damasippum  velim 
aggrediare.  Is,  opinor,  ita  partis  fecit  in  ripa  nescio  quotenorum 
iugerum  ut  certa  pretia  constituent,  quae  mihi  nota  non  sunt. 
Scribes  ad  me  igitur  quidquid  egeris.  2.  Yehementer  me  sollicitat 
Atticae  nostrae  valetudo,  ut  verear  etiam  ne  quae  culpa  sit.  Sed 
et  paedagogi  probitas  et  medici  adsiduitas  et  tota  donms  in  omni 
genere  diligens  me  rursus  id  suspicari  vetat.  Cura  igitur  :  plura 
enim  non  possum. 

part  of  his  claim  on  prompt  payment  of  566.    1   and  Fam.   vii.   23.  3  (126).   "We 

the  remainder.     He  despairs  of  payment  must  not  suppose  that  this  genitive  is  a 

in  full.  Graecism  like    the    genitive    found  after 

quoad   possunt']     sc.    adduci.       '  Draw  ireipao-Qat,  as  is  suggested  in  Archiv.  ix. 

them  on  as  far  as  you  can,'  that  is,  '  get  as  608,  quoted  by  Dr.  Reid, 
much  of  the  debt  as  you  can  from  them.' 

contendamtts]     '  we  must  make  a  push  1.  partis  fecit]  'he  has  distributed  his 

somehow  or  other '  to  carry  our  point.  property  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  into 

Cicero  and  Caesar  hardly  ever   use   qui-  certain   lots,   each    of  a  certain  number 

cunque  indefinite  without  a  verb  except  in  of  iugera  (I  know  not  how  many),  at  fixed 

the  abl.  in  such  expressions  as  quacumque  prices   for   each,  with   which   I  am   not 

ratione,  quocumque  modo.     A  rare  excep-  acquainted. 

tion   is  Att.  iii.  21  (80)   qtiamcunque  in  2.  culpa]     (  some  one  is  to  blame,'  i.e. 

partem,  which  shows  that  the  transition  has  been  careless  and  let  her  get  a  chill 

towards   the   latter    usage    had    already  or  something  that  brought  on  the  fever 

begun  in  Cicero's  time.  from  which  she  frequently  suffered. 

tyyhpana]     See  on  Ep.  561  ad  fin.  paedagogi]     Caecilia,    the  daughter   of 

l)e  illo  0*tiemi~]  559.  3     For  Lamia's  Atticus.  often  called  Attica  and  Atticula 

horti  cp.  557.   2  ;    588.   3.     After  posse  in  the  Letters,  was  at  this  time  about  six 

supply  forte*  suos  adseqtii.  years  old  and  under  the  care  of  a  paeda- 

Damasippv]  '  those  of  Damasippus ' :  cp.  gogus.     Suetonius  in  a  passage  referred 

EP.  567  (ATT.  XII.  30).  43- 

567.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (AiT.  xn.  30). 
ASTURA;  MAKCH  27;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Lentulo,  de  negotio  Siliano,  de  mancipiis  Castricianis,  de  Oviae  negotio. 


1.  Quaero  quod  ad  te  scribam,  sed  nihil  est.  Eadem  cotidie. 
Quod  Lentulum  invisis,  valde  gratum.  Pueros  attribue  ei  quotet 
quos  videbitur.  De  Sili  voluntate  vendendi  et  de  eo,  quanti,  tu 
vereri  videris,  primum  ne  nolit,  deinde  ne  tanti.  Sicca  aliter,  sed 
tibi  assentior.  Quare,  ut  ei  placuit,  scripsi  ad  Egnatium.  Quod 
Silius  te  cum  Clodio  loqui  vult,  potes  id  mea  voluntate  facere, 
commodiusque  est  quam  quod  ille  a  me  petit,  me  ipsum  scribere 
ad  Clodium,  2.  De  mancipiis  Castricianis,  commodissimum  esse 
credo  transigere  Egnatium  :  quod  scribis  te  ita  futurum  putare. 
Cum  Ovia,  quaeso,  vide  ut  conficiatur.  Quoniam,  ut  scribis,  nox 
erat,  in  bodierna  epistula  plura  exspecto. 

to  by  Boot  (De  grammaticis,  16)  tells  us  the  price.'     For  this  use  of  eo  cp.  Plane, 

that     subsequently,     when     married     to  93  in  eo,  si  semper  cum  eis  .  .   .  depug- 

Agrippa,  Attica  sludied  under. one   Cae-  nemus,  'upon  this,  viz. my  continuing  to 

cilius,     an     Epirote,    hut    there     is    no  fight,'  quoted   by  Lebreton,  p.   89,  who 

reference  to  him  here.  gives  other  examples.  So  Ernesti  is  wrong 

in  deleting  de  eo. 

1.   Quaero  quod'}     'I  am  searching  for          Egnatium']  cp.  568,  init.     Probably  L. 

something  to  write  to  you  '  :  quod  is  the  Egnatius   Rufus  :   cp.   Fam.    xiii.  43.   1 

emendation  of  Wes.  for  quid  of  M.,  which  (918)  note,  and  not  Egnatius  Maximus, 

would  mean  '  I   am  thinking  on  what  I  Ep.   647.     Cp.    Pauly-Wissowa  v.  1999, 

shall  write  to  you,'  as  in  Fam.  iv.  13.  1  No.  35,  and  1997,  Nos.  26,  27. 
(483)    Quacrenti  mihi  iamdiu  quid  ad  te          cum  Clodio']     Boot  infers  from  640  that 

potissimum  scriberem,  where  the  addition  this  Clodius  is  the  same  person  who  is 

of  potissimum  requires  quid.  there   called   Hermogenes    Clodius  :    cp. 

Lentulum"]     Cicero's   grandson,   son  of  note  to  561.1. 

Tullia  and  Dolabella  ;  cp.  564.  3.     He          2.  mancipiis    Castricianis']      See     Ep. 

tells  Atticus  to  assign  him  whatever  slaves  564,  3. 
he  needs.  Ovia]     cp.  557.  4. 

De  Sili]  '  as  to  Silius  and  the  questions          vide]     See  Adn.  Crit.  M  gives  quidem. 

whether  he  will  sell,  and  for  how  much,  If  it  were  not  that  Zb  and  v.  c.  give  vide, 

on  the  first  you  seem  to  fear  he  will  not,  we  would  conjecture  quiddam. 
and  secondly  that  he  will  not  take  our          Quoniam,  .  .  .  nox  erat]  '  since  you  state 

price.'  it  was  night-time  when  you  wrote  it,  I 

de  eo,  quanti]     lit.   '  and  this  fact,  viz.  expect  a  fuller  communication  to-day.' 

44  EP.  568  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §  3,  AND 

568.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  31,  §  3,  AND  32). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Egnatio,   de   Publilia,   quae  cum  matre   sua  ad  se  venire  velit,  retinenda, 
de  sumptibns  Ciceronis  sui  moderandis. 


[31],  3.  Egnatius  mihi  scripsit.  Is  si  quid  tecura  locutus  erit 
— commodissime  enim  per  eum  agi  potest — ad  me  scribes,  et  id 
agendum  puto,  Nam  cum  Silio  non  video  confici  posse.  Piliae 
et  Atticae  salutem.  Haec  ad  te  mea  manu.  Vide,  quaeso,  quid 
agendum  sit.  [32 J,  1.  Publilia  ad  me  scripsit  matrem  suam,f  cum 
Publilio  loqueretur,  ad  me  cum  illo  venturam  et  se  una,  si  ego 
paterer :  orat  multis  et  supplicibus  verbis  ut  liceat  et  ut  sibi 
rescribam.  Res  quarn  molesta  sit  vides.  Rescripsi  mi  etiam 
gravius  esse  quam  turn  cum  illi  dixissem  me  solum  esse  velle; 
quare  nolle  me  hoc  tempore  earn  ad  me  venire.  Putabam,  si 
nihil  rescripsissem,  illam  cum  matre  venturam :  nunc  non  puto. 
Apparebat  enim  illas  litteras  non  esse  ipsius.  Illud  autem, 
quod  fore  video,  ipsum  volo  vitare,  ne  illae  ad  me  veniant.  Et 

[31].  3     Egnatius~\     567.1.  writes  that  "  mother "  (she  fancies  she  is 

salutem]  cp.  note  to  563  fin.  talking  to  her  brother)  will  come  to  her.' 

Haec]    refers  to  what  follows.  His  view  is  that  Publilia  used  mater  and 

^  [32].  1.  Publilia]  Cicero  was  now  m;ir-  not  mea  mater  in  her  letter;  the  former 

ried  to  Publilia.     He  writes  to  his  friend  would  have  been  appropriate  only  if  she 

Plancius  (Fam.  iv.  14,  3  =  Ep.  535)  that  were  writing  to  one  of  her  brothers  or 

he  married  her  only  to  repair  his  shattered  sisters.     This  is  far-fetched, 

fortunes  by  means  of  her  ample  dower.  mi  etiam  gravius  esse~\    M  has  me  etiam 

He  divorced  her  not  long  after  this  time,  gravius  esse,  and  many  edd.  preserve  this 

we  are  told,  because*  she  did  not  seem  to  reading,    adding    affectum.     But   Orelli's 

feel  the  death  of  Tullia.     He   seems  to  change  of  me  to  mi  is  far  simpler.    Gravi- 

have  had  some  trouble  about   refunding  ter  est  mihi  is  a  very  good  phrase  for  *  it 

her  dower  to  her  brother  Publilius  (cp.  goes  ill  with  me,'  that  is,  'I  am  in  great 

647  and  654.2).     Even  now  he  refuses  distress  of  mind'  :  cf .  fuit  periucunde,  <I 

to  see  her  in  his  affliction.  enjoyed  myself  greatly,"  679.  1  and  note 

tloqueretur]     We  can  offer  no  sure  cor-  there.     The  MSS   often  give  mi  for  mihi 

rection  of  this.     That  of  Schmidt  seems  in  the  Letters.      It   may  have   been   a 

the  most  plausible,  ut  cum  Publilio  loquerer.  habitual  form  in  familiar  communication. 

The  reading  of  Klotz  cum  Publilio  videre-  non  esse  ipsitis]     Publilia  had   written 

tnr,  which  we  read  in  ed.  1  is  too  violent.  the  letter  at  her  mother's  dictation.     She 

Dr.  Reid  suggests  quae  cum  P.  loqueretur  would  not  come  when  Cicero  forbade  her, 

'  "*  consequence  of  a  conversation  with  but  she  might  have  done  so  if  Cicero  had 

1  ubhlius.'     Boot  alters  suam  into  quasi,  left  the  letter  unanswered.     He  did  not 

and  supposes  the  meaning  to  be  '  Publilia  want  the  t\vo  women  to  come  near  him. 

EP.  568  (ATT.  XIL  31,  §  3,  AND 


una  est  vitatio  ut  ego  avolem.  Nollem,  sed  necesse  est  Te  hoc 
nunc  rogo  ut  explores  ad  quam  diem  bic  ita  possim  esse  ut 
ne  opprimar.  Ages,  ut  scribis,  temperate.  2.  Ciceroni  velim 
hoc  proponas,  ita  tamen,  si  tibi  non  iniquum  videbitur,  ut 
sumptus  huius  peregrinationis,  quibus,  si  Romae  esset  domum- 
que  conduceret,  quod  facere  cogitabat,  facile  contentus  futurus 
erat,  accommodet  ad  mercedes  Argileti  et  Aventini,  et  cum  ei 
proposueris,  ipse  velim  reliqua  moderere,  quemadmodum  ex  iis 
mercedibus  suppeditemus  ei  quod  opus  sit.  Praestabo  nee  Bibu- 
lum  nee  Acidinum  nee  Messallam,  quos  Athenis  futures  audio, 
maiores  sumptus  facturos  quam  quod  ex  eis  mercedibus  recipietur. 
Itaque  velim  videas,  primum  conductores  qui  sint  et  quanti,  deinde 
ut  sint  qui  ad  diern  solvant,  et  quid  viatici,  quid  instrumenti  satis 
sit.  lumento  certe  Athenis  nihil  opus  est.  Quibus  autem  in  via 
utatur  domi  sunt  plura  quam  opus  erit,  quod  etiam  tu  animad- 

una  vitatio']  See  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  51. 
avolem]  This  word  has  heen  inserted 
by  Madvig.  It  would  have  easily  fallen 
out  before  Nollem.  Dr.  Reid  (p.  136) 
wishes  to  leave  an  aposiopesis  after  ego, 
leaving  the  unpleasant  word  to  be 
supplied  (cp.  581.  2);  or  else  to  read  ut 
<hinc>  ego.  Perhaps  ut  ego  <nolle  me 
dic«m>.  Nollem,  sed:  cp.  nolle  me  hoc 
tempore  earn  ad  me  venire.  Cicero  knew 
this  reply  was  rather  brusque,  but  could 
not  think  of  any  other  reason  to  give. 

ut  scribis]  Atticus  had  probably  recom- 
mended gentleness  in  the  treatment  of 
Publilia  in  a  former  letter.  "We  need  not 
suppose  that  he  had  discussed  this  very 
incident  with  Cicero  before,  for  in  that 
case  Cicero  would  not  now  have  written  in 
such  detail. 

2.  Ciceroni  velim  hoc  proponas]  *  I  wish 
you  would  make  this  suggestion  to  my 
son — that  is,  if  you  think  it  fair — that  in 
this  sojourn  of  his  at  Athens  he  should 
keep  his  expenses  within  the  sum  which 
the  rents  of  my  property  in  the  Argiletum 
and  the  Aventine  will  yield ;  he  would 
have  been  quite  satisfied  with  that  allow- 
ance if  he  had  rented  a  house  in  Rome,  as 
he  had  intended.  And,  further,  I  should 
•be  obliged  if  you  would  so  arrange  that 
out  of  these  rents  I  may  be  able  to  supply 
him  with  what  is  necessary.'  The  Argi- 
letum was  the  booksellers'  street  in  Rome. 
Martial  directs  thither  a  friend  who  asks 

him  for  a  copy  of  his  book.  *  No  doubt,' 
he  writes,  *  you  often  go  down  the  Argi- 
letum.' Argi  nempe  soles  subire  letum,  i. 
117,  9.  The  tmesis  is  nearly  as  bad  as 
the  Ennian  cere  comminuit  brum  for  com- 
minuit  cerebrum,  inasmuch  as  the  Argi- 
letum no  doubt  meant  *  Clay  St.,'  and  was 
derived  from  argilla,  and  had  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  '  death  of  Argus.'  This 
etymology  was,  however,  the  popular  one 
at  Rome  :  cp.  Verg.  Aen.  viii.  346.  A 
similar  modern  instance  is  Brasenose  Col- 
lege, which  true  etymology  derives,  we 
believe,  from  a  brasen-hus,  or  brew-house. 

quibus  .  .  .  Aventini']  The  antecedent 
to  quibus  is  mercedes.  The  order  of  words 
is  so  unusual  that  Madvig  (A.C.  iiL 
p.  189)  wishes  to  transpose  quibus  .  .  . 
futurus  erat  to  follow  Aventini. 

Praestabo']  '  I  will  guarantee  that  none 
of  the  other  young  Romans  who  are  going 
to  study  at  Athens  will  have  a  better 

quanti]  This  is  the  genitive  of  price, 
'  and  what  their  rent  is.' 

ut  sint  qui  ad  diem  solvant}  The  MSS- 
give  sit  and  solvat,  but  we  must  alter  (with 
Lambinus)  to  sint  and  solvant  on  account 
of  the  plural  conductores.  '  You  must  see 
that  the  tenants  are  men  who  will  pay 

instrumenti']  '  outfit. ' 

lumento"]  (  an  equipage.' 

animadverts']  Wes.  conj.  animadvertes* 


EP.  569  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §§  1, 

569.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.    xn.  31,   §§  i,  2). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  29  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  mutata  Silii  sententia,  de  hortis  Drusi,  de  villa  Coponiana,  de  repraesentandis 

ad  ernptionem  nummis. 


1.  Silium  mutasse  sententiam  Sicca  mirabatur.  Equidem 
magis  miror  quod,  cum  in  filium  causam  conferret,  quae  mihi 
non  iniusta  videtur — habet  enim  qualem  vult — ,  ais  te  putare,  si 
addiderimus  aliud  a  quo  refugiat,  cum  ab  ipso  id  fuerit  desti- 
natum,  venditurum.  2.  Quaeris  a  me  quod  summum  pretium 

1.  destinatum~\  This  is  a  difficult  passage. 
One  explanation  is  that  suggested  by 
Gronovius,  and  may  be  paraphrased 
thus : — '  Sicca  expresses  surprise  that 
Silius  should  have  changed  his  mind 
about  selling  his  property.  I  urn  more 
surprised  at  this,  namely,  that  though 
he  accounts  for  his  unwillingness  to  sell 
by  deference  to  his  son's  wishes  (rightly, 
o,  for  he  is  an  ideal  youth),  yet  you  tell 
me  you  think,  if  we  included  in  the 
transaction  the  purchase  of  another 
property  which  he  is  extremely  anxious 
to  get  rid  of,  on  its  being  purchased  by 
us,  he  would  sell  also  the  one  which  we 
desire.'  The  objections  to  this  are 
(1)  that  Silius,  so  far  from  wishing  to 
sell  more  than  Cicero  wants,  appears  to 
wish  to  reserve  a  portion  of  the  property, 
cp.  570  ("351>  1 ;  (2)  destinare  may  mean 
'  to  buy  '  or  '  intend  to  buy  ' :  cp.  Fam. 
vii.  23.  3  (126) :  616.  2  :  Plaut.  Most.  643, 
974,  and  often  in  Plautus :  but  then  there 
is  no  reason  for  the  emphatic  ab  ipso  ;  of 
course  it  was  purchased  from  him.  "We 
might,  however,  interpret  destination  in  its 
natural  way,  seeing  that  this  (viz.,  to  sell 
the  other  property  with  the  one  we  want) 
had  been  his  fixed  determination ' :  or 
possibly  id  might  mean  *  since  he  is  deter- 
mined that  we  shall  make  this  offer ' ; 
id  =  utnos  illud  aliud  addamus.  Another 
interpretation  might  possibly  be  this  : — 
*  If  we  make  a  further  addition,  which  he 
shrinks  from  [suggesting],  inasmuch  as 
be  has  set  his  heart  on  the  thing,  you  say 
you  think  he  will  sell.'  Attic  us  had 
spoken  vaguely  about  a  possible  offer, 
which,  if  made,  might  overcome  the 

objections  of  Silius  to  part  with  his 
property  :  for  Silius  was  very  anxious  to 
get  this  thing,  but  shrank  from  asking 
for  it.  Then  we  must  take  a  quo  =  a  quo 
postulando,  which  is  difficult.  Shuckburgh 
(iii.  p.  226)  supposes  id  to  be  'a  refusal 
to  sell,'  se  non  venditurum.  Retranslates, 
'  He  makes  his  son  the  excuse  .  .  . 
Accordingly,  I  am  more  surprised  at  your 
saying  that  you  think  he  will  sell,  if  we 
would  include  something  else  which  he  is 
anxious  to  get  rid  of,  as  he  had  of  his  own 
accord  determined  not  to  do  so.'  But  it 
is  not  apparent  where  the  idea  of  unwill- 
ingness to  sell  is  so  indicated  that  id  can 
have  this  sense ;  and  the  meaning  is  not 
satisfactory.  A  man  may  have  deter- 
mined not  to  sell  on  any  terms  which  he 
thinks  likely  to  be  offered  ;  but  if  better 
terms  than  he  expected  are  offered,  may 
change  his  mind :  so  there  would  be 
nothing  for  Cicero  to  wonder  at.  Dr.  Reid, 
noticing  that  Silius  desired  to  reserve  a 
portion  of  his  land  (see  next  letter),  says 
Silius  may  have  desired  a  considerable 
alteration  of  boundaries,  and  suggests 
that  something  may  have  fallen  out,  e.g. ,  *i 
addiderimus  aliud,  <  detraxerimus  aliud> 
a  quo  refugiat,  '  and  withdraw  the  por- 
tion which  he  is  reluctant  to  sell,'  which 
is  ingenious,  but  attributes  rather  too  j 
pregnant  a  sense  to  a  quo  =  a  quo  ven- 
dendo.  Possibly  aliud  is  not  '  another 
property'  but  'another  condition,'  and 
may  refer  to  some  such  condition  as  taking 
some  property  of  Cicero's  at  a  valuation  j 
(cp.  561.  1),  or  being  content  with  instal- 
ments of  payment,  or  the  like,  some  con- 
dition which  Cicero  knew  he  would  *  shy 

EP.  569  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §§  1,  2). 


constituam  et  quantum  anteire  istos  hortos  Drusi.  Access!  num- 
quam :  Coponianam  villam  et  veterem  et  non  magnam  novi,  silvam 
nobilem,  fructum  autem  neutrius,  quod  tamen  puto  nos  scire  opor- 
tere.  Sed  mihi  utrivis  istorum  tempore  magis  meo  quam  ratione 
aestimandi  sunt.  Possim  autem  adsequi  necne  tu  velim  cogites. 
Si  enim  Faberianum  venderem,  explicare  vel  repraesentatione  non 
dubitarem  de  Silianis,  si  modo  adduceretur  ut  venderet :  si  venalis 
non  haberet,  transirem  ad  Drusum  vel  tanti  quanti  Egnatius  ilium 
velle  tibi  dixit.  Magno  etiam  adiumeuto  nobis  Hermogenes  potest 
esse  in  repraesentando.  At  tu  concede  mihi,  quaeso,  ut  eo  animo 
sim  quo  is  debeat  esse  qui  emere  cupiat,  et  tamen  ita  servio 
cupiditati  et  dolori  meo  ut  a  te  regi  velim. 

at,'  i.e.,  be  unwilling  to  accept ;  then 
cum  id  .  .  destinatwn  will  mean  '  when 
his  determination  was  quite  fixed  on  that 
point,'  i.e.,  to  reject  any  such  condition, 
id  =  fore  ut  db  eo  refuaiat.  Cicero  may 
have  known  less  than  Atticus  of  the  value 
to  he  set  on  the  assertions  of  people  who 
are  making  a  bargain.  But  the  number 
of  possible  interpretations  of  the  passage 
only  serves  to  show  that  it  still  awaits 
definite  explanation. 

2.  anteire]     '  you  ask   me  how  much 

superior   do   I   think    those   grounds   of 

Drusus.'     Anteire  depends  on  some  such 

[word  as   existimem    inferred    from    con- 

\  stituam. 

Coponianam  villain]  Probably  a  part 
of  the  property  of  Drusus. 

silvam~\  '  a  famous  plantation.'  "VVesen- 
berg  would  read  Silianam  nobilem. 

fructum']  *  the  produce '  which  he 
thinks  he  ought  to  ascertain. 

utrivis]  '  either  of  the  two  owes  its 
value  rather  to  my  circumstances  than  to 
any  computation  of  its  real  worth.' 

Faberianum  venderem]  *  if  I  should 
turn  into  money  my  lien  on  Faberius,  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  settle  even  by  cash 
payment  f or Silius's  place.'  0.  E.  Schmidt 
(p.  290)  supposes  that  explicare  vel  reprae- 
sentatione is  a  learned  gloss  on  venderem. 
This  is  possible ;  but  Schmidt's  other 
view  is  more  probable,  viz.  that  the 
words  are  out  of  order,  and  we  should 
read  venderem  vel  explicarem  repraesenta- 
tione, though  there  is  little  difference  be- 
tween the  two  expressions.  We  often 
hear  of  Cicero's  attempt  to  get  cash  for 
the  Faberian  debt  by  repraesentatio.  Still 
the  matter  is  too  uncertain  to  justify  an 
alteration  in  the  text.  Repraesentare 
generally  means  '  to  pay  ready  money  for 
a  debt  due  some  time  hence ' :  in  these 
letters  it  more  frequently  means  '  to  re- 
ceive ready  money,'  '  to  discount  a  debt.' 
561.  1.  565.  2. 

Hermogenes]     See  on  561.  1. 

ita  servio  .  .  .  ^^t]  '  I  am  a  slave  to  my 
hobby  and  to  my  grief,  but  not  so  much  so 
as  not  to  be  willing  to  be  guided  by  you.' 

48  EP.  570  (ATT.  XII.  34,  AND  35,  §  1). 

570.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  34,  AND  35,  §  i). 

ASTURA  J    MAKCH  30  J    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  profectione  sua  et  de  ratione  itineris  sui  cum  grata  collaudatione  benevolentiae, 
diligentiae,  prudentiae  Attici,  de  re  Siliana. 


1.  Ego  hie  vel  sine  Sicca — Tironi  enim  melius  est — facillime 
possem  esse,  ut  in  malis,  sed,  cum  scribas  videndum  mihi  esse  ne 
opprimar,  ex  quo  intellegam  te  certum  diem  illius  profectionis  non 
habere,  putavi  esse  commodius  me  istuc  venire,  quod  idem  video 
tibi  placere.     Cras  igitur  in  Siccae  suburbano  :  inde,  quern  ad  mo- 
dum  suades,  puto  me  in  Ficulensi  fore.     2.  Quibus  de  rebus  ad 
me  scripsisti,  quoniam  ipse  venio,  coram  videbimus.    Tuam  quidem 
et  in  agendis  nostris  rebus  et  in  consiliis  ineundis  mihique  dandis 
et  in  ipsis  litteris  quas  mittis  benevolentiam,  diligentiam,  pruden- 
tiam   mirifice   diligo.     [35],    1.  Tu    tamen,    si    quid   cum  Silio 
vel  illo  ipso  die  quo  ad  Siccam  venturus  ero  certiorem  me  velim 
facias,  et  maxime  cuius  loci  detractionem  fieri  velit.     Quod  enim 
scribis  *  extremi,'  vide  ne  is  ipse  locus  sit  cuius  causa  de  tota  re 
ut  scis,  est  a  nobis  cogitatum.     Hirti  epistulam  tibi  misi  et  recen 
tern  et  benevole  scriptam. 

1.  melius  est]    'Tiro  is  better.'     Cp.  therefore  sometimes  called  Nomentanwn 

mi  gravius  esse,  Ep.  568  [32].  1.     Cicero  Cicero  remained  there  the  whole  of  April 

was  probably  aided  by  Sicca  as  well  as  His  correspondence   with  Atticus  is  re 

Tiro  in  his  literary  projects.     As  long  as  newed  in  Ep.  577  on  May  1,  when  he  i 

Tiro  was  laid  up  he  had  only   Sicca  to  returning    back    to    Astura,    and    agaf 

help  him.  stopping  for  the  night  in  Sicca's  suburbs 

facillime  ...   ut  in  malis]    '  as  cheer-  villa, 
fully  as  my  affliction  permits.'  [35],  1.  detractionem]   '  which  part  o 

ne  opprimar]    'surprised  by  a  sudden  the  property  he  wishes  to  make  reservatioi 

visit '  from  Publilius  and  his  mother.  of  (and  keep  in  his  own  hands) ;  when  yoi 

ex  quo  intellegam']  '  by  which  you  mean  say  the  extremity  of  it  take  care  that  tha 

me  to  gather '  ;  the  change  to  intellegebam  is  not  the  very  part  of  the  property  whicl 

is  unnecessary.  induced  me  to  think  of  the  purchase  a 

istuc]     to  Rome,  all.' 

Ficulensi]    a  villa  belonging  to  Atticus  Hirti  epistulam]   Probably  consolatory 

sar  both  Ficulea  and  Nomentum,  and 

for  the  death  of  Tullia. 

EP.  571   (FAM.  XIII.  16). 


571.     CICERO  TO  CAESAR  (FAM.  xm.  15). 
ASTTJRA;  MARCH  (END);  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero  C.  Precilium  adulescentem  Caesari  commendat  novo  genere  litterarum. 


1.  Precilium  tibi  commendo  unice,  tui  necessari,  mei  familia- 
rissimi,  viri  optimi,  filium  ;  quern  cum  adulescentem  ipsum  propter 
eius  modestiam,  humamtatem,  animum  et  amorem  erga  me  singu- 
.arem  mirifice  diligo,  turn  patrem  eius  re  doctus  intellexi  et  didici 
raihi  fuisse  semper  amicissimum.  Em,  hicille  est  [de  illis]  maxime 
qui  inridere  atque  obiurgare  me  solitus  est  quod  me  non  tecum, 
praesertim  cum  abs  te  honorificentissime  invitarer,  coniungerem  : 

'AAA'   S/UOV  OV  7TOT6  Ov/ULOV  €Vf 

Audiebam  enim  nostros  proceres  clamitantis 

toV,  tW  ri?  (re  KOL  O^LJOVMV  tit 




IMP.~]  Caesar  was  saluted  Imperator 
)y  his  soldiers  on  February  19th  after  the 
capture  of  Ategua  (Bell.  Hisp.  19,  6). 
News  of  that  event  might  reach  Rome 
ownrdstheend  of  March.  Schmidt  argues 
p.  275)  that  this  letter  was  written  about 
December  or  January,  at  all  events  before 
Tullia's  death,  as  shortly  after  that  event 
3icero  would  not  have  M'ritten  in  a  sportive 
strain.  Schmidt's  view  is  of  course  quite 
>ossible.  But  two  months  after  Tullia's 
leath  he  may  well  have  omitted  to  refer  to 
lis  loss,especially  when  he  was  attempting 
a  literary  tour  deforce  in  endeavouring  to 
exhibit  originality  in  a  letter  of  introduc- 
tion.  The  letter  appears  to  us  to  have  a 
strained  and  unnatural  tone  of  gaiety,  such 
as  might  well  have  been  assumed  with  an 
aching  heart.  Besides,  it  is  very  unlikely 
;hat  in  a  new  campaign  Cicero  would  style 
Uaesar  Jmperator  before  he  was  certain 
that  some  success  had  been  attained  in  that 

VOL.  v. 

campaign  deserving  the  title  ;  though  no 
doubt  elsewhere  he  thus  addresses  Caesar, 
e.g.  Att.  ix.  HA  (366). 

1.  de  illis]  These  words  are  omitted  in 
H  Pal.,  and  as  they  mar  the  sentence  we 
have  bracketed  them.  They  probably  are 
due  to  a  conjectural  alteration  of  ille. 
Wesenberg  (E.A.  43)  wishes  to  read  de 
tuis  (cp.  tui  necessari}  :  Orelli,  unus  hie 
ilk  est  de  illis.  For  hie  est  ille  cp.  Tusc.  v. 
103,  hie  est  ille  Demosthenes:  iii.  31. 

invitarer']  cp.  vol.  iv,  pp.  xxxfL 

'AAA'  €  /j.b  v]  Horn.  Od.  vii.  258 
(Calypso  fails  to  persuade  Ulysses  to  stay 
with  her). 

"AA/ctjuos  eo-cr']  ib.  i.  302  (Athena 
to  Telemachus). 

*fls  <]  ib.  xxiv.  315  (of  Laertes). 
The  chiefs  cried  to  Cicero,  'Be  brave,' 
whereupon  a  cloud  of  woe  fell  upon  him, 
i.e.  he  bitterly  repented  having  exhibited 
his  valour  in  opposition  to  Caesar. 

50  EP.  571  (FAM.  XIII.  ,15}. 

2.  Sed  tamen  idem  me  consolantur  etiam :  hominem  perustum  etiam- 
nunc  gloria  volunt  iiiceiidere  atque  ita  loquuntur  : 


a<T7rouc)€t  76  Kai  a/eXawe  airoXoi/untiv, 
iya  pf'sac  n  KOI  two  pivotal  irvOiaOa 

Sed  me  minus  iam  mpvent,  ut  vides.     Itaque  ab  Homeri  magnilo- 
quentia  confero  me  ad  vera  praecepta 

Mt(7ft)   fTO(f>t(TTriV,   O<7Tl£   ow%  CLVTW 

quern  versum  senex  Precilius  laudat  egregie  et  ait  posse  eundem  ei 
TTpoo-orw  Kal  oTTiWo)  videre  et  tamen  nihilo  minus 

apiaTtveiv  KOL  VTrdoo^ov  t/ 

3.  Sed,  ut  redeam  ad  id  unde  coepi,  vehementer  mihi  gratum 
feceris  si  hunc  adulescentem  humanitate  tua,  quae  est  singularis, 
comprebenderis  et  ad  id,  quod  ipsorum  Preciliorum  causa  te  velle 
arbitror,  addideris  cumulum  commendationis  meae.  Grenere  novo 
sum  litterarum  ad  te  usus  ut  intellegeres  non  vulgarem  esse  com- 

2.  perustum']  "We  have  retained  the 
reading  of  M  with  the  punctuation  of 
Wesenberg :  '  one  who  has  had  his  wings 
scorched  they  wish  even  now  to  inflame 
with  glory.'  Perustum,  like  ambustus, 
2  Verr.  i.  70  :  Mil.  12  :  Att.  v.  20,  8 
(228),  is  here  used  of  one  who  has  suffered 
injury  and  loss  in  public  life,  the  reference 
usually  being  to  condemnation  in  the 
courts.  For  etiamnum  many  MSS  have 
et  inanem  or  inani ;  the  latter  would  make 
excellent  sense.  The  exhortation  was  that 
Cicero  should  go  to  Eome  and  mix  in 
politics.  Though  almost  certainly  an 
emendation,  yet  it  is  worth  mentioning 
that  one  of  Mr.  Allen's  Codices  has  the 
following  reading  :  Sed  tamen  idem  me 
consolatur  et  hominem  ptrvetustum  etiam 
($  iam  =  perhaps  et  inani}  gloria  volunt 
incendere.  But  vestustu*  is  very  rarely 
used  of  men  (cp.  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  17,  1), 
and  Cicero  would  hardly  describe  himself 
as  '  very  old.' 

M)>  fiiiti]  Horn.  II.  xxii.  304-5  (Hector 
encourages  himself  in  his  combat  with 
Achilles) :  cp.  Att.  x.  1,  1  (378). 

vera  praecepta  EvpnriSov]  cp.  Q.  Cic 
ap.  Fam.  xvi.  8,  2  (314),  (Euripides]  cut 
tu  quantum  credos  nescio.  Ego  certt 
singulos  eius  versus  singtda  testimonia 

Mi(T<J>  <ro^)i(rT7jj']  Eurip.  Incert.  Frag. 
905  ed.  Nauck  (p.  652).  Ennius  adapts 
the  line  thus  (Kibbeck,  p.  50) :  Qui  ips» 
sibi  sapiens  prodesse  non  quit  nequiquam 
sapit:  cp.  Fam.  vii.  6,  2  (136);  Off.  iii. 

a  fji  a.  IT  p6  ff  ff  (a  Kal  OTT  ia  ff  oi\  Horn. 
II.  i.  343  :  Od.  xxiv.  452. 

Aiei/  a.piffre\>eiv~]  Horn.  II.  vi.  208 
(Hippolochus  to  Glaucus) ;  xi.  784  (Peleua 
to  Achilles). 

3.  si  hunc  adulescentem"]  '  if  you  show 
this  young  man  your  usual  remarkable 
kindness,  and  add  my  recommendation  asi 
a  supplement  to  the  goodwill  which  I 
think  you  hear  to  the  Precilii  them- 

Oenere  novo]  '  a  new  style  of  letter,1 
i.e.  not  the  formal  cut-and-dried  letter  of 
commendation,  but  one  like  the  present, 
full  of  references  to  literature. 

EP.  572  (FAM.   V.  13).  51 

572.     CICERO  TO  LUCCEIUS  (FAM.  v.  13). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;  B.  C.  45  J  AET.  CIC.  61. 

L.  Lucceius  M.  Ciceronem  et  de  obitu  Tulliae  et  de  statu  reip.  paene  desperate 
tonsolatus  erat  litteris.  Cui  iam  ita  agit  gratias  Cicero  ut  eius  fortitudinem,  etiam  si 
ipse  prorsus  de  salute  reip.  desperet,  cum  Lucceius  aliqua  spe  f  uturi  temporis  teneatur, 
sese  imitari  velle  scribal. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  L.  LUCCEIO  Q.  F. 

1.  Quamquam  ipsa  consolatio  litterarum  tuarum  mihi  gratis- 
siraa  est — declarat  enim  summam  benevolentiam  coniunctam  pari 
prudentia — tamen  ilium  fructum  ex  iis  litteris  vel  maximum  cepi, 
quod  te  praeclare  res  humanas  contemnentem  et  optime  contra 
fortunam  paratum  armatumque  cognovi ;  quam  quidem  laudem 
sapientiae  autumo  esse  maximam,  non  aliunde  pendere  nee  extrin- 
secus  aut  bene  aut  malevivendi  suspensas  habere  rationes.  2.  Quae 
cogitatio  cum  mihi  non  omnino  excidisset — etenim  penitus  inse- 
derat — vi  tamen  tempestatum  et  concursu  calamitatum  erat 
aliquantum  labefactata  atque  convulsa ;  cui  te  opitulari  et  video 
et  id  fecisse  etiam  proximis  litteris  multumque  profecisse  sentio. 
Itaque  hoc  saepius  dicendum  tibique  non  significandum  solum  sed 
etiam  declarandum  arbitror,  nihil  mihi  esse  potuisse  tuis  litteris 
gratius.  3.  Ad  consolandum  autem  cum  ilia  valent  quae  ele- 
ganter  copioseque  collegisti,  turn  nihil  plus  quam  quod  firmitudinem 

1.   vel  maximum']  '  quite  the  greatest.'  support   other  than  oneself,  and  to  have 
sapientiae   autumo']  So   we  venture   to  the   reasons  why  one's   life  is  happy  or 
read  with   GR,  though  we  do  not  know  unhappy   independent     of  external  con- 
any  other  passage   in   Cicero   where   the  siderations.' 

word  is  used.     The   word   autumo  is  too  2.  labefactata  atque  convulsa]  '  shaken 

rare  (outside  the  Comic  writers)  to  allow  and    uprooted,'   a   metaphor    from  trees 

us  to  suppose  that  it  would  have  occurred  after  a  storm  :  cp.  Ramsay  on  Clu.  6,  who 

to  a  copyist.     M  has  sapientia  est  atuo  =  notices  that  the  idea  in  labefactare  is  to 

sapientia  statuo,  a  reading   whicli  Men-  shake  an  object  backwards  and  forwards 

delssohn   retains    with   some   hesitation.  in   order   to  try   to   uproot   it  ;    whereas 

For   the   sentiment  he    compares     Plat.  convellere  is  to    tear  it   up   by   a   single 

Menex.    247E-248A,    translated    by    Cic.  effort. 

Tusc.  v.    36  ;  Quid  vero  ?  in   Epitaphio  opitulari']   cp.  Clark  on  Mil.   94,   who 

quomodo  idem  ?  Nam  cui  viro,  inquit,  ex  says  that   Cicero  gave  this  archaic  word 

se  ipso   apta  sunt  omnia  quae  ad    beate  a   short  vogue.     It  is   rarely  used   after 

vivendumferunt,  nee  suspensa  aliorum  aut  his  time. 

bono  casu  aut  contrario  pendere  ex  alterius  multumque  profecisse]     '  that   I    have 

.eventis  et  errare    coguntur — huic  optime  benefited  much.' 

vivendi  ratio  comparata  est.  3.  eleganter     copioseque]     '  with     such 

non   aliunde  .  .  .  rationes]    '  to  need  no  grace  and  wealth  of  illustration.' 


52  EP.  572  (FAM.   V.  IS}. 

gravitatemque  animi  tui  perspexi,  quam  non  imitari  turpissimum 
existimo.  Itaque  hoc  etiam  fortiorem  me  puto  quam  te  ipsum, 
praeceptorem  fortitudinis,  quod  tu  mild  videre  spem  non  nullam 
habere  haec  aliquando  f  utura  meliora;  casus  enim  gladiatorii  simili- 
tudinesque  eae,  turn  rationes  in  ea  disputatione  a  te  collectae  veta- 
bant  me  rei  publicae  penitus  diffidere.  Itaque  alterum  minus 
mirum,  fortiorem  te  esse  cum  aliquid  speres,  alterum  niirum,  spe 
ulla  teneri :  quid  est  enim  non  ita  adfectum  ut  id  non  deletum 
extinctumque  esse  fateare  ?  Circumspice  omnia  membra  rei  pub- 
licae quae  notissima  sunt  tibi :  nullum  reperies  profecto  quod  noil 
fractum  debilitatumve  sit;  quae  persequerer,  si  aut  melius  ea 
viderem  quam  tu  vides  aut  commemorare  possem  sine  dolore : 
quamquam  tuis  monitis  praeceptisque  omnis  est  abiciendus  dolor. 
4.  Ergo  et  domestica  feremus  ut  censes,  et  publica  paulo  etiam 
fortius  fortasse  quam  tu  ipse  qui  praecipis ;  te  enim  aliqua  spes 
consolatur,  ut  scribis,  nos  erimus  etiam  in  omnium  desperations 
fortes,  ut  tu  tamen  idem  et  hortaris  et  praecipis  :  das  enim  mihi 
iucundas  recordationes  conscientiae  nostrae  rerumque  earum  qua& 
te  in  primis  auctore  gessimus ;  praestitimus  enim  patriae  non  minus 
certe  quam  debuimus,  plus  profecto  quam  est  ab  animo  cuiusquam 
aut  consilio  homiuis  postulatum.  5.  Ignosces  mihi  de  me  ipso 

Itaque']     So  the  MSS.     Many  edd.  alter  that   it   is  not  destroyed   or   paralysed  ? 

to  atque,  needlessly.     The  reasoning  is,  Look  around  at  all  its  limbs  which  you 

'  As  I  think  it  would  he  disgraceful  not  know  so  well ;  no  single  one,  assuredly, 

to  take  you  as  my  model  and  be  brave,  I  will   you   find  which    is   not   broken   or 

will  be  brave,  ay,  and  braver  than  your-  maimed  ' :  cp.    Juv.    iii.    48,    mancus  et  ; 

self.'     Of  course  atq tie  would  make  very  exstinctae  corpus  non  utile  dextrae. 

good  sense.  persequerer']  '  and  I  should  continue  the 

casus  .  .  .  diffidere']  '  for  the  changes  subject.' 

and  chances  of  gladiatorial  combats  and  all  4.  in  omnium  desperatione~\  So  one  MS, 
those  illustrations,  and  further  the  argu-  according  to  Graevius,  '  we  shall  be 
ments  put  together  by  you  in  that  disser-  brave  amidst  the  despair  of  all,  as  you 
tation,  forbid  me  utterly  to  lose  confidence  notwithstanding  (that  despair)  exhort 
in  the  state ':  reip.  diffidere  means  '  to  fail  and  enjoin  this  course  on  me ' :  tamen, 
to  have  confidence  that  the  state  will  be  'notwithstanding,'  though  everything  is 
able  to  recover  herself.'  This  is  the  ruined  and  all  are  despairing.  The  best 
reading  of  M.  In  GE,  we  find  de  rep.,  MSB  give  omnibus,  which ihas  been  corrected 
a  common  construction  after  desperare,  to  omni  and  omnium,  or  omnium  rerum* 
but  rare  (cp.  589.2)  after  diffidere:  the  Streicher  (p.  201)  alters  largely  nos  erimus 
ablative  without  a  preposition  is  oc-  etiam  in  omni  desperations  fortes.  Tu  me 
casionally  found.  In  exhorting  Cicero  to  idem  et  hortaris  et  das  mihi  iucundas,  &c. 
have  courage  and  hope,  Lucceius  had  used  This  simply  omits  the  troublesome  tamen* 
as  illustrations  the  varying  fortunes  of  conscientiae  nostrae"]  '  of  the  good  con- 
gladiatorial  combats  :  cp.  Mil.  56.  science  I  can  enjoy  '  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  3,  1 

quid  est  enim  .  .  .  «*]  '  for  what  part  (494),  multa  iam   consolanlur  maximeque  ' 

of  the  state  is  there  that  has  not  been  so  eonscientia  consiliorum  tneorum. 

grievously  stricken  that  you  can  say  of  it  postulatum]     This  reading  of  the  MSB- 

EP.  573  (FAN.    VI. 


aliquid  praedicanti ;  quarum  enim  tu  rerum  cogitatione  nos  levari 
aegritudine  voluisti,  earum  etiarn  commemoratione  lenimur.  Itaque, 
ut  mones,  quantum  potero  me  ab  omnibus  molestiis  et  angoribus 
abduoam  transferamque  animum  ad  ea  quibus  secundae  res  or- 
nantur,  adversae  adiuvantur,  tecumque  et  ero  tantum  quantum 
patietur  utriusque  aetas  et  valetudo,  et,  si  esse  una  minus  poterimus 
quam  volemus,  animorum  tamen  conmnctione  isdemque  studiis  ita 
fruemur  ut  numquam  non  una  esse  videamur. 

573.     CICERO  TO  TORANIUS  (FAM.  vi.  21). 

FICULEA  J    APRIL  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Cicero  Toranium  Corcyrae  exsulantem  consolatur  suo  ipsius  exemplo,  ostendens 
quantum  ia  mails  adiumenti  sit  recte  vereque  sensisse,  denique  admonet  ut  nihil 
timeat  nisi  communem  reipublicae  calamitatern. 


1.  Etsi,  cum  haeo  ad  te  scribebam,  aut  adpropinquare  exitus 
hums  calamitosissimi  belli  aut  iam  aliquid  actum  et  confectum 

is  to  be  retained,  as  Lebmann (p.  126)  has 
shown,  and  is  not  to  be  altered  to  postulan- 
dum  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  9,  3  (36),  habet  (patria)  a 
nobis  etiam  si  non  plus  quam  debitum  est, 
plus  certe  quam  postulatum  est ;  we  may 
compare  comparati,  in  561.  2.  Nor  is 
unquam  to  be  inserted  as  Orelli  has 
suggested:  cp.  Att.  v.  18,  2  (218)  sociis 
multo  fidelioribus  utimur  quam  quisquam 
usus  est.  Translate,  '  than  was  required 
from  the  heart  or  brain  of  any  man.' 

5.  quarum  enitn]  '  for  you  wished  me 
to  call  to  mind  my  exploits,  and  thus  to 
gain  a  respite  from  my  sorrow ;  the  men- 
tion of  them  too  (as  well  as  the  calling 
them  to  mind)  gives  me  relief.' 

ornantur  .  .  .  adiuvantur']  '  enhanced,' 
.  .  .  'alleviated.'  Cicero  of  course  alludes 
to  literary  studies :  cp.  the  celebrated 
passage  in  Arch.  16,  at  haec  studia  adules- 
•centiam  alunt,  senectutem  oblectant,  secun- 
das  res  ornant,  adversis  perfugium  ac 
solarium  praebenl,  delectant  domi,  non 
'  impediunt  foris,  pernoctant  nobiscum, 
peregrinantur,  rusticantur. 

animorum  .  .  .  videamur]  'we  shall 
enjoy  a  sympathy  of  disposition  and  an 
identity  of  pursuits  so  complete  as  to 

prevent  our  ever  appearing  to  be  absent 
from  one  another.' 

C.  Toranius  was  probably  the  quaestor 
of  Varinius  during  the  revolt  of  Spartacus  : 
cp.  Sail.  Frag.  iii.  77,  v.  251,  Kritz.  He 
was  not  the  same  man  as  the  Toranius 
who  was  the  quaestor  of  Q.  Metellus 
(Plut.  Sert.  12),  and  of  course  was  diffe- 
rent from  the  slave- dealer  (Suet.  Aug.  69). 
He  had  been  colleague  in  the  aedileship 
with  the  father  of  Octavian,  who  made 
him  guardian  of  his  son.  Afterwards  he 
obtained  the  praetorship.  Octavian  con- 
sented, at  the  request  of  Antony,  that 
Toranius  '  should  be  pricked  to  die  in 
their  black  sentence  and  proscription,' 
and  he  was  betrayed  by  his  son  to  the 
murderers  (Suet.  Aug.  27  ;  App.  B.  C.  iv. 
12,  18 ;  Val.  Max.  ix.  11,  5  ;  Oros.  vi.  18). 
From  Sallust  and  Plutarch  it  would  appear 
that  Thoranius  was  the  correct  spelling  ; 
but  as  our  MSS  give  Toranio  in  Fam.  vi. 
20  (645),  another  letter  to  Toranius,  it 
is  best  to  retain  that  form,  which  is 
also  found  in  an  inscription  (Wilmanns, 
611  g). 

1.  adpropinquare']     The    news   of    the 

54  EP.  573  (FAM.    VI.  21). 

videbatur,  tamen  cotidie  commemorabam  te  unum  in  tanto  exercitu 
mihi  fuisse  adsensorem  et  me  tibi,  solosque  nos  vidisse  quantum 
esset  in  eo  bello  mali,  in  quo  spe  pacis  exclusa  ipsa  victoria  f  utura  j 
esset  acerbissima,  quae  aut  interitum  adlatura  esset,  si  victus  esses, ! 
aut,  si  vicisses,  servitutem.  Itaque  ego,  quern  turn  fortes  illi  viri 
et  sapientes,  Domitii  et  Lentuli,  timidum  esse  dicebant — eram 
plane;  timebam  enim  ne  evenirent  ea  quae  acciderunt — idem 
nunc  nihil  timeo  et  ad  oumem  eventum  paratus  sum.  Cum  aliquid 
videbatur  caveri  posse,  turn  id  neglegi  dolebam  ;  nunc  vero  eversis 
omnibus  rebus,  cum  consilio  profici  nihil  possit,  una  ratio  videtur, 
quicquid  evenerit,  ferre  moderate,  praesertirn  cum  omnium  rerum 
mors  sit  extremum  et  mihi  sim  conscius  me,  quoad  licuerit,  digni- 
tati  rei  publicae  consuluisse  et  hac  amissa  salutem  retinere  voluisse. 
2.  Haec  scripsi,  non  ut  de  me  ipse  dicerem,  sed  ut  tu,  qui  coniunc- 
tissima  fuisti  mecum  et  sententia  et  voluntate,  eadem  cogitares ; 
magna  enim  consolatio  est  cum  recordare,  etiam  si  secus  accident, 
te  tamen  recte  vereque  sensisse.  Atque  utinam  liceat  aliquando 
aliquo  rei  publicae  statu  nos  f rui  inter  nosque  conf erre  sollicitudines 
nostras,  quas  pertulimus  turn  cum  timid i  putabamur  quia  diceba- 
mus  ea  futura  quae  facta  sunt.  3.  De  tuis  rebus  nihil  esse  quod 
timeas  praeter  universae  rei  publicae  interitum  tibi  confirmo ; 

battle  of  Munda  (fought  March  17)  pro-  mony  to  the  feeling  against  Cicero  in  the 

hably  had  not  yet  reached  Rome :  but  Pompeian  camp,  when  he  and  Toranius 

news  of  a  decisive  battle  was  daily  ex-  were  there  together. 

pected.    Schmidt  (p.  275)  thinks  that  this          2.  et  sententia  et   voluntate'}    'in  prin- 

letter  was  written  before  Tullia's  death,  ciples  and  desires.' 

for  otherwise  Cicero  would  have  referred          magna  enim  consolatio]  A  very  common 

to  his  own  present  sorrow.     But  though  sentiment  of  Cicero's  at  this   time:  cp. 

some  news  was  expected  from  Spain  in  Fam.  vi.  4,  2   (540),  conscientiam   rectae 

January — cp.  Fam.  vi.  4,  1  (540) — yet  at  voluntatis     maximum    consolationem     ess* 

that  time  it  was  not  supposed  that  any-  rerum  incommodarum  nee  esse  ullum  mag- 

thing  decisive  was   about  to  happen  im-  num  malum  praeter  culpam. 
mediately.      And    Cicero    need    not    be  cum  timidi  putabamur']  cp.  §  1.     This| 

supposed  to  have  written  to  all  and  every  probably  refers  to  the  time  immediately 

acquaintance    about    his    private   grief ;  before  and  immediately  after  the  outbreak 

probably  he  only  wrote  of  it  to  his  very  of  the  war  between  Pompey  and  Caesar, 

intimate  friends,  and   to  those  who  ad-  when  Cicero  advocated  the  policy  of  peace 

dressed  to  him  letters  of  condolence.  at  any  price  :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  4,  4  (540),  vJ 

unum  .  .  .  adsensorem']  '  the  one  person  21,  2  (458);  Phil.  ii.  37,  quamvis  iniqna 

who  agreed  with  me.'     When  he  was  in  conditions  pacis — mihi  enim  omnis  pax  cum 

the  Pompeian  camp,  Cicero  censured  the  civibus  bello  civili  utilior  videbatur — remp. 

whole  conduct  of  the  war  so  sarcastically  hodie  tmeremus :  Att.  viii.  3,  3  (333),  Quae 

that  Pompey  is  said  to  have  wished  that  condicio  non  accipiendafuit potius  quam  re- 

Cicero  would  desert  to  the  enemy.     See  linquenda  patria  ?  Male  condiciones  erant. 

Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  3.  7-8  and  Pint.  Cic.  38,  Fateor  :  sed  numquid  hoc  peius  ?    See  also 

cp.  Phil.  ii.  39.     This  passage  is,  as  Dr.  vol.  iii.  (ed.  2),  p.  xciii. 
Reid  notes,  an  interesting  incidental  testi- 

UP.  574  (FAM.  IV.  6).  55 

de  me  autem  sic  velim  indices,  quantum  ego  possim,  me  tibi,  saluti 
tuae  liberisque  tuis  summo  cum  studio  praesto  semper  futurum. 

(FAM.  iv.  G). 

FICULEA  J  APRIL  (MIDDLE)  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.    45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 

Ser.  Sulpicii  litteris  (Ep.  555)  respondet  quas  ait  sibi  magno  solacio  fuisse  :  quam 
)b  rem  quamquam  nemini  quam  sibi  iustiores  dolendi  causas  fuisse  dicit,  maximam 
amen  sibi  sperat  levationem  reditu  et  Servii  consuetudine  fore. 


1.  Ego  vero,  Servi,  vellem,  ut  scribis,  in  meo  gravissimo  casu 
adfuisses :  quantum  enim  praesens  me  adiuvare  potueris  et  conso- 
ando  et  prope  aeque  dolendo,  facile  ex  eo  intellego,  quod  litteris 
ectis  aliquantum  adquievi ;  nam  et  ea  scripsisti  quae  levare  luctum 
)ossent,  et  in  me  consolando  non  mediocrem  ipse  animi  dolorem 
adhibuisti.     Servius  tamen  tuus  omnibus  officiis  quae  illi  tempori 
tribui  potuerunt  declaravit  et  quanti  ipse  me  faceret  et  quam  suum 
talem  erga  me  animum  tibi  gratum  putaret  fore;    cuius  officia 
iucundiora  scilicet  saepe  mihi  fuerunt,  numquam  tamen  gratiora. 

1.  Ego  vero]  '  Yes,  I  could  wish,  Ser-  in  hominis  fortunis  misericordiam,  in  reip. 

vius,  that,   as  you  write,  you  had  been  salute  sapientiam  quam  soletis. 

with  me  in  my  sore  calamity.'      Vero  is  tamen]  '  (though   you   were  not  here) 

thus    used    with    personal  pronouns   in  your  son,  however.' 

answers  to  express  willingness   to  adopt  quae  .  .  .  potuerunt]  '  which   could  be 

a   proposal   which   has   been    made:  cp.  exhibited  on  such  an  occasion,'  literally 

Fam.  vii.  30,  1  (694).     See  a  fine  section  '  assigned    to  that    time.'     Tempus  and 

in  Nagelsbach's  Stilistik,  §  197.  2,  p.  630.  tempera  are  used  frequently  by  Cicero  of 

He  quotas  Brut.  20,  21 :   Quare,  si   tibi  certain  crises  in  his  life,  especially  of  his 

est   commodum,  ede  ilia   quae   coeperas  et  banishment:    cp.    Fam.  i.   6,    2    (104); 

Bruto  et  mihi.  Ego  vero,  inquam,  si  potuero  Sest.  123 ;  and  Holden  on  Plane.  1  and  96. 

faciam   vobis  satis  :    Liv.  xxviii.    9,    7  ;  et  quam  .  .  .  fore]    *  and   the  pleasure 

xxvii.  13,  8  ;  x.  18,  12,  quae  (litterae)  si  which  he  thought  you  would  feel  at  such 

falsae  fuerint  nee  ustis  sui  sit,  in  Etruria  an    evidence  of   sympathy  on    his  parr 

extemplo   conversis    signis  abiltirum.     Tu  towards  me.' 

vero  abeas,  inquit.     Add  Att.  xiii.  41,  1  iucundiora  .    .   .  gratiora~]  'pleasant,' 

(661),    Ego    vero     Quinto   epistulam    ad  .  .  .  '  acceptable.'   Gratus  may  be  applied 

sororem  misi :  cp.  also  note  on  ep.  62,  1.  to  that  which  one  welcomes  and  approves 

prope    aeque    dolendo]     'by    well-nigh  of,  iuctmdus  being  reserved  for  that  which 

perfect  sympathy '  :  aliquantum  adquievi,  produces  an  actual  emotion  of  delight : 

1 1  have  become  considerably  calmer.'  cp.  Fam.  v.  15,   1   (587),  Att.  iii.  24,  2 

adhibuisti]    *  you   have   shown  '  :    cp.  (85),  ista  veritas,  etiam  si  iucunda  non  est, 

Rabir.  5,  oro  atque  obsecro  .  .  .  adhibeatis  mihi  tamen  grata  est.     As  Cicero's  recent 


JSP.  57^.  (FAM.  IV.  6). 

Me  autem  non  oratio  tua  solum  et  societas  paene  aegritudinis,  sec 
etiam  auctoritas  consolatur ;  turpe  enim  esse  existimo  me  non  ita 
ferre  casum  meum  ut  tu  tali  sapientia  praeditus  ferendum  putas 
Sed  opprimor  interdum  et  vix  resisto  dolori,  quod  ea  me  solacii 
deficiunt  quae  ceteris,  quorum  mihi  exempla   propono,  siniili  ID 
fortuna  non  defuerunt.  Nam  et  Q.  Maximus,  qui  filium  consularem 
clarum  virum  et  magnis  rebus  gestis,  amisit,  et  L.  Paullus,  qui  du< 
septem  diebus,  et  vester  Gallus  et  M.  Cato,  qui  summo  ingenio 
summa  virtute  filium  perdidit,  iis  temporibus  fuerunt,  ut  eorun 
luctum  ipsorum  dignitas  consolaretur  ea  quam  ex  re  publica  conse 
quebantur.     2.    Mihi  autem,   amissis   ornamentis    iis    quae    ipse 
commemoras   quaeque   eram   maximis   laboribus   adeptus,    unum 
manebat  illud  solacium  quod  ereptum  est.    Non  amicorum  negotiis, 
non  rei  publicae  procuratione  impediebantur  cogitationes  meae ; 
nihil  in  foro  agere  libebat ;  aspicere  curiam  non  poteram ;  existi- 
mabam,  id   quod   erat,   omnis  me  et  industriae   meae  fructus  et 

loss  precluded  emotions  of  actual  delight, 
he  uses  scilicet,  '  of  course.' 

societas  paene  aegritudinis]  '  not  only 
your  language  and  your  (I  might  almost 
say)  fellowship  in  sorrow,  but  also  your 
weighty  judgment  brings  me  consolation.' 

opprimor']  cp.  Lactantius  Inst.  Div. 
iii.  28,  9,  M . Tullius  in sua  Consolatione 
pugnasse  se  semper  contra  fortunam  loqui- 
tur eamque  a  se  esse  superatam  cum  foriiter 
inimicorum  impetus  rettudisset :  ne  turn 
quidem  se  db  ea  fractum  cum  domo  pulsus 
patria  caruerit :  turn  autem,  cum  amiserit 
carissimamjiliam,  victum  se  a  fortuna  tur- 
yiter  confitetur.  Cedo,  inquit^et  manttm 

Q.  Maximus]  the  Cunctator  :  cp.  De 
Sen.  12  ;  Tusc.  iii.  70.  His  son  was  consul 
in  213  with  Tib.  Sempronius  Gracchus, 
and  recovered  Arpi  (Liv.  xxiv.  45ff.). 
When  young  Fabius  died,  his  father  spoke 
the  funeral  oration,  and  afterwards  pub- 
lished it(Plut.  Fab.  24). 

clarum  virum  et  magnis  rebus  gestis~\ 
For  the  ablative  of  quality  put  in  con- 
junction with  adjectives,  Hofmann  com- 
pares Fam.  iv.  13,  3  (483),  P.  Nigidio, 
uni  omnium  doctissimo  et  sanctissimo  et 
maxima  quondam  gratia  et  mihi  certe 
amicisnimo  ;  Fam.  xvi.  4,  2  (288);  Att. 
viii.  11  B.  1  (327),  virum  for  tern  et  cum 
auctoritate.  For  similar  '  euthetic '  abla- 
tives, without  any  appellatives,  see 

Holden  on  Plane.  52,  and  Public  School 
Latin  Grammar,  p.  415. 

L.  Paullus']  defeated  Perseus  atPydna. 
He  lost  his  two  sons  just  at  the  time  of 
his  triumph.  See  the  dramatic  story  in 
Veil.  i.  10. 

vester  Gallus]  Mommsen  (Rom.  Forsch. 
p.  119)  reads  Galus,  but  see  Reid's 
critical  note  on  Lael.  9.  C.  Sulpicius 
Gallus  commanded  in  the  war  against 
Perseus  (Off.  i.  19,  and  Holden's  note), 
and  foretold  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  He' 
is  also  mentioned  with  Paullus  in  Lael.  9, 
as  having  lost  a  son  in  a  tragic  manner. 
Cicero  says  vester  because  Gallus  belonged 
to  the  gens  Sulpicia. 

filiuni]  M.  Cato  lost  his  son  Cato 
Licinianus  in  152,  the  year  in  which  the 
latter  was  praetor  designatus :  Tusc.  iii. 
70  ;  Lael.  9  ;  De  Sen.  84. 

ipsorum]  4  their  personal  grief  was 
assuaged  by  the  dignity  they  obtained  in 
public  life.' 

2.  ornamentis']  cp.  Fam.  iv.  5,  5  (555), 
te,  patrem  suum,  praetorem  consulem  augn- 
rem  vidisse. 

impediebantur]  '  were  diverted,"  '  dis- 

nihil  in  foro  agere  libebat]  '  I  did  not 
care  to  practise  in  the  courts.'  For  foro 
and  curiam,  the  two  chief  branches  of 
public  life  for  Cicero,  cp.  587.  4. 

id  quod  erat]     *  as  was  the  case,'  cp. 

JSP.  5U  (FAM.  IV.  6).  57 

fortunae  perdidisse.  Sed,  cum  cogitarem  haec  mihi  tecum  et  cum 
quibusdam  esse  communia,  et  cum  frangerem  iam  ipse  me 
cogeremque  ilia  ferre  toleranter,  habebam  quo  confugerem,  ubi 
conquiescerem,  cuius  in  sermone  et  auavitate  omnis  curas  doloresque 
deponerem  :  nunc  autem  hoc  tarn  gravi  vulnere  etiam  ilia  quae 
consanuisse  videbautur  recrudescunt ;  non  enim,  ut  turn  me  a  re 
publica  maestum  domus  excipiebat  quae  levaret,  sic  nunc  domo 
maerens  ad  rem  publicam  confugere  possum  ut  in  eius  bonis 
adquiescam.  Itaque  et  domo  absum  et  foro,  quod  nee  eum  dolorem 
quern  de  re  publica  capio  domus  iam  consolari  potest  nee 
domesticum  res  publica.  3.  Quo  magis  te  exspecto  teque  videre 
quam  primum  cupio.  Mains  mihi  solacium  adferre  ratio  nulla 
potest  quam  coniunctio  consuetudinis  sermonumque  nostrorum  ; 
quamquam  sperabam  tuum  adventum — sic  enim  audiebam — 
adpropinquare.  Ego  autem  cum  multis  de  causis  te  exopto 
quam  primum  videre,  turn  etiam  ut  ante  commentemur  inter 
nos  qua  ratione  nobis  traducendum  sit  hoc  tempus,  quod  est  totum 
ad  unius  voluntatem  accommodandum  et  prudentis  et  liberalis  et, 
ut  perspexisse  videor,  nee  a  me  alieni  et  tibi  amicissimi.  Quod 

Catull.  x.  9,  Eespondi  id  quod  erat,  nihil  Sat.  ii.  2.   10,  equove  lassua  ab  indomito, 

neque  ipsis  \  nee  praetoribus  essence  cohorti,  where     Palmer   quotes    Ov.    Heroid.    x. 

where    Ellis    compares    Caes.    B.G.    iv.  138,  et  tunicas  lacrimis,  sicut  ab  imbre, 

32,  2.  graves. 

frangerem  ...  me~]  '  was  crushing  down  de    re    publica]    So    GR.     See    Adn. 

my  sorrow.'     This  use  of  frangere  = '  to  Grit. 

conquer  '  is  quite  common  :  cp.  Cat.  i.  22  ;  3.  Mains   solacium   adferre  ratio  nulla 

as  we  talk  of  breaking  a  person's  spirit,  potest]     So  GR.     This  reading  is  rightly 

breaking  in  a  horse.  defended  by  Streicher  (pp.  150-1).     '  No 

toleranter]    'patiently'  :  Tusc.  ii.  43.  philosophical  system  can  bring  me  greater 

habebam  .  .  .  deponerem]  '  I  had  a  refuge  comfort  than  the  interchange  of  friendly 

and   a  resting-place  by  the  side  of  one  intercourse  and  conversation.'     From  the 

under  the  influence  of  whose  gentle  words  corrupt  reading  of  M,   maior  mihi  vatio 

and  sweet  nature  I  used  to  lay  aside  all  mihi  adferre,  the  ordinary  reading,  maior 

my  cares  and  griefs.'  mihi  levatio  adferri,  has  been  educed.  See 

recrudescunt:}  '  begin  to  smart  afresh,'  Adn.  Grit. 

4  begin   again  to  rankle'  :  vulnere  abl.  of  quamquam]  '  and  yet  (though  I  say  I 

cause.     For   vulnus  applied  to  the  death  am   expecting   you),    I    am  hoping  that 

of  Tullia  cp.  Acad.  i.  11.  your  arrival  is,  as  I  am  informed  it  is,  in 

non  enim  .  .  .  adquiescani]    '  For  all  is  the  near  future.'     For  this  use  of  quam- 

changed  :  then   when   I   came   back  sad  quam,  cp.  Fam.  i.  7,  7(114);  Att.  ii.  1, 

from    affairs    of    state,  a  home  used  to  2  (27),  and  Dr.  Reid  on  Mil.  6, who  notices 

welcome  me — a  home  that  could  comfort  that   etsi  is  used  at  the  beginning  of  a 

me  :  but  in  my  present  sorrow  I  cannot  sentence    in   a    similar    sense,    but   not 

thus   fly   for   refuge    from  my  home  to  quamvis. 

public  affairs  with  the  prospect  of  attain-  a  me  alieni']     alienus  in  Cicero,  when  it 

ing    to    calmness    in    their     prosperous  means  *  hostile  to  '  (of  persons),  takes  a 

course.'     For  the  subj.   levaret  cp.  note  with  abl.  :  when  '  adverse  to '  (of  things) 

to  587.  4.  For  a  rep.  maestum.  cp.  Hor.  the  dat.  ;  Att.  i.  1,  1  (10).     If  it  means 

58  JSP.   575  (FAM.   VI.  2). 

cum  ita  sit,  magnae  tamen  est  deliberation  is  quae  ratio  siti 
ineunda  nobis  non  agendi  aliquid,  sed  illius  concessu  et  beiieficio 
quiescendi.  Vale. 

575.     CICEEO  TO  AULUS  TOKQUATUS  (FAM.  vi.  2). 

FICULEA  ;  APRIL  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.    CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  se  excusat  quod  rarius  scripserit  et  A.  Torquatum  consolatur  eo  quodl 
eum  aut  meliora  tempora  exspectare  iubet  aut  communem  omnium  calamitatem  aequo 
animo  ferre. 


I.  Peto  a  te  ne  me  putes  oblivione  tui  rarias  ad  te  scribere 
quam  solebam,  sed  aut  gravitate  valetudinis,  qua  tamen  iam 
paulum  videor  levari,  aut  quod  absim  ab  urbe,  ut  qui  ad  te  pro- 
ficiscantur  scire  non  possim  ;  qua  re  velim  ita  statutum  habeas  me 
tui  memoriam  cum  summa  benevolentia  tenere  tuasque  omnis  res 
iion  minori  mihi  curae  quam  meas  esse.  2.  Quod  maiore  in  varietate 
versata  est  adhuc  tua  causa  quam  homines  aut  volebant  aut 
opinabantur,  mihi  crede,  non  est  pro  malis  temporum  quod  moleste 
feras ;  necesse  est  enim  aut  armis  urgeri  rem  publicam  sempiternis 

'alien  from,'    'contradictory  to,'  and  is  1.  valetudinis']     An   illness   caused  by] 

used  of   things,  it   generally   takes   the  his  grief  for  Tullia. 

simple  abl.,    sometimes  the  genit.    (e.g.  absim]     The   subjunctive,   as    Watsottj 

Acad.  i.  42;  Fin.  i.   11),  rarely  a  with  points  out,  is  used  because  the  absence  of1 

abl.  as  in  Att.  xvi.  3,  4  (773).     '  Cicero  from  Rome  is  represented  as  a  sup-  i 

agendi  aliquid}  Dr.  Reid,  on  De  Sen.  26,  position  in  the  mind  of  Torquatus,  not  as  i 

has   the  following  valuable  note  : — "  As  an  actual  fact. 

Cicero  very  rarely  uses  absolutely  (like  2.  in  varittate]  '  that  your  case  has 
our  phrase  '  to  act ')  the  finite  tenses  and  been,  and  still  is,  subject  to  greater  flue- 
infinitives  of  the  verb  agere,  so  with  the  tuations  of  treatment'  Caesar  did  not 
participles  active  and  the  gerund  an  grant  complete  pardon  to  Torquatus  all  at 
accusative  (often  aliquid)  is  generally  once.  About  this  time  he  allowed  him  to 
added :  cp.%  Acad.  i.  23,  ii.  25,  37  ;  Off.  return  to  Italy  (cp.  a  guibus  reciperis, 
iii.  102;  Fam.  iv.  6,  3;  Liv.  i.  21,  1.  below),  but  not  to  Rome:  cp.  §  3,  quo 
It  is  omitted  in  N.  D.  ii.  132;  Off.  i.  157,  veniam  ;  also  Att.  xiii.  9.  1  (623),  com- 
ii.  3;  De  (hat.  iii.  118:  Acad.  ii.  22;  pared  with  20,  1  (634),  21,  2  (652). 
Veil.  ii.  88,2.  Sometimes  as  in  Off.  i.  Manutius  interprets  4  that  your  position  is  \ 
160  (agere  considerate),  an  adverb  supplies  very  different  from  what  the  public  wish 
the  place  of  the  accusative."  Translate,  and  think  it  should  be.' 
4  how  we  should  order,  I  do  not  say  our  non  est  pro  malis]  'There  is  no  reason, 
action,  but  the  course  of  that  leisure  considering  the  sad  state  of  public  affairs, 
which  his  kind  permission  allows  us.'  for  you  to  be/listressed.' 

EP.  575  (FAM.   VI.  2).  59 

uit  bis  positis  recreari  aliquando  aut  funditus  interire.  Si  arma 
ralebunt,  nee  eos  a  quibus  reciperis  vereri  debes  nee  eos  quos 
idiuvisti ;  si  armis  aut  condicione  positis  aut  defetigatione  abiectis 
suit  victoria  detractis  civitas  respiraverit,  et  dignitate  tua  frui  tibi 
st  fortunis  licebit ;  sin  omuino  interierint  omnia  f ueritque  is  exitus 
[uem  vir  prudentissimus,  M.  Antonius,  iam  turn  timebat  cum 
antum  instare  malorum  suspicabatur,  misera  est  ilia  quidem  con- 
olatio,  tali  praesertim  civi  et  viro,  sed  tarn  en  necessaria,  nihil 
asse  praecipue  cuiquam  dolendum  in  eo  quod  accidat  universis. 
3.  Quae  vis  insit  in  bis  paucis  verbis — plura  enim  committenda 
)pistulae  non  erant — si  attendes,  quod  facis,  profecto  etiam  sine 
meis  litteris  intelleges  te  aliquid  babere  quod  speres,  nibil  quod 
iut  boc  aut  aliquo  rei  publicae  statu  timeas  ;  omnia  si  interierint, 
sum  superstitem  te  esse  rei  publicae  ne  si  liceat  quidem  velis^ 
!erendam  esse  fortunam,  praesertim  quae  absit  a  culpa.  Sed  haec 
lactenus.  Tu  velim  scribas  ad  me  quid  agas  et  ubi  f  uturus  sis,  ut 
lut  quo  scribam  aut  quo  veniam  scire  possim. 

recreari}  '  gain  new  life.'  M.  Antonius]  the  orator:  cp.  De  Orat. 

Si  arma  valebunt]     '  If  the  war  shall  i.  26,  Quo  quidem  sermone  multa  divinitus 

sontinue  to  prevail,  you  ought  not  to  fear  a  tribus  illis  consularibus  (sc.  L.  Crassus, 

hose  hy  whom  you"  are   being  received  Q.  Mucius,  M.  Antonius)  Gotta,  deplorata 

nto  favour  [sc.  the  Caesarians],  nor  those  et  commemorata  narrabat  ut  nihil  incidisset 

o  whom  you    have   lent   aid '    [sc.  the  posiea  civitati  mali  quod  non  impendere  illi 

Pompeians].     It   is   highly  questionable,  tanto  ante  vidissent. 
is  Watson  says,  whether  the   Pompeians  3.  ferendam  esse]     sc.  intelleges. 

would,   if  victorious,    regard    Torquatus          praesertim   quae]     It   is    rare    to   find 

with  favour,  as  he  had  made  overtures  to,  quae  instead  of  cum  after  praesertim  :  cp. 

and  received  favours  from,  the  Caesarians.  Sull.  6.     Nemo,  ne  hie  quidem  Hortensius, 

eondicione']  '  on  terms  '   cp.  Att.  xi.  12,  praesertim  qui  ilium  solus  antea  de  ambitu 

3  (427),  quam  (Africam)  quidem  tu  scribis  defendisset:  Fam.    vi.   19,  2  (648),  prae- 

tonfirmari  cotidie  magis  ad  condicionis  spem  sertim  qui  nihil  adferat. 
quam  victoriae  culpa]  a  stock  form  of  consolation,  cp. 

et  dignitate']   Watson  quotes  Fam.  vi.  1,  573.  2:  645.  3,  also  Fam.  vi.  1,  4  (538), 

6    (538),    ne.c   dttbitare  quin   aut  reparata  nihil  in   vita  nobis  praestandum  praeter 

nliqua  re  publica   sis  is  fiiturus   qui  esse  culpam,  and  elsewhere. 
debes,  autperdita  non  adflictiore  condicione 
quam  ceteri. 

60  EP.  576  (FAM.  IX.  11). 

576.     CICERO  TO  DOLABELLA  (FAM.  ix.  n). 
FICULEA;  END  OF  APRIL  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero,  acceptis  post  mortem  Tulliae  a  P.  Dolabella  litteris,  responded 
amanter  et  spem  significat  fore  ut  Dolabellam  mox  convenire  eiusque  consuetudine 
ipse  se  confirmare  possit. 


1.  Vel  meo  ipsius  interitu  mallem  litteras  meas  desideraresi 
quam  eo  casu  quo  sum  gravissirae  adflictus ;  quern  ferrem  certe 
moderatius,  si  te  haberem  ;  iiam  et  oratio  tua  prudens  et  amor 
erga  me  singularis  multum  levaret.  Sed  quoniam  brevi  tempore, 
ut  opinio  nostra  est,  te  sum  visurus,  ita  me  adfeoturn  offendes  ut 
multum  a  te  possim  iuvari,  non  quo  ita  sirn  f ractus  ut  aut  hominem 
me  esse  oblitus  sim  aut  fortunae  succumbendum  putem,  sed  tamen 
hilaritas  ilia  nostra  et  suavitas  quae  te  praeter  ceteros  delectabat 
erepta  mihi  omnis  est ;  firmitatem  tamen  et  constantiam,  si  modo 
fuit  aliquando  in  nobis,  eandem  cognosces  quam  reliquisti.  2.  Quod 
scribis  proelia  te  mea  causa  sustinere,  non  tarn  id  laboro  ut  si  qui 
mihi  obtrectent  a  te  ref utentur  quam  intellegi  cupio,  quod  certe 
intellegitur,  me  a  te  amari.  Quod  ut  facias,  te  etiam  atque  etiam 
rogo  ignoscasque  brevitati  litterarum  mearum  ;  nam  et  celeriter 
una  futures  nos  arbitror  et  noudum  satis  sum  confirmatus  ad 

This   letter  is   a  striking  proof  that   a  firmitatem  . . .  et  constantiam]  'fortitude 

divorce  did  not  necessarily  cause  a  breach  and  resolution '  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  40,  3  (584), 

of  friendship  between  families.   Dolabella  hilaritatem  illam  qua  hanc  tristitiam  tern- 

was  at  this  time  with   Caesar  in  Spain.  porum   eondiebam    in    perpetuum    amisi : 

As    Cicero   says  that   he   expects  to   see  constantia  etfrmitas  nee  animi  nee  oratio- 

Dolabella  soon,  it  is  probable  that    this  nis  requiretur. 

letter  was  written  after  the  news  of   the  2.   Quod . . .  amari]  '  As  to  your  remark 

battle  of  Munda  had  reached  Rome,  that  that  you  have  to  do  battle  on  my  behalf, 

is,  after  the  day  before  the  Parilia,  viz.  my   feelings  are   not  so   much   those   of 

April  20  (Dio  Cass.  xliii.  42,  3).  anxiety  that  my  detractors  may  be  crushed 

1.  eo  casu]   i.e.  the  death  of  Tullia.  by  you  as  desire  that  men  may  observe, 

levaret]    '  would  have  given  much  re-  as  they  do  observe,  that  you  feel  affection 

lief.'      No   accusative   is   required  :    cp.  for  me.'     Dolabella  had  to  defend  Cicero 

Lebreton,p.  161  fin.  For  lev  are  cp.  575.  1.  against   the   attacks   of  young  Quintus  : 

ita  me  adfectum~\     'in  such  a  state  of  cp.  681.  2,  Asinius  Pollio  ad  me  scripsit 

mind  as  to  admit  of  my  receiving  much  de  impuro   nostro  cognato  ;    quod  Jlalbus 

assistance  from  you.'  minor    nuper    satis   plane,    Dolabella 

hominem]      cp.  555.  4  fin.  and  note  to  obscure,   hie   apertissime.     For  proelia 

132.  4.  in  this  sense  Bockel  compares  Att.  i.  16, 

hilaritas  .  .  .  suavitas]     'gaiety,'  ...  1  (~"2),  vehementer proeliatus  sum. 
'pleasantness,'  'charm.' 

JSP.  577  (ATT.  XII.  35,  §  2).  61 

577.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  35,  §  2). 

STCCA'S    SUBURBAN    VILLA  ;    MAY    1    (EVENING),  OR    MAY    2 

(MORNING)  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  fano  Tulliae  aedificando. 


2.  Ante  quam  a  te  proxime  discessi,  numquam  mihi  venit  in 
Ben  tern,  quo  plus  insumptum  in  monumentum  esset  quam  nescio 
juid  quod  lege  conceditur,  tantumdem  populo  dandum  esse  :  quod 
aon  magno  opere  moveret,  nisi  nescio  quo  modo,  aAcrywe  fortasse, 
nollem  illud  ullo  nomine  nisi  fani  appellari.  Quod  si  volumus, 
pereor  ne  adsequi  non  possimus  nisi  mutato  loco.  Hoc  quale  sit, 
juaeso,  considera.  Nam  etsi  minus  urgeor  meque  ipse  prope- 
modum  collegi,  tamen  indigeo  tui  consili.  Itaque  te  vehementer 
etiam  atque  etiam  rogo,  magis  quam  a  me  vis  aut  pateris  te  rogari, 
ut  hanc  cogitationem  toto  pectore  amplectare. 

Cicero  was  now  on  his  way  back  to 
Astura,  where  lie  remained  till  May  16. 

2.  quod  leye  conceditur}  This  was  a 
sumptuary  law  limiting  the  expenditure 
on  obsequies,  by  an  enactment  that  a  sum 
equal  to  the  excess  over  the  prescribed 
imit  (if  exceeded)  should  be  presented 
as  a  donation  to  the  people.  Whether 
this  was  one  of  Caesar's  laws  is  uncertain. 
Boot  and  Holden  are  disposed  to  refer  it  to 
Sulla,  because  Plutarch  (Sulla,  c.  35)  says 
that,  on  the  death  of  his  wife,  Metella, 
Sulla  '  broke  his  own  law  limiting  the 
expenditure  on  funerals,'  rbv  Se  TTJS 

fyys  opi&vra.  TT}V   Sairdvrjv  VO/JLOV  avrbs 

moveret,  nisi  .  .  .  nollem}  There  seems 
to  be  a  difficulty  here  which  editors  have 
not  noticed.  Cicero's  meaning  here  is 
that  which  is  more  clearly  expressed  in 
the  next  letter.  He  does  not  wish  the 
structure  to  be  regarded  as  a  monument, 
a  mausoleum.  He  desires  it  to  be  con- 
sidered a  shrine  in  honour  of  his  dead 
daughter,  whom  he  wishes  to  deify  as 
much  as  may  be  (ut  quam  maxime  ad- 
sequar  airoQeaxriv}.  He  would  rather 
avoid  the  appearance  of  a  tomb  or  sepul- 
chral monument,  not  in  order  to  evade 

the  tax  imposed  by  the  sumptuary  law, 
but  to  prevent  its  being  regarded  as 
a  mausoleum  rather  than  a  shrine  or 
chapel.  He  fears  that  his  desire  to  make 
the  monument  a  shrine  rather  than  a 
mausoleum  will  be  misconstrued  as  an 
attempt  to  evade  the  tax;  cp.  note  to 
578.  1  fin.  There  is  no  need  to  add  me 
before  moveret:  cp.  Att.  ix.  5.  2  (359), 
and  Lebreton,  p.  162  :  also  levaret  576. 1. 

nisi  mutato  loco}  In  the  transtiberine 
gardens,  where  he  now  thought  of  erecting 
the  fane,  there  were  already  many  monu- 
ments. The  shrine  would  then  come  to  be 
looked  on  as  a  monument  or  cenotaph,  not 
as  a  shrine. 

urgeor}  '  I  feel  less  the  burden  of 
grief,  and  have  nearly  regained  my  com- 
posure' (pulled  myself  together):  cp. 
De  Orat.  i.  260  orator  in  hoc  uno  opere,  ut 
ita  dicam,  noctis  et  dies  urgeatur,  feel,  *  if 
I  may  so  say,  the  burden  of  this  work.' 

magis  quam  .  .  .  rogari~\  Atticus  had, 
no  doubt,  written  to  Cicero  that  he  thought 
such  emphasis  in  urging  on  him  the  con- 
sideration of  his  affairs  almost  amounted 
to  a  charge  of  indifference ;  hence  *  more 
earnestly  than  you  wish  or  permit  me  ta 
beseech  you.'  Boot  refers  to  Fam.  iii. 


EP.  578  (ATT.  XII. 

578.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  36). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  3  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  fano  aedificando  et  de  lege  sumptuaria  de  sepulcris,  de  Bruto  qui  in  Cumano 
ease  noluerit. 


1.  Fan  urn  fieri  volo,  neque  hoc  mihi  erui  potest.  Sepulori 
similitudinem  effugere  non  tarn  propter  poenam  legis  studeo 
qnam  ut  maxime  adsequar  airoOluaiv  :  quo$  poteram,  si  in  ipsa 
villa  facerera,  sed,  ut  saepe  locuti  sumus,  commutationes  domi- 
norum  reforraido.  In  agro  ubicumque  fecero,  mihi  videor  adsequi 
posse  ut  posteritas  habeat  religionem.  Hae  meae  tibi  ineptiae — 
fateor  enira — ferendae  sunt.  Nam  habeo  ne  me  quidera  ipsum 
quicum  tarn  audacter  communicem  quam  te.  Sin  tibi  res,  si 
locus,  si  institution  placet,  lege,  quaeso,  legem  mihique  earn  mitte. 
Si  quid  in  mentem  veniet  quo  modo  earn  effugere  possimus, 
utemur.  2.  Ad  Brutum  si  quid  scribes,  nisi  alienum  putabis,  obiur- 
gato  eum  quod  in  Cumano  esse  noluerit  propter  earn  causam 
quam  tibi  dixit.  Cogitanti  enim  mihi  nihil  tarn  videtur  potuisse 
facere  rustice.  3.  Et,  si  tibi  placebit  sic  agere  de  fano  ut 

10,  2  (261),  where  Cicero  makes  a  similar 
remark  to  Appius,  Q.  Servilius  perbrevis 
mihi  a  te  litteras  reddidit,  quae  mihi  tamen 
nimis  longaevisae  sunt,  iniuriam  enim  mihi 
Jieri  putabam,  cum  rogabar.  .  .  .  Si  quid  a 
me  praetermissum  erit,  commissum  f acinus 
et  admissnm  dedecus  conjitebor. 

1.  erui}  Ermre  in  Cicero  invariably 
means  to  '  dig  out,'  *  dig  up,'  as,  for  in- 
stance, some  hidden  piece  of  knowledge  or 
information.  Here,  if  it  is  sound,  it  must 
mean  '  to  eradicate.'  It  is  easy  to  read 
eripi  or  exui,  which  have  been  suggested : 
but  it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  quite  possible 
that  Cicero  here,  in  a  letter,  used  the  verb 
in  a  sense  not  elsewhere  found  in  his 
works,but  nearly,  if  not  exactly,  paralleled 
in  the  usage  of  other  writers. 

airoBeuffiv}     See  on  last  letter. 

in  ipsa  villa]  the  Tusculan  villa  where 
Tullia  died.  " 

habeat  religionem]  '  shall  regard  it  as 
hallowed,'  *  maintain  its  sanctitv.' 

ineptiae}     (  hobby, '  '  f  ad . ' 

habeo  ne  me  quidem  ipsum}  This  would 
be  a  good  motto  for  the  whole  of  the 
letters  to  Atticus.  It  is  quite  true,  and  is 
that  which  constitutes  their  unrivalled 
value  as  materials  for  history  and  bio- 

res,  locus,  institutum}  '  the  project  (ol 
erecting  a  shrine),  the  place  (in  which  it 
is  to  be  erected),  and  the  plan  (or  model 
of  the  architect  Cluatius)'.  Institutum 
means  much  the  same  as  genus  in  Ep. 
549.  1. 

effugere}  In  577.  2  Cic.  seems  to  have 
considered  that  the  law  did  not  apply  to  a 
shrine,  but  only  to  a  mausoleum  ;  and  his 
wish  to  erect-the  former  and  not  the  latter 
would  be  put  down  to  a  desire  to  evade 
the  tax.  Here  he  seems  to  think  that  it 
is  applicable  even  in  the  case  of  a  shrinet 
If  not,  this  can  only  mean  that  Att.  is  to 
try  to  think  of  some  excuse  when  the 
charge  of  desire  to  evade  the  tax  is  made. 

2.  rustice}     '  nothing  could  have  beea 

EP.  579  (ATT.  XII.  37,  §§  1-3).  63 

coepimus,  velim  cohortere  et  exacuas  Cluatium  :  nam,  etiam  si 
alio  loco  placebit,  illius  nobis  opera  consilioque  utendum  puto. 
Tu  ad  villam  fortasse  eras. 

579.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  37,  §§  1-3). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  4  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Attici  epistulis  a  se  acceptis,  de  litteris  Bruti  et  suis  ad  eum  scriptis,  de  hortis 
fani  causa  emendis,  de  Terentia. 


1.  Ate  heri  duas  epistulas accepi,  alteram  pridie  datam  Hilaro, 
alteram  eodem  die  tabellario,  accepique  ab  Aegypta  liberto  eodem 
die  Piliam  et  Atticam  plane  belle  se  habere.  Quod  mihi  Bruti 
litteras,  gratum.  Ad  me  quoque  misit;  quae  litterae  mihi 
redditae  sunt  tertio  decimo  die.  Earn  ipsam  ad  te  epistulam  misi 
et  ad  earn  exemplum  mearum  litterarum.  2.  De  fano,  si  nihil  mihi 
hortorum  invenis,  qui  quidem  tibi  inveniendi  sunt,  si  me  tanti 
facis  quanti  certe  facis,  valde  probo  rationem  tuam  de  Tusoulano. 
Uuamvis  prudens  ad  cogitandum  sis,  sicut  es,  tamen,  nisi  magnae 
curae  tibi  esset  ut  ego  consequerer  id  quod  magno  opere  vellem, 
numquam  ea  res  tibi  tarn  belle  in  mentem  venire  potuisset.  Sed 
nescio  quo  pacto  celebritatem  requiro.  Itaque  hortos  mihi  conficias 
necesse  est.  Maxima  est  in  Scapulae  celebritas,  propinquitas 
praeterea  urbis,  ne  totum  diem  in  villa.  Qua  re,  ante  quam 

ruder.'  We  have  no  indication  in  what  the  to  the  one  Cicero  wrote   on  March   11 

rudeness  consisted.     But  Cic.  and  Brutus  (549.  2).     Schiche  leaves  the  words  in 

did  not  enjoy  one  another's   company :  their  place,   and    alters    decimo  into  de 

cp.  637.  1.  Cumano. 

3.  Cluatium]     Cp.  549.  1.  ad  te .  .  .  misi}  These  words  go  together. 

ad  villam]     some  place   in  the  neigh-  ad  earn  .  .  .  litterarum']    '  a  copy  of  my 

bourhood  of  Rome.     The  words  broadly  reply  to  it.' 

mean,  '  to  the  country '  in  the  Letters.  2.  urbis]     So  Fr.  Schmidt  for  ubi  sis  of 

eras']     sc.  ibis.  the  MSS.  Dr.  Reid  (Hermathena  x.,p.  138) 

interprets  the  MSS  reading  'the  nearness 

1.  litteras]      sc.    misisti,    a     common  of  your   residence':  noting  that   one  of 

ellipse:  cp.  581.  1.  the  advantages  of  the  horti  of   Scapula 

tertio  decimo  die~\      the  13th  day  after  was  that  Att.  had  a  residence  close  by. 

it  was  written.  These  words,  which  stand  But  that  is  not   dwelt  on  elsewhere:  as 

in  the  MSS  after  habere,  we  have  transposed  regards  630.  2   (propinquitas),  Cicero  in 

with  Schmidt  (p.  280),  so  that  they  should  Arpinum  is  complaining  that  he  is  so  far 

refer  to  a  letter  from  Brutus,  who  was  at  from  Atticus  in  Rome  that  he  does  not  get 

this  time  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.    He  supposes  as  much  information  as  he  would  wish, 

this    letter   of   Brutus  to  be   in    answer  ne  totum  diem  in  villa"]   sc.  sis  or  ponas, 


EP.  580  (ATT.  XII.  37,  §  4). 

discedis,  Othonem,  si  Eomae  est,  convenias  pervelim.  Si  nihil 
erit,  etsi  tu  meam  stultitiam  consuesti  ferre,  eo  tamen  progrediar 
ut  mi  stomachere.  Drusus  enim  certe  vendere  vult.  Si  ergo 
aliud  erit,  non  mea  erit  culpa  nisi  emero:  qua  in  re  ne  labar, 
quaeso,  provide.  Providendi  autem  una  ratio  est,  si  quid  de' 
Scapulanis  possuraus.  Et  velim  me  certiorem  facias  quam  diu  in 
suburbano  sis  futurus.  3.  Apud  Terentiam  tarn  gratia  opus  est 
nobis  tua  quam  auctoritate.  Sed  facies  ut  videbitur.  Scio  enim, 
si  quid  mea  intersit,  tibi  maiori  curae  solere  esse  quam  mihi. 

580.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xii.  37,  §  4). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  5  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J     AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Hirtii  litteris,  de  rebus  Hispanicis,  de  Caninii  naufragio. 


4.  Hirtius  ad  me  scripsit  Sex.  Pompeium  Corduba  exisse  etj 
fugisse  in  Hispaniam   citeriorem,  Gnaeum  fugisse    nescio   quo  :j 

'  that  you  may  not  have  to  spend  a  whole 
day  at  the  villa,'  as  he  would  be  compelled 
to  do  if  he  had  to  go  to  Tusculum,  fifteen 
miles  away.  A  visit  would  cost  him  a 
whole  day,  for  he  would  have  to  give  his 
horses  a  rest.  The  MSB  give  villam  :  but 
we  doubt  if  such  an  ellipse  as  eundo  con- 
numas  is  possible.  If  it  is,  the  sense  is  of 
course  admirable,  '  that  I  may  not  have  to 
spend  a  whole  day  by  going  down  to  Tus- 
culum.' The  passage  is  to  be  compared 
with  590.  2,  seder -e  totos  dies  in  villa ! 
where  see  note. 

Othonem]     one  of  the  heirs  of  Scapula. 

eo  tamen  .  .  .  stomachere]  4 1  shall  be 
so  insistent  as  to  make  you  angry,'  for 
Att.  did  not  approve  of  Cicero  buying  the 
expensive  (cp.  691.  1)  gardens  of  Drusus, 
cp.  582.  4.  Cic.  was  very  urgent  in  this 
matter:  cp.  588.  2,  incursabit  in  te  dolor 

Si  ergo  aliud  erit,  non  mea  erit  culpa] 
i.e.  it  will  be  your  fault  if  you  do  not 
secure  that  other  property,  cp.  582.  4, 
De  Drusi  hortis,  quamvis  ab  Us  abhorreas, 
ut  scribis,  tamen  eo  confugiam,  nisi  quid 
inveneris :  cp.  591.  1.  There  is  no  need 

for  transposition  of  non  so  as  to  read  *i| 
ergo  aliud  non  erit,  mea  erit  culpa. 

tarn]  "We  have  added  this  word,  which] 
might  readily  have  fallen  out  after  TerenA 
tiam.  The  MSS  reading  is  explained  byj 
Lehmann  (p.  134),  and  Schmalz  (Antib.1 
ii.  311),  by  supposing  an  ellipse  of  potius 
before  quam.  But  this  usage  is  very 
questionable  in  Cic.,  though  it  is  often 
found  in  the  Comedies,  e.g.  Plaut.  Men. 
726  :  Bacch.  618  :  Rud.  684,  and  in  otheifl 
authors,  e.g.  Sail.  Cat.  8  :  Tac.  Ann.  iii.J 
17.  See  Adn.  Grit.  For  auctoritas  and 
gratia  found  together  (cp.  584.  2V 
Lehmann  quotes  Fam.  vi.  12.  2  (490)5' 
ix.  25.  3  (246)  auctoritate  tua  nobis  opus 
est  et  consilio  et  etiam  gratia. 

4.  Schmidt  rightly  makes  this  a  new 

Gnaeum]  The  end  of  Gnaeus  Pompeius 
is  thus  described  by  Appian  (ii.  105) ;' 
"  Pompeius  fled  with  150  horsemen- 
from  the  battlefield  where  he  waf 
defeated  (Munda)  to  Carteia,  where  htf 
had  a  fleet. .  .  .  When  he  saw  that  th« 
men  here  despaired  of  their  safety,  he* 

JSP.  581  (ATT.  XII.  38,  §§  7,  2). 


jneque  enim  euro.  Nibil  praeterea  novi.  Litteras  Narbone  dedit 
jxim.  Kal.  Mai.  Tu  mihi  de  Canini  naufragio  quasi  dubia 
Unsisti.  Scribas  igitur,  si  quid  erit  certius.  Quod  me  a  maestitia 
kvocas,  multum  levaris,  si  locum  fano  dederis.  Multa  mibi  sic; 
fiiroOewatv  in  mentem  veniunt,  sed  loco  valde  opus  est.  Qua  re 
etium  Otlionem  vide. 

581.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §§  i,  2). 
ASTURA;    MAY  G;  A.  u.  c.  709;    B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Attici  occupationibus,  de  Quinti  filii  scelere. 


1.  Non  dubito  quiu  occupatissimus  fueris,  qui  ad  me  nihil 
jtitterarum :  sed  homo  nequum,  qui  tuum  commodum  non  exspec- 
jtarit,  cum  ob  earn  unam  causam  missus  esset!  Nuuo  quidem, 
nisi  quid  te  tenuit,  suspicor  te  esse  in  suburbano.  At  ego 
jhic  scribendo  dies  totos  nihil  equidern  levor,  sed  tamen  aberro. 
2.  Asinius  Pollio  ad  me  scripsit  de  impuro  nostro  cognato.  Quod 
Balbus  minor  nuper  satis  plane,  Dolabella  obscure,  hie  apertissime. 

'eared  lest  lie  should  be  delivered  up,  and 
ook  to  flight  again.  While  going  on 
>oard  a  small  boat  his  foot  got  entangled 
n  a  rope,  and  a  man  who  made  a  stroke 
it  the  rope  with  a  sword  cut  the  sole  of 
iis  foot  instead  of  the  rope.  He  sailed 
.hen  to  some  place  and  got  his  wound 
.reated.  Being  pursued  even  there,  he 
led  by  a  rough  and  thorny  road,  inflam- 
ng  his  wound,  until  in  weariness  he  sat 
lown  under  a  tree,  and  when  his  pursuers 
:'ell  upon  him  he  was  cut  down,  after 
t  brave  resistance  (ou/c  ayevvws  avrobs 
ijuuixfyiei/os).  Caesar  ordered  his  head, 
tfhen  brought  to  him,  to  be  buried  "  :  cp. 
Bell.  Hisp.  39. 

xim.  Ral  Mai"]  Narbo  was  about 
)00  Roman  miles  from  Rome,  and  the 
ourney  involved  a  troublesome  passage 
icross  the  Alps.  The  average  rate  at 
•vhich  letters  travelled  was  about  50  miles 
i  day  :  so  that  the  transmission  must  have 
Deen  somewhat  rapid  which  brought  letters 
x>  Cicero  at  Astura  17  days  after  they 
were  written  at  Narbo.  Schmidt  (p.  281) 
proposes  xvii  for  xiiii,  i.e.  April  15th. 
VOL.  v. 

Canini]  cp.  590.  4.  Caninius  Rebilus, 
a  lieutenant  of  Caesar's.  The  report 
was  false :  for  Caninius  was  appointed 
consul  on  the  last  day  of  this  year 
(694.  1). 

Scribas']  The  subj unctive  for  the  im- 
perative is  rare,  but  found  elsewhere  in 
the  Letters,  e.g.  565.  2  communices.  Cp. 
Att.  iv.  4a.  (101)  sis:  iv.  19.  8  (158) 
maneas :  Fam.  ix.  26.  1  (479)  vivas  and 
Index.  Orelli  and  Miiller  read  Scribes. 

1.  homo  nequam]    He  refers  to   some 

aberro']  '  Writing  does  not  give  me 
relief  from  my  grief,  but  diverts  my 
thoughts  from  it.'  Cp.  582.  3. 

2.  impuro  nostro  cognato~]     *  our  black- 
guard kinsman. '   He  refers  to  the  younger 
Quintus,    who  was  now  in  the  camp  of 
Caesar,  and  was  speaking  against  his  uncle 
Marcus.     Impurus  is  a  very  strong  ex- 
pression like  /jiiapa  /ce^oAVj  in  Greek. 

Balbus  minor]     Cp.  657.  1. 
hie]     Asinius  Pollio,  sc.  nuntiavit. 


66  EP.  582  (ATT.  XIL  88,  §§  3,  A). 

Ferrem  graviter,  si  novae  aegrimoniae  locus  esset.  Sed  tamenj 
ecquid  impurius  ?  O  hominem  cavendum  !  quamquam  mihi  qui- 
dem-  m  Sed  tenendus  dolor  est.  Tu,  quoniam  necesse  nihil  est^ 

sic  scribes  aliquid,  si  vacabis. 

582.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §§  3,  4). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  7  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  se  non  reprehendendo,  qui  in  dolore  suo  scribendo  aegritudinem  lenire  studeatJ 
de  hortis  ad  aedificandum  fanum  emendis  et  de  ipsa  aedificatione. 


3.  Quod  putas  oportere  pervideri  iam  animi  mei  firmitatem 
graviusque  quosdam  scribis  de  me  loqui  quam  aut  te  scribere  aut 
Brutum,  si  qui  me  fractum  esse  animo  et  debilitatum  putant 
sciant  quid  litterarum  et  cuius  generis  conficiam,  credo,  si  modo 
homines  sint,  existiment  me,  sive  ita  levatus  sim  ut  animum 
vacuum  ad  res  difficilis  scribendas  adferam,  reprehendendum  non 
esse,  sive  hanc  aberrationem  a  dolore  delegerim  quae  maxime 
liberalis  sit  doctoque  nomine  dignissima,  laudari  me  etiam  oportereJ 
4.  Sed,  cum  ego  faciam  omnia  quae  facere  possim  ad  me  adle- 
vandum,  tu  effice  id  quod  video  te  non  minus  quam  me  laborare. 
Hoc  mihi  debere  videor  neque  levari  posse,  nisi  solvero  aut  videro 
me  posse  solvere,  id  est  locum  qualem  volo  invenero.  Heredes 

mihi  quidem]     This  is  an  aposiopesis.          3.  graviusque]  '  and  that  some  speak  of1 

Those  who  suppose  Cicero  to  use  here  the  me  more  severely  than   you  or   Brutus  < 

two  first  words  of  a  Plautine  verse  (Trin.  (you  say)   report  in  your  letters.'     The  ' 

319)  quoted  in  Brut.  i.  2.  5  (843),  mihi  use  of  the  infinitive  scribere  is  somewhat : 

quidem    aetas  acta  ferme  est :    tua  istuc  loose. 

refert  maxume,  must  ascribe  to  Atticus  an          litterarum]      '  literary      works/      not  I 

extraordinary  familiarity  with  the  plays  '  epistles.' 

of  Plautus,  as   Boot  remarks,  if  Cicero          si  modo  homines  sunt]     '  if  they  have 

expects  him  to  supply  the   whole  verse  any  feeling    for    things,'    'if    they  are 

from  two  such  colourless  words  as  mihi  reasonable   beings'    (Shuckburgh)  :    see 

quidem.    The  words  to  her  would  hardly  note  on  Ep.  132  fin. 
suggest  even  to  the  most  constant  reader          levatus    sim  .  .  .    aberrationem]      cp. 

of  Tennyson,  581.  1. 

maxime  liberalis  sit~\   So  Ursinus.     The 

—  i™  "«*~  «4? Mir-. Dr-  K 

suggests   maxima  et  liberalissima,  which 
sic ...  si]  cp.  Hor.  Ep.  i.  7,  69,  sic  igno-      may  well  be  right. 
viiseputato  me  tibi,  si  coenas  hodie  mecum.          4.  volo']     added  in  lenson's  edition. 

EP.  583  (ATT.  XII.  39).  67 

Scapulae  si  istos  hortos,  ut  scribis  tibi  Othonem  dixisse,  partibus 
quattuor  factis  liceri  cogitant,  nihil  est  scilicet  emptori  loci.  Sin 
venibunt,  quid  fieri  possit  videbimus.  Nam  ille  locus  Publicianus, 
qui  est  Treboni  et  Cusiui,  erat  ad  me  adlatus.  Sed  scis  aream 
esse  ;  nullo  pacto  probo.  Clodiae  sane  placent,  sed  non  puto  esse 
veualis.  De  Drusi  hortis,  quamvis  ab  iis  abhorreas,  ut  scribis, 
tamen  eo  confugiam,  nisi  quid  inveneris.  Aedificatio  me  non 
movet ;  nihil  enim  aliud  aedificabo  nisi  id,  quod  etiam,  si  illos 
non  habuero.  5.  Ku/ooe  S7,  e,  mibi  sic  placuit,  ut  cetera  Anti- 
sthenis,  hominis  acuti  magis  quam  eruditi. 

583.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  39). 

ASTURA  ;   MARCH  8  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  commercio  litterarum  Ciceronem  inter  et  Atticum  nunc  paene  intermisso. 


1.  Tabellarius  ad  me  cum  sine  litteris  tuis  venisset,  existimavi 
tibi  earn  causam  non  scribeudi  fuisse  quod  pridie  scripsisses  ea 
ipsa  ad  quam  rescripsi  epistula.  Exspectarem  tamen  aliquid  de 
litteris  Asini  Pollionis.  Sed  nimium  ex  meo  otium  tuum  specto. 
Quamquam  tibi  remitto,  nisi  quid  necesse  erit,  necesse  ne  habeas 

liceri]     '  to  bid  for  them '  among  them-  or  Monarchy.     The    fourth  volume   was 

selves.  directed  to  the  proof  that  labour  was  in 

nihil  est  scilicet  emptori  loci]  cp.  590.  2,  itself  a  good  and  desirable  thing.     The 

ut  aditus  sit  emptori.  fifth  was   likely  to   be  useful  to    Cicero 

Sin  venibunt]   cp.  584.   4,  ut  praeconi  for  a  <rv/j.&ov\fVTitc6v  or  Essay  on  Govern- 

subiciantur.  ment,  which  he  was  about  to  address  to 

Publicianus]     '  which  used  to  belong  Caesar.     Diog.    Laert.  vi.    1,    16.     The 

to  Publicius,  but  is  now  in  the  hands  of  words  of  Diog.  Laert.  are  To'/ios  8'  lv  <£ 

Trebonius  and  Cusinius,'  cp.  588.  3.  KOpos,  'Hpaic\f)s  6  /meifav  ^  Ilept   itr^uos 

ad  me  adlatus]      '  has    been    brought  [qu.  Kupos   &  /meifav,    'HpoKAfjs   %    Hepi 

under  my  notice.'  iffx^os].     To/ios    e    eV  <£   Kvpos   1)    Tlfpl 

aream]     a  mere  building  site  without  fraffiteias,    'Affiraffia.     Athenaeus  quotes 

any  plantation.  (220  c.)  eV  Qarepcp  TGOV  Kvpwv. 

Clodiae]     sc.  horti.     '  Those  of  Clodia.* 

For  Clodia  cp.  note  to  710.  1.  1.  ex  meo  otium  tuum]   'I  judge  too 

Drusi]     Cp.  579.  2.  much  of  your  leisure  by  my  own.' 

quod  etiam]  sc.  aedificaturm  sum.  Quamquam]  '  yet '  or  *  however '  (though 

5.  Kvpos  8',  e]     This  is  the  reading  of  I  am  asking  for  letters):    cp.   note  to 

Bosius  for  Kupa-as  of  Z  and  M.    Antis-  574.  3. 

thenes,  the  Cynic,  wrote  a  work  in  ten  remitto,  .  .  .  necesse  ne  habeas]  'I  let  you 

volumes,  of  which  the  4th  and  5th  were  off  (save  for  some  essential  cause)  regarding 

entitled  respectively  Cyrus  and  Hercules  a  letter  as  essential,  unless  you  have  abun- 

the    greater,    or    Strength;    and    Cyrus  dant  leisure.'  Boot  points  out  that  Cicero 


68  JSP.  584  (ATT.  XII.  W). 

scribere,  nisi  eris  valde  otiosus.     2.  De  tabellariis  facerem  quod 
suades,  si  essentullaenecessariaelitterae,  ut  erant  olim,cum  tamen 
brevioribus  diebus  quotidie  respondebant  tempori  tabellarii  et  eratl 
aliquid,  Silius,  Drusus,  alia  quaedara.    Nunc,  nisi  Otho  exstitissetj 
quod  scriberemus  uon  erat.     Id  ipsum  dilatum  est,  tamen  adlevorj 
cum  loquor  tecum  absens,  multo  etiam  magis,  cum  tuas  litteras 
lego.     Sed   quoniam   et    abes — sic     enim    arbitror — et    scribendi 
necessitas  nulla  est,  conquiescent  litterae,  nisi  quid  novi  exstiterit. 

584.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  4o). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  9  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIO.  61. 

De  Hirtii  epistula  et  Caesaris  «  Anticatone,'  de  (ru/xflouAetm/cy  a  se  conscribendo,  de-i 
maerore  et  recessu  suo,  de  hortis  Seapulanis,  de  Lentulo,  de  Faberiana  re,  de  commora- 
tione  sua  Asturae,  de  Pilia  et  Attica. 


1.  Qualis  futura  sit  Caesaris  vituperatio  contra  laudationem 
meam  perspexi  ex  eo  libro  quem  Hirtius  ad  me  misit,  in  qua 
colligit  vitia  Catonis,  sed  cum  maximis  laudibus  meis.  Itaque 
rnisi  librum  ad  Muscam,  ut  tuis  librariis  daret.  Volo  enim  eum 

uses  necesse  habeo  only  in  negative  sen-  least  so  Cicero  surmised),  but  in  one  of  his 

tences,  non  (minus)  necesse  habeo,  we  necesse  villas  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  He- 

habuerift.  Subsequent  writers  neglect  this  could  not  therefore,  without  some  in  con  ven- 

restriction.  ience,  havean  interview  withOtho  inJftome. 

2.  quod    suades]   that    is,  that   Cicero  cum  loquor  tecum  absens]  cp.  Ep.  600. 

should  keep  regular  letter-carriers,    and          novt]    But  a  new  topic  did  turn  upr 

not  trust  to  chance.  viz.,  the  *  Cato  '  of  Hirtius  :  cp.  584.  1. 

brevioribus  diebus~\  '  when  the  days  were 
shorter.'  It  was  in  March  that  Cicero 
was  at  Astura  before.  1.  vituperatio~\  Caesar's  Anticato  in 

respondebant    tempori]  *  came     up     to  answer  to  Cicero's  Cato. 
time,'  '  called  regularly.'  Hirtius]  In  a  subsequent  letter  (588.  4) 

erat  aliquid}  «  we  had  something  to  he  calls  this  brochure  of  Hirtius  a  letter, 
write  about  Silius,  Drusus,  &c.' ;  that  is,  It  seems  to  have  been  addressed  to  Cicero, 
we  could  write  about  their  properties  as  It  was  a  tirade  against  Cato,  and  Cicero- 
sites  for  the  shrine  in  honour  of  Tullia.  says  of  it,  in  595.  3,  that  its  effect  will 
Otho  is  so  understood  in  the  next  sentence.  be  to  reflect  credit  on  the  literary  ability 
He  was  one  of  the  four  co-heirs  of  Scapula.  of  Hirtius,  but  discredit  on  the  attempt 
The  others  were  Mustela,  Crispus,  Ver-  to  blacken  the  character  of  Cato. 
gili'is.  Muscam]  Perhaps  a  foreman  in  Atticus* 

dilatum  est]  Atticus  was  not  in  Home  (at  publishing  department. 

EP.  58&  (ATT.  XII.  40). 


divulgari,  quod  quo  facilius  fiat  imperabis  tuis.    2. 
saepe  conor :  nihil  reperio,  et  quidem  mecum  habeo 

0fO7ro/i7Tov  libros  Trpoc  ' AA^ai'Spov  ;  sed  quid  simile  ?     Illi  et 

•  quae  ipsis  honesta  essent  scribebant  et  grata  Alexaiidro.     Ecquid 
I  tu  eius  modi  reperis  ?     Mihi  quidem  nihil  in  mentem  venit.  Quod 
I  scribis  te  vereri  ne  et  gratia  et  auctoritas  nostra  hoc  meo  maerore 
I  minuatur,  ego  quid  homines  aut  repreheridant  aut  postulent  nescio. 
I  Ne  doleam  ?     Qui  potest  ?     Ne  iaceam  ?     Quis  umquam  minus  ? 

•  Dum  tua  me  domus  levabat,  quis   a  me  exclusus  est,  quis  venit 
I  qui  offenderet  ?     Asturam  sum  a  te  profectus.     Legere  isti  laeti 
I  qui  me  reprehendunt  tarn  multa  non  possunt   quam  ego   scripsi. 
I  Quam  bene,  nihil  ad  rem :  sed  genus  scribeudi  id  fuit  quod  nemo 
labiecto  animo  facere  posset.     Triginta  dies  in  hortis  fui.     Quis 
I  aut  congressum  meum  aut  f  acilitatem  sermonis  desideravit  ?  Nunc 
I  ipsurn  ea  lego,  ea  scribo,  ut   ii  qui  mecum  sunt  difficilius  otium 
I  ferant  quam  ego  laborem.  3.  Si  quis  requirit  cur  Romae  non  sim ; 
|  *  quia  discessus  est ' :  cur  non  sim  in  iis  meis  praediolis  quae  sunt 
I  huius  temporis;  '  quia  frequentiam  illam  non  facile  ferrem.'     Ibi 

divulgari'j  Cicero  gives  his  own  reason 
why  he  wishes  the  book  to  be  widely 
•distributed  (590.  1)  ut  ex  istorum  vitu- 
peratione  sit  illius  (Cato)  maior  laudatio. 
"We  presume  (though  there  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  mention  of  it)  that 
Cicero  had  got  the  assent  of  Hirtius  to 
the  publication  of  this  book.  Possibly 
the  book  was  already  published,  and, 
there  being  no  copyright  at  Rome,  any- 
one could  then  disseminate  it. 

2.  ~2,vfj.^ov\euT iicbv]  an  Essay  on 
Government  addressed  to  Caesar.  The 
disadvantage  under  which  he  labours,  as 
compared  with  Aristotle  and  Theopompus, 
is  that  they  could  give  advice  which  did 
honour  to  themselves  and  was  at  the 
same  time  acceptable  to  Alexander. 
'  Can  you  suggest,'  he  asks  Atticus, 
4  any  such  advice  to  be  given  by  me  to 
Caesar?  Nothing  occurs  to  me.'  Cp.  604.  2. 
The  title  of  the  work  of  Theopompus  was 
<rv/j.fiov\al  Trpbs  'A\€ta.vSpov.  Athen.  vi. 
230  F 

Qui  potest  .*]  '  how  is  that  possible  ? ' 

iaceam]  'be  prostrated'  by  my  grief. 
<sp.  559.  2. 

tua  domus\  cp.  545.  1.  This  was 
during  the  latter  part  of  February. 

offenderet]  '  took  offence '  :  cp.  585  fin. 

and  note :  Mil.  99  si  in  me  aliquid  offen- 
distis :  Caes.  B.C.  ii.  32.  10  *i  Caesarevn 
probatis,  in  me  offenditis :  and  note  on 
Att.  vii.  14,  3  (310). 

isti  laeti~\  ( those  cheerful  friends  of 
yours,  who  condemn  me  for  my  melan- 
choly, could  not  read  as  much  as  I  have 

Quam  bene,  nihil  ad  rem]  Cicero  laid 
no  great  store  by  these  philosophical 
works  of  his  :  cp.  599.  3,  verba  tantum 
adfero  quibus  abundo  :  624.  1,  ista  nescio 
quae.  Yet  their  influence  on  mankind 
has  been  great. 

in  hortis}  i.e.  during  April  at  the 
estate  of  Atticus  near  Ficulea  and 
Nomentum.  Here  horti  is  not  (as  the 
word  generally  is)  applied  to  a  suburban 
villa.  Zb  has  horto. 

Nunc  ipsum]  cp.  548. 

3.  discessus]  ( the  vacation ' :  cp.  Fam. 
iii.  9,  4  (249).  In  707.  2,  the  vacation 
is  called  res  prolatae,  which  is  the 
expression  used  by  Plautus.  'After 
vacation  '  is  cum  res  rediissent  (Post 
lied.  27)  :  cp.  Lindsay  on  Plaut. 
Capt.  78. 

sunt  huius  temporis']  '  are  suitable  to 
this  season  of  the  year.'  In  Att.  vii. 
12.  2  (305)  we  have  Nee  eum  rerum 


EP.  584  (ATT.  XII.  40). 

sum  igitur  ubi  is  qui  optimas  Baias  habebat  quotannis  boc  tempi 
consumere  solebat.  Cum  Romam  venero,  nee  vultu  nee  oratione 
reprehendar.  Hilaritatem  illam  qua  bane  tristitiam  temporuml 
condiebam  in  perpetuum  amisi :  constantia  et  firmitas  nee  animi 
nee  orationis  requiretur.  4.  De  hortis  Scapulanis  boc  videtur  effici 
posse,  aliud  tua  gratia,  aliud  nostra,  ut  praeooni  subiciantur.  Idj 
nisi  fit,  excluderuur.  Sin  ad  tabulam  venimus,  vincemus  facultates 
Otbonis  nostra  cupiditate.  Nam  quod  ad  me  de  Lentulo  scribis, 
non  test  in  eo.  Faberiana  modo  res  certa  sit  tuque  enitare,  quod 
facis,  quod  volumus  consequemur.  5.  Quod  quaeris  quam  diu  bio, 
paucos  dies.  Sed  certum  non  babeo.  Simul  atque  constituero,  ad  te 
scribam,  et  tu  ad  me  quam  diu  suburbano  sis  futurus.  Quo  die 
ego  ad  te  baec  misi,  de  Pilia  et  Attica  milii  quoque  eadein  quae 
scribis  et  scribuntur  et  nuntiantur. 

prolatio  nee  senatus  tnagistratuumque  dis- 
cessus  nee  aerariutn  clausum  tardabit. 

is  qui]  Who  is  here  referred  to  ? 
Scipio  Africanus  (cp.  Seneca,  Ep.  51. 11  : 
but  Liternum  was  a  long  way  from 
Aatura),  Lucullus,  Pompey  have  heen 

Baias'}  '  villa  at  Baiae  ' :  cp.  Gael.  38  : 
Att.  xi.  6.  6  (418);  also  Caietam,  Att.  i. 
4.  3  (9)  and  Misenum,  Phil.  ii.  48  :  cp. 
Att.  x.  8. 10  (392).  The  Thesaurus  inter- 
prets the  word  here  as  '  appellative  pro 
balnea^  which  we  doubt.  Nor  can  we 
think  that  Shuckburgh  is  right  in 
rendering  'who  considered  Baiae  the 
queen  of  watering-places.' 

nee  vulltt]  'there  will  be  nothing  to 
complain  of  either  in  my  looks  or  my 

condiebam'}  '  used  to  mitigate  '  :  see 
on  Att.  x.  8,  5  (392).  For  the  sentiment 
here  expressed,  cp.  576.  1  (to  Dolabella). 

requiretur']  '  will  be  found  wanting.' 

4 .  prneconi  subiciantur]  '  that  they  shall 
be  sold  by  public  auction,  not  by  a  private 
arrangement  between  the  co- heirs,'  cp. 
fiin  venibunt,  582.  4. 

labulam]  'a public  sale.' 

facultales]  « my  zeal  will  prevail  over! 
Otho's  long  purse.' 

non    est    in    eo]     If    this     is     sound,.; 
it  would  seem  to  mean  *  he  cannot  pay 
his    debt.'     But  we    believe  it    to    bel 
corrupt.      Dr.    Reid     suggests     aestimo.] 
Shuckburgh  conjectures  non  est  solvendo  : 
cp.  Phil.  ii.  4 ;  and  supposes  it  to  refer 
to  some  unknown  Lentulus  (of  whom  we ', 
do  not  hear  elsewhere)  who  was  anxious \ 
to  buy  the  horti  of  Scapula.     We  cannot-; 
think  that  it   means    '  there   is  nothing*? 
in  that  '  ;  we    should   expect    nihil   for 
non.     But  Madvig's  non  extimesco  is  very  ; 
attractive  :  for  Cicero's  use  of  timeo  and 
extimesco  cp.  Att.  viii.  6,  1  (336) ;  ix.  5, 
fin.  (359).     Perhaps  non  ego  timeo  would 
he  better.     We  see  no   reason   why  he 
should  not  be  the  infant  child  of  Dolabella 
and  Tullia.     Atticus  may  have  suggested 
to   Cicero  the   necessity  of  economy  in 
view  of  the  obligation  he  was  under  to 
provide  for  his  grandson. 

5.  Simul  atque]  We  have  altered  ao 
to  atque,  as  Cic.  did  not  write  ac  before 
a  guttural :  cp.  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  34.| 
Miiller  reads  simul  aliquid. 

quam  diu  hie]  sc.  futurus  &itn. 

EP.  585  (FAM.   V.  If). 


585.     L.  LUCCEIUS  TO  CICEKO  (FAM.  v.  u). 

ROME  J    MAY  9  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

Quaerit  L.  Lucceius  cur  tarn  diu  absit  ab  urbe  M.  Cicero :  si  litterarum  causa, 
)  laudat :  non  probat  si  propter  maerorem  ex  morte  filiae.  Quern  ut  compescat,  rationi- 
bus  et  precibus  efficere  studet. 

L.  LUCCEIUS  Q.  F.  S.  D.  M.  TULLIO  M.  F. 

1.  S.  Y.  B.  E.  V.,  sicut  soleo,  paululo  tamen  etiam  deterius 
quam  soleo.  Te  requisivi  saepius  ut  viderem  :  Romae  quia  postea 
non  fuisti  quam  discesseram  miratus  sum ;  quod  item  nunc  miror. 
Non  habeo  certum  quae  te  res  hinc  maxime  retrahat.  Si  soli- 
tudine  delectare,  cum  scribas  et  aliquid  agas  eorum  quorum  con- 
suesti,  gaudeo  neque  reprehendo  tuum  consilium  ;  nam  nihil  isto 
potest  esse  iucundius  non  modo  miseris  his  temporibus  et  luctuosis, 
sed  etiam  tranquillis  et  optatis,  praesertim  vel  ammo  defetigato 

1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  V.,  sicut  soleo J  =  si  vales, 
bene  est,  valeo  sicut  soleo.  Note  the  formal 
commencement  of  a  letter  taken  literally, 
and  thus  leading  connectedly  to  the  open- 
ing of  the  letter  proper  :  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  18, 
1  (692).  Lucceius  would  appear  to  have 
been  constantly  in  low  health. 

quia]  Used  for  quod,  as  frequently  in 
comedy  after  verbs  of  feeling,  e.g.  Plaut. 
Mil.  7,  and  Tyrrell's  note  there  ;  cp.  doleo 
qnia  in  §  2,  below.  In  Cic.  Sull.  50,  de 
Domo  9,  it  occurs  after  reprehendo. 

discesserani]  So  Mendelssohn  after  GR, 
I  wonder  you  did  not  remain  in  Rome 
after  I  had  left.'  Lucceius  had  no  doubt 
heard  from  some  friend  that  Cicero  con- 
tinued to  bury  himself  in  the  country 
through  his  grief  for  Tullia.  He  had  not 
returned  to  Home  after  his  stay  at  Ficulea, 
but  had  gone  once  more  to  Astura ;  and 
Lucceius  is  again  astonished.  M  h;js 
discesserat,  which  Or.  alters  to  decesserat, 
understanding  Tullia.  This  is  too  strong 
an  ellipse,  as  no  reference  to  Tullia  had 
preceded,  even  though  we  suppose  that 
Lucceius  had  hesitated  to  use  the  name 
lest  he  should  excite  the  grief  of  Cicero. 
Lambinus reads discesseras, which  produces 
an  inaccurate  form  of  speech  ('  I  wondered 
you  were  not  at  Rome  after  you  had  left ') 
if  it  is  intended  to  mean  '  I  wonder  you 
did  not  remain  at  Rome  longer  than  you 
did.'  Streicher  (p.  171)  wishes  to  read 

discesseramus,  '  we  separated  '  from  one 
another  ;  but  it  will  be  hard  to  get  an 
exact  parallel  for  this  usage.  The  nearest 
we  know  of  is  the  senatus  consultum  in 
Q.  Fr.ii.  3,  5  (102)  ut  sodalitates  decuri- 
atique  discederent. 

delectare]  Such  forms  of  the  pres.  indie, 
as  this  and  any  ere  (§  2)  are  generally 
avoided  as  liable  to  confusion  with 
the  inf.  They  may  be  allowed  in 
Lucceius.  Dr.  Reid  on  Sull.,  p.  170, 
lays  down  the  rule  for  Cicero: 
"  -£,  not  -is,  in  the  second  person 
singular  present  subjunctive  deponent 
and  passive  :  but  -is,  not  -0,  in  the  second 
person  singular  present  indicative  depo- 
nent and  passive.  The  MSS  of  this  speech 
are  singularly  clear  on  this  point."  Cp. 
Roby  570. 

eorum  quorum']  Note  the  attraction,  a 
genuine  Greek  one :  cp.  Rhet.  ad  Herenn. 
i.  11,  aperlis  raiionibus  quibus  praescrip- 
simus,  and  Hor.  Sat.  i,  6,  14,  notante 
iudice  quo  nosti  populo  (according  to 
Bentley) :  Liv.  xxxii.  10,  5,  arbitro  quo 
vettent  popttlorunt,  and  Weissenborn's 
note.  Cp.  also  such  attractions  in  Livy 
as  iv.  39,  9,  quibus  poterat  sauciis  ductis 
secum :  i.  29,  4,  quibus  quisque  poterat 
elatis.  Roby,  §  1066.  Riemann-Goelzer, 
§  693,  p.  787. 

optatis]  '  desirable':  cp.  note  to  587.  1. 
praesertim"]     i  especially  if  your  mind 

EP.  585  (FAM.   V. 

tuo,  qui  nunc  requiem  quaerat  ex  magnis  occupationibus,  vel 
erudito,  qui  semper  aliquid  ex  se  promat  quod  alios  delectet, 
ipsum  laudibus  inlustret.  2.  Sin  autem,  sicut  indicas,  lacrimis  ac 
tristitiae  te  tradidisti,  doleo  quia  doles  et  angere  ;  non  possum  te 
non,  si  concedis  quod  sentimus  ut  liberius  dicamus,  accusare. 
Quid  enim?  Tu  solus  aperta  non  videbis,  qui  propter  acumen 
occultissima  perspicis?  Tu  non  intelleges  te  querelis  cotidianis 
nihil  proficere  ?  Non  iutelleges  duplicari  sollicitudines,  quas 
elevare  tua  te  prudentia  postulat  ?  3.  Quod  si  non  possimus  aliquid 
proficere  suaderido,  gratia  contendimus  et  rogando,  si  quid  nostra 
causa  vis,  ut  istis  te  molestiis  laxes  et  ad  convictum  nostrum 
redeas,  id  est  ad  consuetudinem  vel  nostram  communem  vel  tuain 
solius  ac  propriam.  Cupio  non  obtundere  te,  si  non  delectare 
nostro  studio ;  cupio  deterrere  ne  permaneas  in  incepto.  Cum 
duae  res  istae  contrariae  me  conturbant,  ex  quibus  aut  in  altera 
mihi  velim,  si  potes,  obtemperes  aut  in  altera  non  offendas — vale. 

is  so  wearied  out  that  it  craves  for  some 
rest  after  your  arduous  labour,  or  so  richly 
stored  with  learning  that  it  is,  as  ever, 
drawing  forth  something  to  delight  others 
and  to  cover  yourself  with  glory ':  lit.  '  is 
wearied  so  that '  .  .  .  '  is  well  stored  with 
learning  so  that. '  For  semper  =  ut  semper 
Jit :  ep.  saepe  =  ut  saepe  Jit  in  Verg.  Aen. 
i.  148,  ac  velutimagno  in  populo  cum  saepe 
coorta  est  seditio.  The  forms  requiem  and 
requietem  are  both  quite  classical :  op. 
Neue,  i3  848,  849. 

2.  sicut  indicas]  So  GR :  sicut  hinc 
dicas  seras,  M,  from  which  Man.,  Viet., 
and  Lamb.,  aided  by  inferior  MSS,  educed 
sicut  hie  dum  eras.  (This  is  one  of  Mr. 
Allen's  codices.)  Many  other  MSS  read, 
sic  ut  hinc  discesseras,  '  as  when  you  left 
the  city,'  a  reading  towards  which  Men- 
delssohn inclines.  But  the  reading  of  GR 
is  quite  plain,  'as  you  gave  hints  of/ 
&c.,  in  letters  to  your  other  friends,  mid 
as  we  learn  by  report.  If  we  might 
emend,  perhaps  we  might  read  indicaveras, 
which  would  explain  the  reading  of  M, 
'  of  which  you  gave  indications  he  fore 
you  left.'  Dr.  Reid  thinks  that  the 
variants  point  to  sicut  indicat  res. 
Streicher  (p.  172)  objects  to  indicas,  that 
Cic.  did  not  give  any  such  hint  to  Lucceius 
in  Fam.  v.  13  (572),  and  that  his  literary 
activity  was  a  sign  that  he  was  not 
yielding  to  immoderate  grief :  he  himself 
reads  sicut  inclinatus  eras.  But  Cicero 

had  gone  into  retirement,  and  his  friends 
at  Rome  were  not  satisfactorily  informed 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  spending 
his  time  :  for  Cicero's  letters  were  very 
variable  in  tone,  and  reflected  with  the 
utmost  fidelity  every  shifting  mood  of  his 
impressionable  nature :  so.  that  it  may 
fairly  be  supposed  that  his  friends  were 
uncertain  as  to  the  general  tenor  of  his 

elevare']  So  GR,  again  rightly:  cp. 
Tusc.  iii.  34,  Nihil  est  enim  quod  tarn  ob- 
tundat  elevetque  aegritudinem  quam  per- 
petua  in  omni  vita  cogitatio  nihil  esse 
quod  non  accidere  possit.  The  ace.  and  inf. 
construction  after  postulo  is  frequent  in 
the  comedies  (cp.  Sonnenschein  on  Plaut. 
Rud.  Prol.  17) ;  but  it  is  used  by  Cicero 
for  the  most  part  only  in  his  earlier 
writings,  e.g.  Verr.  iii.  138,  139  ;  Div. 
in  Caec.  34.  In  Caes.  it  occurs  in  B.  G. 
iv.  16,  4. 

3.  ad  convictum  nostrum"]  '  return  to  live 
with  us  and  to  the  normal  mode  of  life, 
either  that  of  all  of  us  or  that  which  you 
especially  adopt  as  peculiarly  your  own  ' 
(i.e.  the  life  of  a  student).  After  redeas 
there  is  a  gap  of  five  letters  in  M.  We 
have  adopted  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Reid, 
id  est.  Wes.  suggested  atque. 

obtundere"]  'pester' :  cp.  Att.  viii.  1,  4 
(328),  Ego  si  somnum  capere  possem  tarn 
longis  te  epistulis  non  obtunderem. 

Cum  .  .  .  vale]  We  venture  to  adhere 

EP.  586  (ATT.  XII.  42,  §§  1-3). 

586.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  42,  §§  1-3). 

ASTUKA  J  MAY  10  ',    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  inanibus  epistulis  suis,  de  Clodiae  hortis  emendis,  de  itinere  suo  constitute. 

1.  Nulium  a  te  desideravi  diem  litterarum :  videbam  enim 
•quae  scribis,  et  tamen  suspicabar  vel  potius  intellegebam  nihil 
fuisse  quod  scriberes.  A.  d.  vi.  Idus  vero  et  abesse  te  putabam  et 
plane  videbam  nihil  te  habere.  Ego  tamen  ad  te  fere  cotidie 
mittam.  Malo  enim  frustra  quam  te  non  habere  cui  des,  si  quid 
forte  sit  quod  putes  me  scire  oportere.  Itaque  accepi  vi.  Idus 
litteras  tuas  inanis.  Quid  enim  habebas  quod  scriberes  ?  Mi 
tamen  illud,  quidquid  erat,  non  molestum  fuit,  ut  nihil  aliud,  scire 
me  novi  te  nihil  habere.  Scripsisti  tamen  nescio  quid  de  Clodia. 
Ubi  ergo  ea  est  aut  quando  ventura  ?  Placet  mihi  res  sic,  ut 

with  some  hesitation  to  the  MSS  reading 
cum,  and  to  explain  it  by  supposing  that 
Lucceius  used  the  formal  vale  as  part  of 
the  sentence,  just  as  he  used  the  intro- 
ductory formal  words  of  this  letter  in 
something  more  than  a  merely  formal 
sense.  '  And  now  that  two  contrary  con- 
siderations are  causing  me  perplexity,  in 
respect  of  which  I  trust  you  will  either 
in  the  one  case  follow  my  advice  if  you 
can  see  your  way  to  do  so,  or  at  any  rate 
in  the  other  not  be  offended, — I  will  say 
good-bye.'  If  this  does  not  commend 
itself,  it  is  easy  (we  think  too  easy)  to  alter 
cum  to  nunc  with  Martyni-Laguna  and 
subsequent  edd.  The  two  contrary  con- 
siderations are,  on  the  one  hand,  a  desire 
that  Cicero  should  not  give  himself  up 
unreservedly  to  grief,  but  should  again 
take  part  in  social  life ;  and  on  the  other, 
a  desire  not  to  pester  Cicero  and  importune 
him  too  much  on  the  subject.  For  offen- 
<?asusedin  a  passive  sense,  '  be  annoyed,' 
cp.  584.  2  and  note  there ;  and  perhaps 
Q.  Fr.  i.  1,  14  (30),  Sed  si  quis  est  in  quo 
iam  ojfenderis,  de  quo  aliquid  senseris. 

1.  diem  litterarum']     *  I  never  wanted 
you  to  have  a  regular  day  for  writing.  For 

I  had  grasped  the  fact  which  you  mention 
in  your  letter  [namely,  that  you  were  very 
busy],  and  in  spite  of  that  I  suspected,  or 
rather  felt  sure,  that  you  had  nothing  to 
write  about  [and  that  that,  not  business, 
was  the  real  reason  why  you  did  not 
write].'  The  sense  of  enim  and  tamen  is 
generally  neglected  by  the  editors. 

frustra"]  sc.  inittere,  without  receiving 
a  letter  to  bring  back  to  Cicero. 

ut  nihil  aliud]  "We  have  added  ut  with 
Miiller,  'if  nothing  else.'  He  compares 
745.  2  alendus  est  et,  ut  nihil  aliud,  ab 
Antonio  seiungendus  :  Att.  xi.  14.  1  (429). 
Ut  is  more  likely  to  have  been  lost  after 
fuit  than  si,  which  is  the  addition  of 
Madvig  (A.C.  ii.  239).  Either  is  better 
than  to  add  nisi  before  novi  with 

Scripsisti']  Btr.  conjectured  scripsti  as 
M  has  scripsi.  It  must  be  confessed, 
however,  that  this  contracted  form  of  the 
second  person  singular  of  the  perfect 
indie,  is  rather  rare :  cp.  Neue-"Wagener 
i;J  500  ff. :  so  that  we  think  Miiller  is  right 
in  regarding  it  as  doubtful  in  Cicero,  and 
reading  the  full  form  in  every  place.  Cp. 
his  note,  Farn.  p.  169.  26.  The  mistake 
is  due  to  the  copyist. 

ventura]     Cp'.  593.  2. 

74  EP.  587  (FAM.   V.  15). 

secuudum  Othonem  uihil  magis.  2.  Sed  neque  hanc  vendituram 
pUto — delectatur  enim  et  copiosa  est — et  illud  alterum  quam  sit 
difficile  te  non  fugit.  Sed,  obsecro,  enitamur  ut  aliquid  ad  id 
quod  cupio  excogitemus.  3.  .Ego  me  hinc  postridie  Id.  exiturum 
puto,  sed  aut  in  Tusculanum  aut  domura,  inde  fortasse  Arpinum. 
Cum  certum  sciero,  scribam  ad  te. 

587.     CICERO  TO  LUCCEIUS  (FAM.  v.  15). 
ASTURA;  MAY  10-12 ;  A.  u.  c.  709 ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Epistulae  L.  Lucceii  (Ep.  585)  M.  Cicero  ita  respondet,  ut  Be  non  tarn  filiae- 
obitum  quam  reip.  condicionem  lugere  et  ob  earn  rem  ab  urbe  abesse  dicat :  ne  littera- 
rum  quidem  studio  se  admodum  delectari  aut  a  dolore  abstrahi. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  L.  LUCCEIO  Q.  F. 

1.  Omnis  amor  tuus  ex  omnibus  partibus  se  ostendit  in  ii&i 
litteris  quas  a  te  proximo  accepi,  non  ille  quidem  mini  ignotus,, 
sed  tamen  gratus  et  optatus ;  dicerem  *  iucundus/  nisi  id  verbumi 
in  omne  tempus  perdidissem ;  neque  ob  earn  unam  causam  quami 
tu  suspicaris  et  in  qua  me  lenissimis  et  amantissimis  verbis  utensi 
re  graviter  accusas,  sed  quod  illius  tanti  vulneris  quae  remedial 
esse  debebant  ea  nulla  sunt.  2.  Quid  enim  ?  Ad  amicosne  con- 
fugiam  ?  Quam  multi  sunt  ?  Habuimus  enim  fere  communis^ 
quorum  alii  occiderunt,  alii  nescio  quo  pacto  obduruerunt.  Tecum 

seeundum  Othonem']  Next  to  the  property  that  word  for  ever  and  aye  ' :  cp.  574.  1. 

of  Otho  (i.e.  the  hortiof.  Scapula)  he  likes  Cuius  ojficia  iucundiora  scilicet  saepe  mihi 

that  of  Clodia.  fuerunt,  numquam  tamen  gratiora. 

2.  copiosa]     '  She  likes   the  place  and  accusas']  sc.  585.  2. 

has   plenty  of  money,'  so   she  will   not  2.   Tecum   vivere    possem     equidem    et 

sell .     illud  alterum   is    the    property   of  maxime  vellem]  '  With  you  I  could  have 

Otho  :  cp.  593.  2.  lived,  and  would  fain  have  done  so.'     So 

3.  domum]     '  to  Rome  '  ;  see  note   on  the  MSS.     We  take  equidem  with  possem. 
Ep.  269,  1.  For    equidem    following    the    verb,    cp. 

Plaut.  Poen.  295,  AG.  i  in  malam  rem. 
MI.  Ibi  sum  equidem.     Cic.  Leg.  ii   69, 

1.  non  ille  quidem']  A  common  Ciceronian  Perge  cetera.  Pergam  equidem.  Thfl 
usage :  cp.  Fin.  v.  20,  fruendi  rebus  iis  ...  rhythm  recalls  Catull.  2,  9,  Tecum  ludere 
Comrades  non  ille  quidem  auctor  sed  defen-  sicut  ipsa  possem.  Several  emendations 
sor  disserendi  causa  fuit.  have  been  proposed,  e.g.  Lamb,  tecum 

gratus  et  optatus ;  dicerem  '  iueundus^~\  vivere  posse  equidem  maxime  vellem  :  Madv. 
'acceptable  and  desirable;  I  would  say  (A.  C.  iii.  157)  tecum  vivere,  <si>  possem, 
"pleasant,"  were  it  not  that  I  have  lost  equidem  maxime  vellem. 

EP.  587  (FAN.    V.  15).  75 

vivere  possem  equidem  et  maxime  vellem :  vetustas,  amor,  con- 
suetudo,  studia  paria ;  quod  vinclum,  quaeso,  deest  nostrae  con- 
iunctionis?  Possumusne  igitur  esse  una  ?  Nee  mehercule  intellego 
quid  impediat ;  sed  certe  adhuc  non  f  uimus,  cum  essemus  vicini  iu 
Tusculano,  in  Puteolano  :  nam  quid  dicam  in  urbe  ?  In  qua, 
cum  forum  commune  sit,  vicinitas  non  requiritur.  3.  Sed  casu 
nescio  quo  in  ea  tempora  nostra  aetas  incidit  ut,  cum  maxime 
florere  nos  oporteret,  turn  vivere  etiam  puderet :  quod  enim  esse 
poterat  mini  perf ugium  spoliato  et  domesticis  et  forensibus  orna- 
mentis  atque  solaciis  ?  Litterae,  credo,  quibus  utor  adsidue  :  quid 
enim  aliud  f acere  possum  ?  Sed  nescio  quo  modo  ipsae  illae  ex- 
cludere  me  a  portu  et  perfugio  videntur  et  quasi  exprobrare  quod 
in  ea  vita  maneam  in  qua  nihil  insit  nisi  propagatio  miserrimi 
temporis.  4.  Hie  tu  me  abesse  urbe  iniraris  in  qua  domus  nihil 
delectare  possit,  summum  sit  odium  temporum,  homiuum,  fori, 
curiae  ?  Itaque  sic  literis  utor,  in  quibus  consumo  omne  tempus, 
non  ut  ab  iis  mediciuam  perpetuam  sed  ut  exiguam  oblivionem 
doloris  petam.  5.  Quod  si  id  egissemus  ego  atque  tu,  quod  ne  in 
mentem  quidem  nobis  veuiebat  propter  cotidianos  metus,  omne 
tempus  una  fuissemus,  neque  me  valetudo  tua  oft'enderet  neque  te 

vetustas  .  .  .  paria']  '  old  acquaintance,  from  a  city  where.'  Cicero  generally 

love,  habit,  identity  of  pursuits.'  uses  ab  after  abesse,  except  with  names  of 

guaeso,  deest]  So  Host  excellently  for  towns  :  but  we  occasionally  find  it  with- 

quas  id  est  of  M :  (quasi,  est,  GR).  out  ab  with  domo,  foro  (574.  2),  cp. 

Possumusne  .  .  .  intellego']  'Can  we  not  Orat.  146:  N.D.  ii.  69:  patria  (Tusc. 

then  be  together  ?  And  indeed,  upon  my  v.  106),  though  he  also  uses  ab  with  these 

life,  I  do  not  see  what  hinders  us.'  Cicero  words,  Verr.  iii.  39  :  v.  31.  (The  absence 

might  have  added  something  like possumus  of  the  preposition  is  of  course  common  in 

before  nee;  Lam  binus  actually  does  add  it,  the  poets,  Gatull.  Ixiii.  59).  So  that  we 

and  the  addition  has  met  with  the  approval  may  perhaps  include  urbe  in  the  same 

of  Wesenberg  (E.  A.  12).  But  the  idea  can  category  as  the  other  words  with  which  he 

be  with  ease  mentally  supplied,  and  the  does  not  use  a  preposition,  as  the  reference 

actual  insertion  of  the  \vord  makes  the  is  plainly  to  Rome,  though  the  expression 

sentence  somewhat  tautological.  For  -ne  is  general  (hence  the  subjunctive  possit : 

=  nonne  cp.  L)e  Sen.  31,  videtisne  ut,  a  cp.  589.  I),  '  Do  you  wonder  that  I  can 

usage  which  is  invariable  in  Plaut.  and  be  absent  from  a  city  where  nought  can 

constant  in  Ter.,  and  in  the  colloquial  delight  me?'  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad.  i.  1 

Latin  of  the  classical  period.  would  prefer  to  read  <  ab  ea>  abesse 

3.  spoliato  .  .  .  solaciis']  'deprived    of  urbe  withWes. :  or  <  ex  ea  >  abesse  urbe. 
everything  which  can  embellish  or  com-  fori,  curiae~\     cp.  574.  2;  nihil  in  foro 
fort  my  public  and  private  life.'  agere  libebut,  aspicere  curiatn  non  poteram. 

Litterae,  credo"]  'my  books,  1  presume.'  Itaque  .  .  .  petam~\     'And  thus  I  have 

For     credo     parenthetic      cp.    555.     3.  recourse  to  my  hooks,  and  over  them  I 

Cicero  often  speaks  of  his  books  as  his  spend  all  my  time,  not  with  any  idea  of 

friends:  cp.  Fam.  ix.   1,2  (456),  redisse  obtaining  therefrom  a  lasting  cure,  but 

cum  veteribus   amici,*,    id  est  cum    libris  only  a  short  forgetfulness,of  my  troubles.' 

nostris,  in  gratiam.  Cp.  582.  3. 

4.  abesse  urbe  .  .  .  in  qua]  'to  be  absent  5.  neque  me  valetudo  tua\.     cp.  585.  1. 

76  JSP.  588  (ATT.  XII. 

maeror  meus.     Quod  quantum    fieri  poterit   consequamur :  qui( 
enim  est  utrique  nostrum  aptius  ?     Propediem  te  igitur  videbo. 

588.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  4i). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  quaerit  ubi  Atticus  sit  et  demonstrat  ubi  ipse  f uturus  sit,  turn  de  fan 
Tulliae  aedificando  et  de  hortis  ea  causa  emendis  et  omnino  de  loco,  de  Hirtii  epistul 
et  Caesaris  '  Anticatone.' 


1.  Nihil  erat  quod  scriberem.  Scire  tamen  volebam  ubi  esses 
si  abes  aut  afuturus  es,  quando  rediturus  esses.  Facies  igitur  m 
certiorem.  Et,  quod  tu  scire  volebas  ego  quando  ex  hoc  loco,  post 
ridie  Idus  Lanuvi  constitui  manere,  inde  postridie  in  Tusculan 
aut  Romae.  Utrum  sim  facturus  eo  ipso  die  scies.  2.  Scis  quan 
sit  (piXairiov  crvjuupopa,  minime  in  te  quidem,  sed  tamen  avide  sun 
adfectus  de  fano,  quod  nisi  non  dico  effectum  erit  sed  fieri  vider 
— audebo  hoc  dicere  et  tu,  ut  soles,  accipies — ,  iucursabit  in  t 
dolor  meus,  non  iure  ille  quidem,  sed  tamen  feres  hoc  ipsum  quo 
scribo,  ut  omnia  mea  fers  ac  tulisti.  Omnis  tuas  consolatione 
unam  hanc  in  rem  velim  conferas.  3.  Si  quaeris  quid  optem 
primum  Scapulae,  deinde  Clodiae,  postea,  si  Silius  nolet,  Drusu 
aget  iniuste,  Cusini  et  Treboni.  Puto  tertium  esse  dominum 
Rebilum  fuisse  certo  scio.  Sin  autem  tibi  Tusculanum  placet,  u 
significasti  quibusdam  litteris,  tibi  adsentiar.  Hoc  quidem  utiqu 
perficies,  si  me  levari  vis,  quern  iam  etiam  gravius  accusas  quan 
patitur  tua  consuetudo,  sed  facis  summo  amore  et  victus  fortass 

Quod]     sc.  our  being  together.  not  say  completed,  but  unless   I  see 

advancing  to  completion — I  will  vent  m 

1.  loco]   sc.  profecturm   sim  :  for  the       resentment  on  you,'   cp.  579.  2,    nt  m 
ellipse  cp.  546.  4.  stomachere. 

inde  postridie]  ( the  day  after  that,'  i.e.  3.  aget  iniuste]     Drusus  seems  to  hav 

the    17th,  the   day  after  (postridie)  the  asked   an   excessive   price  :  cp.  582.    4 

16th  (postridie  idus)  :  cp.  589  [43].  1  ;  590.  2  ;  591.  1. 
590.  3.  tertium]     Cusinius  and  Trebonius  wei 

2.  <t>i\aiTiov'\  'you know  how queru-  absent;    but    Cicero    thinks  there    is 
lous  is  misery,'  *  how  sour  misfortune  is.'  third  owner   who   could   be  approach^ 

avide  sum  adfectus]  *  my  feeling  is  one  adding,  '  I  know  there  was  a  third  owne 

of  hungry  longing,'  an  unusual  and  very  Caninius  Rebilus.' 

strong  expression.  Tusculanum~\  cp.  579.  2  ;  588.  3. 

quod  nisi]    'and   unless  it  is — I    will  levari]  cp.  581.  1. 

EP.  589  (ATT.  XII.  4®,  §  3,  AND  4$).  77 

itio  meo.  Sed  tamen,  si  me  levari  vis,  haec  est  summa  levatio 
el,  si  verum  scire  vis,  una.  4.  Hirti  epistulam  si  legeris,  quae 
nihi  quasi  irpo7r\a<jfjLa  videtur  eius  vituperationis  quam  Caesar 
oripsit  de  Catone,  facies  me  quid  tibi  visum  sit,  si  tibi  erit  com- 
nodum,  certiorem.  Redeo  ad  fanum.  Nisi  hac  aestate  absolutum 
rit,  quam  vides  integram  restare,  soelere  me  liberatum  non  putabo. 

589.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  42,  §  3,  AND  43). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  12  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.   61. 

De  ratione  itineris   sui  constituti,  de   summa  sua  fani  aedificandi  cupiditate,  de 
thonis,  de  Clodiae,  de  Trebonianis  hortis  emendis,  de  Tusculano. 


[42],  3.  Venerat  mihi  in  mentem  monere  te  ut  id  ipsum  quod 
acis  faceres.  Putabam  enim  commodius  teidem  istud  domi  agere 
osse  interpellatione  sublata.  [43],  1.  Ego  postridie  Idus,  ut 
cripsi  ad  te  ante,  Lanuvi  manere  constitui,  inde  aut  Romae  aut  in 
Tusculano.  Scies  ante  utrum.  Quod  scribis  recte  mihi  illam  rem 
ore  levamento,  bene  facis ;  tamen  id  est,  mihi  crede,  perinde  ut 
xistimare  tu  non  potes.  Res  indicat  quanto  opere  id  cupiam,  cum 
ibi  audeam  confiteri  quem  id  non  ita  valde  probare  arbitrer.  Sed 
erendus  tibi  in  hoc  meus  error ;  ferendus  ?  immo  vero  etiam 
diuvandus.  2.  De  Othone  diffido,  fortasse  quia  cupio.  Sed 
amen  maior  etiam  res  est  quam  facultates  nostrae,  praesertim 
dversario  et  cupido  et  locuplete  et  heredo.  Proximum  est  ut 

4.  epistulam']  Elsewhere  (584.  1  ;  590.  clearly   a  repetition  of   588.  1,  that  the 

;  594.  3)  it  is  called  liber.  change  of  utrumque  to  utrum  is  obviously 

TfpoTT\a(r/j.a]      'a    sort    of   premiere  required. 

baucke  of  the  invective  of  Caesar  against  Quod  scribis]  «  it  is  kind  of  you  to  say 

2ato.'  in  your  letter  (what  is  so  true)  that  the 

scekre]    '  scelerati  putantur  qui  vota  honour  paid  to  my  dead  daughter  will  be 

ion  solvunt.' — Man.'  a  comfort  to  me.     But  it  is  so,  believe 

me,  to  a  degree  that  you  cannot  imagine.' 

[42],  3.  quod  facis}  Cicero  probably  re-  id  =  illam    rem  fore   levamento.      Tamen 

3rs  to  the  thought  expressed  in  §  3  of  the  qualifies  the  unexpressed  thought  that  the 

ext  letter,  where  he  commends  Atticus  words  of  Atticus  are  merely  formal.     For 

)r  shutting  himself  up  in  his  house  and  the   alterations   of   M  here  adopted   see 

vbiding   interruption,   probably     to     do  Adn.  Grit. 

ame  business  of   bis   own  :  cp.  690.  3  ;  2.  De  Othone  diffido}  cp.  note  to  572.  3. 

94.  domi  te  libenter  esse  facile  credo.  maior  .  .  .  nostrae']  ,  beyond  my  means.' 

[43]  1.  utrum]    This    sentence  is  so  adversaria"]  i.e.  Otho  :  cp.  593.  2. 

78  EP.  590  (ATT.  XII.  44,  AND  A6,  §  1). 

velim  Clodiae.  Sed  si  ista  minus  confici  possunt,  eflB.ce  quidvisl 
Ego  me  maiore  religione  quam  quisquam  fuit  ullius  voti  obstrioJ 
tum  puto.  Videbis  etiam  Trebonianos,  etsi  absunt  domini.  Sedl 
ut  ad  te  heri  scripsi,  considerabis  etiam  de  Tusculano,  ne  aestal 
effluat,  quod  certe  non  est  committendum. 

590.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  44,  AND  45,  §  i). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  13  *,    A.  U.  C.  709;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.    CIO.  61. 

De  Hirtii  litteris  ad  Atticum  datis,  de  eius  libro  de  Catone  divulgando,  de  hort<H 
rum  Scapulanorum  venditione  per  Mustelam  efficienda,  de  aliis  fani  locis  quaerendis,i 
de  Attici  vita  et  itinere  suo  constitute,  quid  Philotimus  de  bello  sibi  narraverit,  de 
scriptis  suis  Asturae  confectis. 


1.  Et  Hirtium  aliquid  ad  te  avinraOuQ  de  me  scripsisse  faoil 
patior  —  fecit  enim  humane  —  et  te  eius  epistulam  ad  menonmisiss 
multo  facilius.  Tu  enim  etiam  humanius.  Illius  librum,  quern  ac 
me  misit  de  Catone,  propterea  volo  divulgari  a  tuis  ut  ex  istorum 
vituperatione  sit  illius  maior  laudatio.  2.  Quod  per  Mustelam 
agis,  habes  hominem  valde  idoneum  meique  sane  studiosum  iano 
inde  a  Pontiano.  Perfice  igitur  aliquid.  Q,uid  autem  aliud  nisi  u 
aditus  sit  emptori  ?  quod  per  quemvis  heredem  potest  effici.  Se< 
Mustelam  id  perfecturura,  si  rogaris,  puto.  Mibi  vero  et  locum 
queni  opto  ad  id  quod  volumus  dederis  et  praeterea  tyyiipa 
Nam  ilia  Sili  et  Drusi  non  satis  olKoSsaTroTiKa  mihi  videntur.  Qui< 

Clodiae]  sc.  hortos:   cp.  582.  4.  librum]     cp.  note  to  588.  4. 

ullius  voti]  probably  the  same  genitive  propterea  volo]     We  can   hardly  hel 

of  the  '  matter  charged  '    (Roby  1324)  as  suspecting  that  it  was  rather  the  eulog 

appears  in  damnatus  voti :  but  it  might  on   himself   which     made    Cicero  desir 

possibly  be  governed  by  religione,    like  the  wide    diffusion    of    the    brochure  o 

religio  iurisiurandi  (Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  28).  Hirtius:    cp.    584.    1.      The    book   wa 

Trebonianos]  sc.   hortos,   cp.   582.    4  :  dedicated  to  Cicero. 

588.  3.  2.  Mustelam]  coheir  of  Scapula  wit 

Otho,  Crispus,  vergilius  :  cp.  593.  1. 

1.  facile  patior]     '  I  am  glad,' cp.  697.  a  Pontiano']   probably   some   friend 

1  :  732.  2  ;   somewhat  stronger  than  the  Mustela's  defended  or  otherwise  oblige 

literal  meaning  of  the  words,  viz.  '  I  can  by  Cicero.     For  this  temporal  use  of 

put  up  with.'  cp.  598.  a  Peducaeo. 

humanius]      '  you  showed  even   more  aditus  sit  emptori]    cp.  682.  4  :  584.  4 

kindness'    in   not   sending  me   a    letter  eyy-fipa/ma]     cp.  561.  2  :  565.2. 

which  would  have  renewed  my  grief  for  oiKoSfffvoriKa]  'fit  for  a    pere 

Tullia.  families 

EP.  590  (ATT.  XII.  44,  AND  45,  §  1). 


enim  ?  Sedere  totos  dies  in  villa  !  Ista  igitur  malim,  primum 
Othonis,  deinde  Clodiae.  Si  nihil  fiet,  aut  Druso  ludus  est  sug- 
gerendus  aut  utendum  Tusculano.  3.  Quod  domi  te  inclusisti, 
ratione  fecisti.  Sed,  quaeso,  confice,  et  te  vacuum  redde  nobis. 
Ego  hinc,  ut  scripsi  antea,  postridie  Idus  Lanuvi,  deinde  postridie 
in  Tusculano.  Contudi  enim  animum  et  fortasse  vici,  si  modo  per- 
mansero.  Scies  igitur  fortasse  eras,  summum  perendie.  4.  Sed 
quid  est,  quaeso  ?  Philotimus  nee  Carteiae  Pompeium  teneri — qua 
de  re  litterarum  ad  Ciodium  Patavinum  missarum  exemplum  mihi 
Oppius  et  Balbus  miserant,  se  id  factum  arbitrari — bellumque 
narrat  reliquum  satis  magnum.  Solet  omnino  esse  f  Fulviniaster. 

Sedere  totos  dies  in  villa]  This  must  be 
compared  with  579.  2,  where  he  mentions 
an  objection  to  Tusculanum  as  a  site, 
that  it  could  not  be  so  conveniently 
visited  owing  to  its  distance  from  Rome. 
Here  we  may  suppose  that  the  meaning 
i  is  the  same.  Though  he  does  mention 
Tusculanum,  he  says,  '  think  of  having 
to  idle  away  a  whole  day  in  a  villa,'  as 
one  would  have  to  do  if  the  site  were 
at  Tusculum, which  was  fifteen  miles  from 
Rome.  We  think  that  it  is  probable  that 
<Quid  dicam  Tusculanum  ?>  has  been  lost 
before  Quid  enim  ?  The  reference  is 
plainly  to  Tusculanum,  and  there  should 
be  some  definite  indication  of  the  place. 
Cic.  generally  adds  a  question  of  the 
nature  of  a  retort  after  Quid  enim  ?  Here 
the  exclamatory  infinitive  is  virtually 

Ista  igitur  malim]  This  then  is  the 
order  of  merit :  first  Otho's,Jnext  Clodia's. 
If  that  should  prove  not  feasible,  then  we 
must  either  bamboozle  Drusus,  or  we 
must  put  up  with  Tusculanum.'  Uti  is 
often  '  to  put  up  with '  an  inferior  thing 
when  we  cannot  get  a  superior,  as  in  the 
Horatian  verse  (Ep.  i.  6,  67)  si  quid 
novisti  rectius  istis,  \  candidus  imperti  si 
non  his  utere  mecum.  So  uti  popular  i 
via,  Att.  ix.  6,  7(360).  [We  think  via,  not 
vita,  is  the  right  reading  there,  cp.  Att.  i. 
20.  3  (26)  viam  optimatem:  Cat.  iv.  9 
viam  quae  popularis  habetur  secutus  est.~\ 

ludus  est  suggerendus]  We  do  not  know 
any  other  example  of  this  expression.  It 
sounds  like  slang.  The  usual  expression 
is  ludosfacere  or  dare. 

3.  domi]  Cicero  refers  more  clearly  to 
a  thought  hinted  at  in  the  beginning  of 
the  last  letter,  and  commends  Atticus  for 

shutting  himself  up  in  his  house,  and  so 
avoiding  interruption. 

ratione  fecisti']  'prudently.'  Madvig, 
on  Fin.  i.  32  (quoted  by  Boot),  writes 
'  Ad  Att.  xii.  44.  3.  ratione  fecisti  paulo 
insolentius  ponitur  in  facto  comprobando'; 
but  he  does  not  approve  of  the  change  to 
recte,  though  he  adds  '  saepe  horum  com- 
pendia permutata  sunt, '  and  withdraws 
his  own  conjecture  of  ratione  for  recte  in 
Rose.  Am.  138.  He  explains  ratione  by 
'  considerate  et  cum  iudicio.' 

confice\  sc.  negotium,  cp.  Att.  xi.  3,  3 
(411).  Lehmann,  pp.  15  ff.,  points  out 
that  the  omission  of  the  object  after  a 
transitive  verb  is  characteristic  of  the 
letters.  See  note  on  Att.  vii.  7,  5  (298). 
But  it  is  found  all  through  Cicero : 
cp.  Lebreton  156-166. 

antea],   588,  1,  589.  1. 

Contudi]  '  I  have  crushed  down  my  feel- 
ings, and  mastered  them,  if  I  can  only  hold 
out.'  The  visit  to  his  Tusculanum,  where 
Tullia  died,  would  bring  her  vividly  before 
his  mind.  For  contudi  animum,  cp.  Verg. 
Georg.  iv.  240,  contusosque  animos  et  res 
miserabere  fractas  ;  Ov.  A.  A.  i.  12  ; 
Tac.  Hist.  ii.  19,  is  labor  urbano  militi 
insolitus  contundit  animos.  But  in  these 
and  other  passages  it  means  '  to  break  the 
spirit  '  of  a  person.  Here  Cicero  means 
'  to  break  the  intensity  of  his  grief.' 

4.  nee  Carteiae']  sc.  dicit,  inferred  from 
narrat,  below.  After  the  battle  of  Munda, 
Gnaeus,  the  son  of  Pompeius  Magnus, 
retired  to  Carteia,  cp.  note  580.  4,  which 
was  close  to  the  modern  Gibraltar.  We 
do  not  know  who  Clodius  Patavinus 

Fulviniaster]  '  a  bad  copy  of  Fulvinius.' 
Who  this  Fulvinius  was  is  unknown ;  but 

80  EP.  591  (ATT.  XIII.  26). 

Sed  tamen,  si  quid  habes:  volo  etiam  de  naufragio  Caniniano  scire- 
quid  sit.  [45],  1.  Ego  hie  duo  raagna  avvTay/^ara  absolvi :  nullo 
enira  alio  raodo  a  raiseria  quasi  aberrare  possum.  Tu  mihi,  etiam  si 
nihil  erit  quod  scribas,  quod  fore  ita  video,  tamen  id  ipsum  scribas 
velim,  te  nihil  habuisse  quod  scriberes,  dum  modo  ne  his  verbis. 

591.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An.  xm.  26). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  14  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  locis  ad  fanum  Tulliae  aedificandum  emendis,  de  commoratione  sua  Asturae,  de 
itinere  suo,  de  scriptione  sua  adsidua  et  diurna  et  nocturna. 


1.  De  Yergili  parte  valde  probo.  Sic  ages  igitur.  Et  quidem 
id  erit  primum,  proximum  Clodiae.  Quod  si  neutrum,  metuo  ne 
turbem  et  irruam  in  Drusum.  Intemperans  sum  in  eius  rei  cupi- 
ditate  quam  nosti.  Itaque  revolver  identidem  in  Tusculanum. 
Quidvis  enim  potius  quam  ut  non  hac  aestate  absolvatur.  2.  Ego, 
ut  tempus  et  nostrum,  locum  habeo  nullum  ubi  facilius  esse 
possim  quam  Asturae.  Sed  quia,  qui  mecum  sunt  —  credo  quod 

we  may  infer  that  he  was  given  to  unau-  [45],  1.  Ego  .  .  .  absolvi]  The 

thorized  statements.    For  a  similar  reason  para,  are  the  two  books  of  the  Aeademica  : 

Cicero  thus  styles  Philotimus,  of   whom  (rwrdy/jLara  are    the  separate    books    of 

he   writes,    Att.    x.   9.  1  (393),  at  emus  a  whole  treatise  ;  the  latter  is  a-wra^is, 

hominis  !  quam  insulsi  et  quam  saepe  pro  e.g.    the   De   Finibus   as   a    whole   is   a 

Pompeio  mentientis.     Cp.   Att.  ix.    7.   6  <riWo£ts,  but  each  of  its  separate  books 

(362),  Philotimo,  homini  forti  ac  nimium  is  a  ffvvTayfi.a,  or  crvyypa/j.fjia.     The  Lat. 

optimati.     There   is   nothing  gained   by  for  avvra^is  is  corpus  ;  for   avvray/jia  or 

altering  Fulviniasier  of  the  MSB  to  Ful-  ffvyypafj.fjt.a  usually    liber.     See  Reid  on 

viaster,  as  Fulvitis  is  quite  as  obscure  as  Acad.,  p.  31,  note  1. 

Fulvinius.     For  the  latter  name  cp.  Wil-  aberrare]     cp.    581.    1;    582.  3:   also 

manns,  1946.     For  -aster  cp.  Antoniaster  Fam.  xv.  18.  1  (530). 
(Cic.  pro  Vareno  ap.  Quintil.  viii.  3,  22), 

surdastcr,  parasitaster.      Dr.  Reid  thinks  1.    Vergili]    one  of  the  four  coheirs  oil 

some  Greek  words  underlie  Fuiviniaster,  Scapula. 

as   Cicero     elsewhere   (cp.  Att.  vi.  9.  2  turbem']  '  I  fear  I  shall  run  amuck  and! 

(282)  ;  vii.  1.  1  (284))  plays  on  the  name  make  for  Drusus'  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  17,  1  (44),l 

Philotimus  by  reference   to  the    Greek  turbat  Sampsiceramus.  Cicero  means  herd 

4>iAoTt/iia.     He  thinks  the  words  may  be  that  he  fears  he  will  be  tempted  to  cast! 

«pi\oTifjLuv  /iao-TTjp,   *  a  searcher  out    of  calculation  to  the  winds  and  take  any-l 

ambitious    news.'       This    may  well   be  thing  he  can  get. 

right.    It  is  certainly  more  probable  than  revolver']  <I  often  come  round  to  [the! 

Schmidt's  fulminaster  (an  unknown  word)  thought  of]  Tusculanum.'    He  invariably! 

'Bin    Kerl  der  es  blitzen  lasst,'  i.e.  one  speaks  of  Tusculanum  as  the  least  desirj 

who  gives  thundering  news.     The  word  able  site  ;  but  he  is  resolved  to  take  it  ifl 

still  awaits  definite  correction.  he  can  get  no  better. 

naufragio  Caniniano]     cp.  580.  4.  2.  qui  mecum  sunt]     Who  are  these  ?• 

EP.  592  (ATT.  XII.  £6  AND  £7,  §  1).  81 

Imaestitiam  meam  non  ferunt —  domum  properant,  etsi  poteram 
Ireraanere,  tamen,  ut  scrips!  tibi,  proficiscar  hinc,  ne  relictus  videar. 
|Quo  autem  ?  Lanuvio  conor  equidem  in  Tusculanum.  Sed  faciam 
Ite  statim  certiorem.  Tu  litteras  coDficies.  Equidem  credibile  non 
lest  quantum  scribam,  quin  etiam  noctibus;  nihil  enim  somni. 
IHeri  etiam  effeci  epistulam  ad  Caesarem :  tibi  enim  placebat  ; 
Iquam  non  fuit  malum  scribi,  si  forte  opus  esse  putares :  ut  quidem 
punc  est,  nihil  sane  est  necesse  mittere.  Sed  id  quidem,  ut  tibi 
Ividebitur.  Mittam  tamen  ad  te  exemplum  fortasse  Lanuvio,  nisi 
[forte  Bom  am.  Sed  eras  scies. 

592.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  46  AND  47,  §  i). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  15  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  animo  suo  vincendo  et  Tusculano  visendo,  de  Attico  a  se  exspeetato. 

1.  Vincam,  opinor,  animum  et  Lanuvio  pergam  in  Tusculanum. 
[Ant  enim  mihi  in  perpetuum  fundo  illo  carendum  est — nam  dolor 
(idem  manebit,  tantum  modo  occultius — aut  nescio  quid  intersit 
lutrum  illuc  nunc  veniam  an  ad  decem  annos.  Neque  enim  ista 
[maior  admonitio  quam  quibus  adsidue  conficior  et  dies  et  noctis. 

I 'My  people'  is    Shuckburgh's  transla-  another  case  of  efficere  where  we  should 

tion ;  but  that  is  not  explicit.     Perhaps  expect  conficere,  cp.  599.  2. 

people  like   Sicca   (562.    1),  who  came  non  fuit  malum]  '  there  was  no  harm 

I  down  to    see    him :  or  Nicias  and  Va-  (cp.  593.  1   nihil  nocuerit)   in  its  being 

I  lerius,  who  came  and  stayed  with  him  at  written,    if    you    thought  it    might  do 

I  Tusculum  (598.  1).     Possibly  it  was  to  good.     But,  as  things  now  are,  there  is 

I  such  visitors  that   Cicero  asks    Att.  to  no  necessity  to  send  it.' 

1  write    letters    of  politeness    (tu    litteras  JKomam]  sc.  contendero,  '  unless  I  push 

I  sonficies).     But  we  feel  great  uncertainty  on  to  Rome.'     The  ellipse  of  such  a  verb 

I  in  the  matter.     For  litteras  conficere  cp.  of  motion  is  frequent,  cp  Att.   vi.  7.  2 

Att.  xi.  5.3  (416).     It  is  quite  possible  (270),  Rhodum  volo  puerorum  causa. 

that  Cicero  means  no  more  than  '  you  will 

please  write  to  me.'  1.  occultius']    "We  agree  with  Boot  that 

Lanuvio']      cp.     Adn.    Grit.      '  From  this  is  the  best  reading  for  octius.    A  few 

I  Lanuvium  I  try  to  prevail  on  myself  to  lines  further  down  the  copyist  has  exto  for 

go  to  Tusculanum.'     He  finds  it  hard  to  exculto.    Lehmann  suggested  tectior. 

revisit  a  place  so  full  of  associations  with  ad  decem  annos]  t  in  ten  years  '  :  for 

I.Tullia  :_cp.  592.  1.  ad  cp.  Att.  ii.  5.  1  (32),  adannos  DC. 

effect]  There  seems  an  idea  of  doing  a  ista  .  .  admonitio]    '  the  reminder  of 

difficult  thing  in  this  word  when  used  my  loss  which  I  shall  experience  there.' 

(with  epistula,  '  I  elaborated  a  letter.'  For  Before  quibus  understand  admonitiones. 

VOL.    V.  F 

82  EP.  593  (ATT.  XII.  tf,  §§  1,  2). 

Quid  ergo  ?  inquies :  nihil  litterae  ?  In  hac  quidem  re  vereor  ne£ 
etiam  contra.  Nam  essem  fortasse  durior  ;  exculto  enim  m  animo 
nihil  agreste,  nihil  inhumanum  est.  [47]  1.  Tu  igitur,  ut 
soripsisti,  neo  id  incommodo  tuo.  Yel  binae  enim  poterunt 
litterae.  Ooourram  etiam,  si  necesse  erit.  Ergo  id  quidem  utf 

593.    CICERO  TO  ATTICU8  (Air.  xn.  47,  §§  1,2). 

LANUVIUM  ;    MAY  16  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  per  Mustelam  conficiendo,  de  Clodiae  hortis,  de  nomine  Faberiano,  del 
Hirtii  libro  divulgando,  de  Philotimo. 


1.  De  Mustela,  ut  scribis  :  etsi  magnum  opus  est.  Eo  magi 
delabor  ad  Clodiam :  quamquam  in  utroque  Faberianum  nomer 
explorandum  est,  de  quo  nihil  nocuerit,  si  aliquid  cum  Balbo  eri 
locutus,  et  quidem,  ut  res  est,  emere  nos  velle  nee  posse  sine  istc 
nomine  nee  audere  re  incerta.  2.  Sed  quando  Clodia  Roma 
f  utura  est  et  quanti  rem  aestimas  ?  Eo  prorsus  specto,  non  quiB 
illud  malim,  sed  et  magna  res  est  et  difficile  certamen  cum  cupido 

nihil  litterae  ?~\  sc.  sunt.   '  Is  literature  something  connected  with  the  repaymea 

nothing  ? '  of  Terentia's  dowry,  or  with  the  divorw 

ne  etiam  contra]  '  I  fear  literature  has  of  Publilia. 
the  contrary  effect.  Were  I  unlettered,  I  Occurram']  sc.  tibi  Eomam. 

should  be  made  of  sterner  stuff,  perhaps.  id  quidem}     i.e.  your  coming  to  me  a 

In  the  highly  cultured  mind  there  is  no  Tusculum. 
roughness,  no  unfeelingness.'    This  gives 
an  explanation  of  enim :  but  it  is  doubtful  1 .  Mustela]  one  of  the  four  coheirs  a 

if  we  can  supply  such  a  protasis  as  'if  I  Scapula  :  cp.  590.  2. 
were  unlettered.'     The  natural  meaning          delabor]  '  I   incline  to'  :    cp.   revolvot 

of  the  words  is,  '  I  ought  to  have  been  twEp.  591.  1. 

made  of  sterner  stuff ' :  but  then  we  can          nihil  nocuerit~\   <  it  will  do  no  harm 

hardly  have  enim,  but  must  alter  to  autem  cp.  nonfuit  tnalum,  591,  2. 
or  tamen.  ut  res  est]    *  have  a  talk  with  Balbus 

[47],  1.  nee  id  incommodo   tuo~]  *  you  [and  tell  him,]  what  is  the  truth,  thatwi 

will  come  to  me  then  to  Tusculanum,  as  wish  to  purchase,  but  cannot,   withou 

you  say,  but  not  unless  it  is  convenient.'  collecting  that  debt,  and  do  not  dare  ft 

For  venies  understood,  cp.  669.  2.     Nee  take  a  leap  in  the  dark.'     Ut  res  est  is  th 

prevents  us  from  supplying  the  verb  in  observation  of  Cicero  himself,  and  no 

the  imperative.  part  of  the  communication  suggested  ft 

binae  .  . .   litterae'}  «  a  couple  of  letters  Atticus  to   be  made    to   Balbus,    whid 

will  avail ' ;  something  like  rem  tramigere  would  demand  sit  for  est. 
must  be  understood. What  the  business  was          2.  Ed]     « I  turn  my  thoughts  to  it,' 

we  do  not  know,  as  it  is  alluded  to  so  Clodia's  property, 
indefinitely :  cp.  Ep.  596.   Perhaps  it  was          illutf]    Otho's  property  :    cp.  586.2 

EP.  595  (ATT.  XII.  £5,  §§  2,  3).  83 

wmm  locuplete,  cum  lierede,  etsi  de  cupiditate  nemini  concedam, 
j-eeteris  rebus  inferiores  sumus.     Sed  haec  coram. 

594.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  47,  §  3,  AND  48  init.). 

LANUVIUM  ;    MAY   17  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B,  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Caesare  Attici  vicino,  de  Attico  a  se  in  Tuscuiano  exspectato. 

3.  Hirti  librum,  ut  facis,  divulga.  De  Philotimo,  idem  et 
«go  arbitrabar.  Domum  tuam  pluris  video  futuram  vicino  Caesare. 
Tabellarium  meum  hodie  exspectamus.  Nos  de  Pilia  et  Attica 
certiores  faciet.  [48  init.'}  Domi  te  libenter  esse  facile  credo. 
Sed  velim  scire  quid  tibi  restet  aut  iamne  confeceris.  Ego  te  in 
Tuscuiano  exspecto  eoque  magis  quod  Tironi  statim  te  venturum 
scripsisti  et  addidisti  te  putare  opus  esse. 

595.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  45,  §§  2,  3). 

TUSCULUM  J   MAY  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dwrjSiqi  Attici,  de  commoratione  in  Tuscuiano,  de  Caesare  vicino,  de  Hirtii  libro 

2.  De  Attica,  optime.    'Aicjj&'a  tua  me  movet,  etsi  scribis  nihil 
esse.     In    Tuscuiano  eo   commodius   ero  quod   et  crebrius   tuas 

concedam']    There  is  no  need  to  alter  to  erected  in  the  temple  of  Quirinus,  near 

eoncedo   in,   as  we    did    in   our    former  the  house  of  Atticus  on  the  Quirinal  Hill, 

edition.     The    future    means    'I    shall  ( See  on  next  letter.)     Schmidt  (p.  283) 

yield    to    no  one '    (when  the    auction  says  that   Caesar  was  building  a  house 

comes  on)  :  cp.   584.  4,  Sin  ad  tabulam  near  that  of  Atticus :   but  that  will  not 

venimus,     vincemus    facilitates      Othonis  suit  with  crvvvaov. 

nostra  cupiditate.     Cp.   Reid  in  Herma-  [48],  libenter  esse\  '  are  glad  to  be  at  your 

thena,  x  (1898),  p.  139.  own  house,'  589.  3  ;  590.  3.  Atticus  had 

Sed  haec  coratn\     i.e.   consider abimus.  shut   himself  up   in  his   own  house    to 

Often  at  the  end  of  a  letter  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  finish  some  business  matter. 
11  (502)  ;  630;  631. 

2 .  ' A  K  i]  8  i  a]    Man  guor, '  *  listlessness , ' 

3.  Hirti  librum]  584.  1  ;  590.  1.  the  feeling  of  general  want  of  interest. 

De  Philotimo']  590.  4.  It  is  not  quite  the  same  o&pigritia,  which 

vicino    Caesare]     A    statue    of  Caesar  Cicero  defines  (Tusc.  iv.  18)  as  metus  con  - 

with  the  inscription  Deo  Invicto  was  no\v  sequentis  laboris, 



EP.  696  (ATT.  XII.  50}. 

litteras  accipiam  et  te  ipsum  non  numquam  videbo — nam  cetero- 
qui  aittKTorepa  erant  Asturae— nee  haec  quae  refricant  hie  me 
magis  augunt  ;  etsi  tamen,  ubicumque  sum,  ilia  sunt  mecum 
3.  De  Caesare  vicino  scripseram  ad  te,  quia  cognoram  ex  tuis  lit- 
teris.  Eum  avvvaov  Quirini  malo  quam  Salutis.  Tu  vero  pervulga 
Hirtium.  Id  enim  ipsum  putaram  quod  scribis,  ut,  cum  ingenium 
amici  nostri  probaretur,  viro&ortc  vituperandi  Catonis  irrideretur. 

596.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS    (ATT.  xn.  50). 

TUSCULANUM  ;    MAY  18  J    A,  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Invitat  M.  Cicero  Atticum  ut  se  saepius  invisat. 

Ut  me  levarat  tuus  adventus  sic  discessus  adflixit.  Quare 
cum  poteris,  id  est,  cum  LSexti  auctioni  operam  dederis,  revises 
nos.  Yel  uims  dies  mihi  erit  utilis,  quid  dicam  '  gratus '  ?  Ipse 

refricant]  sc.  me  ;  the  word  is  always 
transitive,  a  reflexive  pronoun  being 
easily  supplied  in  the  places  where  the 
verb  is  apparently  intransitive,  as  here, 
and  in  Att.  x.  17,  2  (403),  crebro.  refricat 
lippitudo.  Translate  'for  otherwise  things 
were  more  endurable  at  Asttira — nor  do 
these  associations  which  renew  my  grief 
afflict  me  more  here  (than  elsewhere),  yet 
[you  must  understand],  wherever  I  go, 
my  grief  never  leaves  me.'  Ellis  thinks 
that  quae  refricant  hie  me  magis  angunt, 
which  have  the  rhythm  of  a  hexameter, 
may  be  a  quotation  from  Lucilius. 

3.  Eum  .  .  .  Salutis']  The  temple  of 
Quirinus  on  the  Quirinal  Hill,  dedicated 
by  L.  Papirius  Cursor  (Liv.  x.  46)  on  the 
defeat  of  the  Samnites,  was  burned  down 
in  the  year  49  B.C.  Caesar  restored  it, 
and  this  year  his  statue  was  erected  there 
with  the  inscription,  Deo  Invicto.  There 
was  also  a  temple  to  Salus  on  the  same 
hill ;  cp.  Att.  iv.  1.  4  (90)  tuae  vicinae 
Salutis.  Cicero  here  bitterly  says  that  he 
would  rather  see  Caesar  '  enshrined  with  ' 
(occupant  of  the  same  temple  with)  Quiri- 
nus than  with  Salus.  Romulus  was  torn 
to  pieces  just  before  he  was  acknowledged 
as  a  god.  In  604.  3  Cicero  calls  Caesar 
Quirini  contubernalem,  where  see  note. 

Hirtium']  The  work  is  called  by  th< 
name  of  the  writer  (cp.  Cottam  am 
Libonem  647.  3),  just  as  we  now  speak  o 
our  Cicero  or  Horace,  and  as  Juvena 
(7.  227)  wrote  of  Flaccus  and  Maro.  I 
is  generally  spoken  of  as  Hirti  librum 
594  init.  This  was  the  attack  against  Cat< 
mentioned  in  584.  1,  and  it  was  dedicatee 
to  Cicero,  cp.  588.  4 ;  590.  1.  He  say 
the  effect  of  the  brochure  will  be  to  reflec 
credit  on  the  literary  ability  of  Hirtius 
but  ridicule  on  the  scheme  of  blackeninj 
the  character  of  Cato. 

adventus]  Atticus  appears  to  have  pai< 
Cicero  a  short  visit  on  the  18th.  Th< 
visits  of  a  business  man  like  Att.  were 
necessarily  short,  and  Cicero  knew  this 
(549.4).  Atticus  seems  to  have  paid  similar 
short  visits  on  June  8  (618)  and  on 
Aug.  10  (662.  1).  This  letter  was  des- 
patched on  the  same  day  a*  Att.  left,  for 
Cicero  was  sending  a  messenger  to  Rome 
to  enquire  about  Tiro  (597.  2). 

Sexti']  the  auction  of  Sextus  Ped- 
ucaeus,  598.  1. 

quid  dicam  (gratus'~]  'need  I  say  "plea- 
sant" ? '  For  quid  dicam,  cp.Phil.  xiii.  18, 
hocarchipirata — quid  enim  dicam  tyranno\ 
Somewhat  similar  is  Att.  iv.  13.  1  (130 

EP.  597  (ATT.  XII.  48  FIN.  AND  49). 


|Eomam  venirem  ut  una  essemus,  si  satis  consilium  quadam  de  re 

597.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  ^  fin.  AND  49). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  19  ',   A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  C.  Marii  causa  a  se  defendenda,  de  Tirone,  de  rebus  domesticis. 


[48  Jin.]  Sentiebam  omnino  quantum  mihi  praesens  prodesses, 
multo  magis  post  discessum  tuum  sentio.     Quam  ob  rem,  ut 
ad   te   scripsi,  aut    ego    ad   te   totus  aut   tu  ad   me,  quod 
5 bit.    [49,  1]  Heri  non   multo  post  quam  tu  a  me  discessisti, 
),  quidam  urbani,  ut  videbantur,  ad  me  mandata  et  litteras 
[attulerunt  a  C.  Mario  C.  F.  C.  N.  multis  verbis:  'agere  mecum 

\volumus  esse :  quid  dico  volutnus:  immo 
\vero  cogimur,  and  Senec.  Controv.  i, 
[praef.  9  quis  aequalium  vestrorum,  quid 
\dicam  ('can  I  say)  satis  ingeniosus  .  .  . 
immo  quis  satis  vir  est  ?  Not  quite 
parallel  is  Att.  i  17.  6  (23)  sermonis 
communicatio  .  .  .  deest — quid  dicam  ?  in 
\publicane  re  .  .  .  an  in  forensi  labor e  .  .  . 
an  in  ipsis  domesticis  negotiis — where  the 
question  is  not  purely  rhetorical.  We 
have  adopted  the  correction  of  Victorius, 
gratus  for  gratius  :  the  sense,  *  what 
pleasanter  word  (than  "  useful  ")  is  now 
possible  for  me  '  would  require  the  em- 
phatic word  '  now  '  to  be  expressed  :  and 
a  reference  to  the  pleasantness  of  Attic  us' 
visit  is  in  harmony  with  the  opening 
words  of  this  little  note. 

si  satis  consilium  .  .  .  haberem~\ '  if  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  satisfactorily  "on  a  cer- 
tain matter.'  For  consilium  'habere  cp. 
Off.  iii.  49  :  Sail.  Cat.  52.  34.  satis,  «  in 
sufficient  measure  '  :  cp.  Munro  on 
Lucr.  i.  241.  The  change  to  satis  consili 
or  satis  cerium  consilium  is  not  necessary. 
Lehmann  (p.  8)  suggests  satis  constituium 
consilium,  comparing  1  Verr.  i.  26.  Miiller 
reads  consultum  for  consilium,  comparing 
Plaut.  Rud.  11o,neque  quaquaeram  consul- 
tumst.  This  business  is  possibly  the  same 
as  that  alluded  to  in  592  fin. 

48  fin.  totus']  This  word  is  strangely 
used.  It  would  seem  to  mean,  as  Boot 

suggests,  '  I  will  come  to  you  for  good  (or 
to  stop ;  Shuckburgh  translates  "bodily  "), 
or  you  to  me,  that  is  if  you  will  be  able 
to  manage  it.'  Totus  [veniam~]  is  opposed 
to  occur  am  tantum.  The  other  interpre- 
tations, '  I  will  come  with  my  whole 
establishment,'  or  'with  all  my  heart,' 
are  impossible ;  the  first  both  for  the 
meaning  and  the  expression,  the  latter 
for  the  expression  only,  for  it  is  not  to  be 
defended  by  Horace's  totus  in  illis,  Sat.  i. 
9,  2,  nor  by  omnis  in  hoc  sum,  Ep.  i.  1,11. 
49,  l.puto']  'as  I  think.'  Cicero  is 
not  sure  about  the  exact  time  when  his 
visitors  arrived. 

urbani~\  '  from  the  city,  as  I  judged.' 
G.  F.  C.  N.]  Gaifilio,  Gai  nepote.  This 
man,  an  oculist  (the  reading  equarius  in 
Val.  Max.  ix.  15.  1  is  now  given  up)  by 
profession,  was  really  called  Herophilus, 
which  name  he  changed  to  Amatius. 
Giving  himself  out  to  be  the  son  of  the 
younger  Marius,  who  had  married  a 
daughter  of  L.  Crassus,  the  orator,  he 
was  accepted  as  such  by  many  towns  and 
guilds,  who  made  him  their  patron. 
Cicero,  without  committing  himself,  seems 
to  have  considered  that  he  was  an  impos- 
tor. When  Caesar  returned  from  Spain, 
he  had  him  banished,  as  he  was  getting 
scandalously  influential.  On  the  death  of 
Caesar  he  returned,  and  posed  as  his 
avenger  in  virtue  of  his  supposed  relation- 
ship  to  him  (Caesar's  aunt  Julia,  wife  of 


EP.  597  (ATT.  XII.  48  FIN.  AND  49). 

per  cognationem,  quae  mihi  secum   esset,  per  eum  "  Marium,' 
quern  soripsissem,  per  eloquentiam  L.  Crassi,  avi  sui,  ut  se  defei 
derem,'  causamque  suam  mihi  perscripsit.     Eescripsi  patrono  il 
nihil  opus  esse,  quoniam  Caesaris  propinqui  eius  omnis  potesi 
esset,  viri  optimi  et  hominis  liberalissimi,  me  tamen  ei  fauturui 
0  tempora !    fore  cum  dubitet  Curtius  consulatum  petere ! 
haec  hactenus.     2.  De  Tirone,  mihi  curae   est.     Sed  iam  sciai 
quid  agat.     Heri  enim  mi  si  qui  videret,  cui  etiam  ad  te  littei 
dedi.     Epistulam  ad  Ciceronem  tibi  misi.     Horti  quam  in  diei 
proscripti  sint  velim  ad  me  scribas. 

the  great  Marius,  was  claimed  by  this 
Amatius  as  his  grandmother).  He  erected 
an  altar  upon  the  place  where  Caesar's 
corpse  had  been  burned,  and  sacrificed  to 
Caesar  as  to  a  god.  Even  if  he  did  not 
urge  a  massacre  of  the  Senate  (as  Val.Max. 
says),  he  was  certainly  a  fom  enter  of 
disorder  :  so  Antony  seized  him  and 
executed  him  summarily.  Antony  won 
considerable  approval  for  doing  so,  cp. 
Appian,  B.  C.  iii.  3.  Cicero  mentions  )dm 
elsewhere,  cp.  708.  1  ;  709.  1 ;  710.  1  ; 
Phil.  i.  5.  Cicero  approved  thoroughly  of 
the  vigorous  measures  of  Antony  against 
this  man. 

per  cognationem~]  Gratidia  was  the 
grandmother  of  Cicero.  Her  brother,  M. 
Gratidius,  had  a  son  who  was  adopted  by 
M.  Marius,  brother  of  Gaius  Marius  (De 
Orat.  i.  178). 

dubitet']  '  hesitates,'  whether  he  will 
stand  or  not.  This  is  an  example  of 
dubitare  used  in  a  positive  sentence  :  cp. 
Att.  x.  3«,  2  (381). 

Curtius]  This  was  Postumus  Curtius, 
a  man  whom  Cic§  indeed  speaks  of  as 
familiarissimm  meus,  Fam.  xiii.  69.  1 
(508),  but  whom  he  plainly  disliked, 
cp.  Att.  ix.  5.  1  (359) :  6.  2  (360).  In  54 

Cicero  had  asked  Caesar  to  make  him 
tribunus  militum  (Q.  Fr.  iii.  1.  10,  EpJ 
148),  and  Curtius  was  ever  after  an  ardent 
Caesarean.  In  the  spring  of  49  he  wa» 
especially  blatant  when  he  paid  a  visit  to 
Cicero  (Att.  ix.  2«,  3  (356),  nihil  niM 
classis  loquens  et  exercitus).  Cicero  even 
then  was  indignant  at  his  ambitioM 
Curtius  noster  dibaphum  cogitat  Fam.  iii 
16.  7  (394).  If  he  was  thinking  of  the 
consulship  for  44,  he  must  have  bee« 
made  praetor  about  47  or  46.  In  May, 
44,  he  roundly  censured  Cic.  for  his  sidiM 
with  the  assassins  of  Caesar  ;  cp.  712.  2. 
quam  severe  nos  M.  Curtius  accusat  ut\ 
pudeat  vivere.  "With  Matius  he  organize* 
the  games  given  by  Octavian  (732.  3).  J 

2.  Ciceronem]  This  is  young  MarcuJ 
"Wes.  and  Boot  read  Caesar  em  with  !-• 
perhaps  rightly  :  cp.  591.  2  ;  598.  2.  ThaM 
would  be  the  ffvjmftov\evriKbv  of  584.  2. 
We  have,  however,  with  hesitation  retainej 
the  reading  of  the  MSS,  as  Cicero  ni°4| 
probably  did  write  a  letter  to  his  son  at 
this  time,  as  he  knew  Att.  was  about  toj 
despatch  a  packet  of  letters  to  Greece  :  cpSl 

Horti]  the  horti  of  Scapula  probably:! 
cp.  audio,  598.  2. 

EP.  598  (ATT.  XII.  51).  87 

598.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  51). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Tironis  et  Niciae  adventu  facto,  Valerii  future,  de  Attico  a  se  exspectato.  De 
Vergilio,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem  mittenda,  de  Caerelliano  nomine  et  Metonis  et 


Tironem  habeo  citius  quam  verebar.  Yenit  etiam  Nicias,  et 
Valerium  hodie  audiebam  esse  venturum.  Quamvis  multi  sint, 
magis  tamen  ero  solus  quam  si  unus  esses.  Sed  exspecto  te, 
a  Peducaeo  utique.  Tu  autem  significas  aliquid  etiam  ante. 
Verum  id  quidem,  ut  poteris.  2.  De  Vergilio,  ut  scribis.  Hoc 
:amen  velim  scire  quando  auotio.  Epistulam  ad  Caesarem  mitti 
video  tibi  placere.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Mihi  quoque  hoc  idem  maxime 
placuit,  et  eo  magis  quod  nihil  est  in  ea  nisi  optimi  civis  sed 
ita  optimi  ut  tempora,  quibus  parere  omnes  TroAmicoi  praecipiunt. 
3ed  scis  ita  nobis  esse  visum  ut  isti  ante  legerent.  Tu  igitur  id 
curabis.  Sed,  nisi  plane  iis  intelleges  placere,  mittenda  non  est. 
[d  autem  utrum  illi  sentiant  anne  simulent  tu  intelleges:  sed 
mihi  simulatio  pro  repudiatione  fuerit.  ToOro  Sc  jui?Ao»<rp.  3.  De 

1.  Tironem]    He  had  been  laid  up  in  (litteras]  a  Lentuli  triumpho  datas,Att.  v. 

Rome  :  cp.  597.  2.  21.4(250). 

citius    quam    verebar]     'sooner  than  I  Tu]  *  But  you  give  some  slight  hint  that 

in  my  fear  expected.'     'I   ventured  to  I  may  see  you  even  before' (the  auction), 

hope.'  2.   Vergilio]  one  of  the  four  coheirs  of 

Nicias]     cp.  600 ;  604  [29].  1  ;  623.  2.  Scapula:  cp.  591  init. 

Valerius  appears  to    have    been  also  a  ita  optimi  ut  tempora]     « excellent,  at 

friend  who  came  on  a  visit  (600).  least  for  the  times  ' — i.e.  ut  tempora  sunt. 

unus  esses]     « than  if  you  by  yourself  istt]     Cicero's  Caesarean  friends,  like 

were  with  me.'    Some  edd.  insert  tu\  but  Hirtius,  Balbus,  and  Oppius:  cp.  603.  1. 

mecum  or   una,   as   suggested   by   Prof.  Id  .  .  .  fuerit]     '  You  will  understand 

Goligher,  seems  more  needed.  whether  their  approval  is  real  or  pre- 

a  Peducaeo']     'after  Peducaeus,'  that  tended:  pretence  I  shall  regard  as  dis- 

is  after  his  auction:  cp.  596.     So  Otho  approval.' 

often  stands  for  'the  negotiations  with  py  \dxrp']    '  you  will  kindly  probe  the 

Otho.'    A  =  after  is  common  enough  in  matter ' ;  py \ovadai  is  to  use  the  /A^ATJ  or 

the  Letters,  as  in  phrases  like  a  digressu  probe.     Cicero  employs  the  future  as  a 

tuo,  Att.  i.  5.  4   (1)  :  cp.     a    Pontiano  polite  imperative,  as  he  does  with  Latin 

590.    2 ;  ab    ea   (sc.   auctions)    608.    2 ;  verbs. 


EP.  599  (ATT.  XII. 

Caerellia  quid  tibi  placeret  Tiro  mihi  narravit :  debere  non  esse 
dignitatis  meae,  perscriptionem  tibi  placere  : 

hoc  metuere,  alterum  in  metu  non  ponere  ! 
Sed  et  haec  et  multa  alia  coram.  Sustinenda  tamen,  si  tibi  vide- 
bitur,  solutio  est  nominis  Caerelliani  dum  et  de  Metone  et  de 
Faberio  sciamus. 

599.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  52). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  21  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  L.  Tullii  Montani  ab  Attico  curando,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis 
emendis,  de  Spintheris  divortio,  de  ratione  scriptorum  suorum. 


1.  L.  Tullium  Montanum  nosti  qui  cum  Cicerone  profectus 
est.  Ab  eius  sororis  viro  litteras  accepi,  Montanum  Planco  debere, 
quod  praes  pro  Flaminio  sit,  HS  xxv ;  de  ea  re  nescio  quid  te  a 
Montano  rogatum.  Sane  velim,  sive  Plancus  est  rogandus  sive 
qua  re  potes  ilium  iuvare,  iuves.  Pertinet  ad  nostrum  officium. 
Si  res  tibi  forte  notior  est  quam  mihi  aut  si  Plancum  rogandum 
putas,  scribas  ad  me  velim,  ut  quid  rei  sit  et  quid  rogandum 
sciam.  2.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  quid  egeris  exspecto.  De 
Silio  non  ita  sane  laboro.  Tu  mi  aut  Scapulanos  aut  Clodianos 

3.  Caerellia']  cp.  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxi.  This 
lady,  the  loss  of  whose  correspondence 
with  Cicero  is  much  to  he  regretted,  had 
lent  Cicero  money,  and  Atticus  thought 
it  was  unbecoming  that  Cicero  should  be 
in  her  debt,  and  that  he  should  write  her 
a  cheque  (perscriptionem}.  Cicero,  quoting 
from  an  unknown  author,  exclaims,  '  to 
think  you  should  have  scruples  about  my 
being  in  debt,  and  never  a  fear  about  my 
writing  a  cheque,  when  I  cannot  collect 
my  debts.'  For  perscribere  to  write  an 
order  or  cheque  on  a  banker,  cp.  772.  1, 
quod  perscribi  oportet :  Att.  iv.  17.  2 
(149),  and  note  there.  See  Roby,  Roman 
Private  Law,  ii.  292. 

hoc  .  .  .  ponere]  '  To  fear  the  one,  the 
other  not  to  dread.'  The  author  is 
unknown.  Cicero  elsewhere  quotes  this 
line:  cp.  728.  3:  Topic.  55.  He  is 
almost  as  fond  of  it  as  of  Ubi  nee  Pelopi- 

Sustinenda']  '  must  be  held  over '  :  cp. 
note  to  sustentabitur,  558.  3. 

Metone]  A  debtor  of  Cicero.  It  is 
doubtful  if  there  is  any  reference  to  him 
in  Att.  xii.  3.  2  (468). 

1 .  Planco  debere"]     L.  Plancus  was  one 
of  the  praefecti  urbis  whom  Caesar  had 
appointed  to  preside  over  the  sale  of  the 
escheated  goods  of  the  Pompeians.  If  any 
purchaser  failed  to  pay  the  price  within 
the  time  appointed,  L.  Plancus  was  to  levy 
a  distress  on  the  goods  of  the  defaulter 
or  his  sureties.     Montanus  had  become 
security  for  Flaminius,  a  defaulting  pur- 

HS.  xxv]  Boot  gives  xxv,  not  xx  of  i 
the  MSB,  as  the  sum  is  probably  the  same 
as  that  mentioned  in  Att.  xvi.  15,  5 

2.  De  SUio]  We  have  not  heard  of  Silius 
and  his  horti  since  March   29  (569.  1), 

EP.  600  (ATT.  XII.  53). 


efficias  necesse  est.  Sed  nescio  quid  videris  dubitare  de  Clodia, 
utrum  quando  veniat  an  sintne  venales?  Sed  quid  est  quod 
audio,  Spintherem  fecisse  divortium  ?  3.  De  lingua  Latina  securi 
•es  animi.  Dices,  qui  talia  conscribis  ?  'AiroypaQa  sunt,  minore 
labore  fiunt,  verba  tantum  adfero  quibus  abundo. 

600.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  53). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  22  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  suo  et  Attici  commercio  litterarum. 


Ego,  etsi  nihil  habeo  quod  ad  te  scribam,  scribo  tamen,  quia 
tecum  loqui  videor.    Hie  nobiscum  sunt  Nicias  et  Valerius.    Hodie 

, except  the  incidental  mention  on  May  11 
i  (588.  3).  He  was  plainly  decided  in  his 
.unwillingness  to  sell. 

efficias]  '  you  must  manage  (the  pur- 
I chase  of)  the  Scapulan  property.'  The 
expression  is  unusual,  but  quite  intelli- 
gible :  confycias  would  be  simpler;  cp. 
591.  2. 

dubitare  de  Clodia']  '  you  seem  to  be  in 
some  doubt  about  Clodia.  ("What  is  your 
doubt?)  Is  it  when  she  is  coming,  or 
whether  her  gardens  are  for  sale  ?  '  This 
use  of  utrum  .  .  .  an  may  perhaps  support 
the  marginal  reading  of  M  (utrum)  in 
Att.  i.  14.  3  (20),  where  see  note. 

Spintherem]  For  this  Lentulus  Spinther, 
see  vol.  vi,  pp.  Ixxxviii  f .  He  was  son  of 
the  Lentulus  who  moved  for  Cicero's 
recall  from  exile,  and  to  whom  Cicero 
wrote  most  of  the  letters  in  Fam.  i. 
For  his  profligate  wife  Metella,  cp. 
Att.  xi.  15.  3  (430)  ;  23.  3  (437).  Cicero 
confirms  the  rumour  of  the  divorce, 
619.  1. 

3.  De  lingua  Latina']  We  think  that 
Atticus'  fear  was  that  philosophical 
works  composed  so  rapidly  and  under 
such  circumstances  could  not  in  point  of 
style  be  up  to  Ciceronian  standard,  and 
bis  great  influence  on  the  literature  of  the 
iay  (cp.  e.g.  Att.  iv.  2.  2  (91)  oratio 
•tiventuti  nostrae  deberi  non  potest)  might 
produce  imitation  and  thus  in  a  measure 
mpair  the  Latin  tongue.  We  think  of 
Byron's  confession  of  his  own  carelessness 

in  writing.  "  No  one,"  he  says,  "  has  done 
more  through  negligence  to  corrupt  the 
language  "  (Golden  Treasury  Selections, 
p.  ix).  This  we  think  the  true  explana- 
tion. But  it  has  been  held  that  Atticus 
adverted  to  the  difficulty  which  Cicero 
would  experience  in  finding  Latin  equiva- 
lents for  Greek  philosophical  terms. 
Compare  the  complaint  of  Lucretius 
about  patrii  sermonis  egestas.  Cicero  says 
to  him,  '  make  your  mind  easy  on  that 
subject ' ;  he  does  not  feel  the  difficulty 
which  presented  itself  to  Lucretius.  But 
he  anticipates  another  question,  '  How  do 
you  compile  these  treatises  ?  '  to  which  he 
replies :  « They  are  really  only  trans- 
lations, and  are  comparatively  easy.  1 
have  only  to  find  words,  and  of  them  I 
have  no  lack'  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4.  1  (495) 
me  non  esse  verborum  admodum  inopem 
agnosco.  Cicero  did  not  think  very  much 
of  these  works  at  the  time  they  were 
written  :  cp.  584.  2  quam  bene  nihil  ad 
rem;  624.  1  ista  nescio  quae.  The  old 
editors  punctuate  differently  :  '  De  lingua 
Latina  securi  es  animi ^  dices  '  qui  talia 
conscribis '  ;  '  you  have  great  confidence 
in  the  resources  of  the  Latin  tongue,' 
you  will  say,  '  when  you  take  such 
subjects  to  write  on.'  But  the  sentiment 
would  seem  to  demand  tu  before  qui ;  or 
conscribas,  instead  of  conscribis. 

tecum  loqui]  583.  2. 
Kicias]     598.  1. 

90  EP.  601  (ATT.  XIII.  1). 

tuas  litteras  exspectabamus  matutinas.  Erunt  fortasse  alterae 
posmeridianae,  nisi  te  Epiroticae  litterae  impedient,  quas  ego  non 
interpello.  Misi  ad  te  epistulas  ad  Marcianum  et  ad  Montanum^ 
Eas  in  eundem  fasciculum  velim  addas,  nisi  forte  iam  dedisti. 

601.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axr.  xm.  i). 

TUSCULTJM  ;    MAY  23  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  litteris  ab  Attico  ad  Ciceronem  et  Tullios  datis,  de  hortis  emendis  et  pecunia  ad 
earn  rem  curanda,  de  epistula  a  se  ad  Caesarem  scripta,  de  Nicia,  de  Peducaeo. 


1.  Ad  Ciceronem  ita  scripsisti  ut  neque  severius  neque  temp< 
ratius  scribi  potuerit  nee  magis  [quam]  quern  ad  modum  eg 
maxime  vellem.  Prudentissime  etiam  ad  Tullios.  Qua  re  aut  isl 
proficient  aut  aliud  agamus.  2.  De  pecunia  vero  video  a  te  omneD 
diligentiam  adhiberi  vel  potius  iam  adhibitam  esse  :  quod  si  effic 
a  te  hortos  babebo.  Nee  vero  ullum  genus  possessionis  est  quo 
malim,  maxime  scilicet  ob  earn  causam  quae  suscepta  est,  cuin 
festinationem  mihi  tollis  quoniam  de  aestate  polliceris  vel  potiu 
recipis :  deinde  etiam  ad  Kara ]3iw a tv  maestitiamque  minuendan 
nihil  mihi  reperiri  potest  aptius ;  cuius  rei  cupiditas  impellit  m 
interdum  ut  te  hortari  velim.  Sed  me  ipse  revoco.  Non  enin 

posmeridianae']     Thus  Boot  prints  in-  written  with  more  gravity  or  moderatioi 

stead  ofposlmeridianae,  quoting  Cic.  Orat.  of  language,  or  more  perfectly  in  accorc 

157,  posmeridianas  quadrigas  quam  post-  ance  with  my  views.'  Thenss  give  qua 

meridianas  libentius  dixerim  :  cp.   Neue-  before   quemadmodum,   a    case   of  ditto 

Wagener  ii3,  825.  Sir  J.  Sandys  (quoting  giaphy. 

Dr.   Postgate)    points  out  that  posmeri-  Tullios]  L.  Tullius  Montanus  and 

dianus  is  not  merely  another  orthography  Tullius  Marcianus,  who  were  with  Cicero 

otpostmer.,  but  is  compounded  with  the  son  at  Athens,  cp.  600.     Probably  the 

old  Latin  pos,  Umbrian,  pus.     We  else-  were  urged    to  keep  an  eye  on  youn 

where  find  Atticus  writing  two  letters  in  Marcus    lest   he    should    fall    into  ba 

the  same  day,  637.  1.  habits. 

Epiroticae  litterae]  *  letters  to  Epirus  '  2.  a  te  hortos  habebo]     '  I  shall  owe  t 

to  his  men  of   business  there.      Cicero  you  the  acquisition  of  the  grounds.' 

wishes  letters  to  Marcianus  and  Montanus  festinationem']  '  my  impatience  whio 

(cp.  601.1;  599.   1)  to  be  sent  in  the  you  allay  by  promising,  or  rather  bindinj 

packet  which    Atticus    was    sending    to  yourself ,  to  have  the  matter  settled  befoi 

Greece  (cp.  notes  to  697.  2)  if  Att.  has  the  end  of  summer.' 

not  already  despatched  it.  Kara&i  <acriv]  *  life's  down  ward  slope 

The  deification  of  his  daughter  would  b 

1.  Ad   Ciceronem   ...    vellem]    'your  to  him  the  comfort  of  his  declining  years 

letter  to   Cicero  could    not    have    been  cp.  eYy^pa/uo  (561.  2  ;  590.2). 

EP.  602  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §  1).  91 

dubito  quin,  quod  me  valde  velle  putes,  in  eo  tu  me  ipsum  cupidi- 
tate  vineas.  Itaque  istuc  iam  pro  facto  habeo.  3.  Exspecto  quid 
istis  placeat  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem.  Nicias  te,  ut  debet,  amat 
vehementerque  tua  sui  memoria  delectatur.  Ego  vero  Peducaeum 
nostrum  vehemeuter  diligo.  Nam  et  quanti  patrem  feci,  ftotum 
in  hunc  ipsum  per  se  aeque  amo  atque  ilium  amavi,  te  vero 
plurimum,  qui  hoc  ab  utroque  nostrum  fieri  veils.  Si  hortos 
inspexeris  et  si  de  epistula  certiorem  me  feceris,  dederis  mihi  quod 
ad  te  scribam  :  si  minus,  scribam  tamen  aliquid.  Numquam  enim 

602.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  24  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  litterarum  commercio. 

1.  Gratior  mihi  celeritas  tua  quam  ipsa  res.  Quid  enim  in- 
dignius  ?  Sed  iam  ad  ista  obduruimus  et  humanitatem  omnem 
exuimus.  Tuas  litteras  hodie  exspectabam,  nihil  equidem  ut  ex 
iis  novi  :  quid  enim  ?  Yerum  tamen 

3.  istis~\  '  the  Caesareans,'  cp.  598.  2.  which  is  possible  but  quite  as  tautologous. 

quanti  patrem  feci~]     We  think  it  pro-  For  some  emendations  which  have  been 

bable    that    the    original   reading     was  proposed,  see  Adn.  Crit. 
tantwn  hunc  ipsum  per  se  aeque  amo,  and 
1  the  sentence  very  tautologous,  '  for  such 

as  was  the  value  I  set  upon  his  father  celeritas}  '  The  despatch  you  have  used 

such  is  the  love  I  entertain  for  himself  gratifies  me  more  than  the  result  itself.' 

personally,  just  as  much  as  for  the  former;  "We  agree  with  Schiche   (Hermes  xviii, 

but  most  of  all  for  yourself,  seeing  that  1883,  p.  596)  that  this  refers  to  the  re- 

you  desire  to  promote  this  regard  between  ception  on  the  part  of  Balbus  and  Oppius 

us.'     Lambinus   adds  et  before    ipsum,  of  Cicero's  Epistle  to  Caesar.    They  cer- 

supposing  that  the  sentence  is  somewhat  tainly   disapproved   of  it,   and    perhaps 

loosely  expressed,  as  if  instead  of  quanti  they  expressed  their  disapproval  in  some- 

patrem  feci,  Cic.  had  written  quo  amore  what  curt  terms.    We  note  from  this  date 

patrem  amavi.  But  it  is  beyond  the  limits  a  change  in  Cicero's  feelings  as  regards 

of  ellipse  to  understand    a    word    like  Caesar. 

transtuli,  which  is  necessary  on  this  view.  humanitatem]     'ordinary   sensibility,' 

We   should  have  to  read  totum  in  hunc  cp.  inhumanum,  592. 
<  transtuli  et  hunc>  ipsum.    There  is  an  nihil .  .  .  novi~\    'not  that  I  expect  any 

old  correction   tanti  hunc  (sc.  facio],  et,  news '  :  sc.  exspectem. 

EP.  603  (ATT.  XIII.  27). 

603.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx,  xin.  27). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  25  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C,  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis  emendis. 


1.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  nobis  vero  semper  rectissime  placui 
ut  isti  ante  legerent.     Aliter  enim  fuissemus  et  in  hos  inofficioj 
et  in  nosmet  ipsos,  si  ilium  offensuri  f uimus,  paene  periculosi.    Isti 
autem  ingenue,  mihique  gratum  quod  quid  sentirent  non  reticue-  * 
runt,  illud  vero  vel   optime  quod  ita  multa    mutari  volunt   ut 
mini  de  integro  scribendi  causa  non  sit :  quamquam  de  Parthico 
bello  quid  spectare  debui  nisi  quod  ilium  velle  arbitrabar  ?     Quod  il 
eiiim  aliud  argumentum  epistulae  nostrae  nisi  icoAaiceta  fuit  ?  an,  si 
ea  quae  optima  putarem  suadere  voluissem,  oratio  mihi  defuissetPJ 
Totis  igitur  litteris  nihil  opus  est.     TJbi  enim  fTrireuy/ua  magnumj 
nullum  fieri  possit,  aTroreuy/ua  vel  non  magnum  molestum  f uturumj 
sit,  quid  opus  est  TrapaKivSwi-vELV  ?  praesertim  cum  illud  occurratj 
ilium,  cum  antea  nihil  scripserim,  existimaturum  me  nisi  to! 
bello  confecto  nihil  scripturum  fuisse.     Atque  etiam  vereor  ui 
putet  me  hoc  quasi  Catonis  /mAtyjuct  esse  voluisse.     Quid  quaeris  ?j 
Yalde  me  paenitebat,  nee  mihi  in  hac  quidem  re  quidquam 
ut  vellem  accidere  potuit,  quam  quod  <TTTOV<!>Y)  nostra  non  est  probat 

1 .  nobis  vero]  '  yes,  it  was  my  opinion '  ; 
see  on  Ep.  62,  1  ;  574.  1. 

isti']  his  Caesarean  friends  such  as 
Hirtius,  Oppius,  and  Balbus,  who  were 
with  Atticus  in  Rome:  cp.  598.  2. 

periculosi]  '  we  should  have  brought 
danger  on  ourselves.'  We  know  of  no 
other  passage  \v\\eropericulosus  is  followed 
by  in  with  ace.,  and  is  used  personally. 

de  integro  scribendi~]  '  that  I  have  really 
no  motive  for  writing  the  whole  letter 
afresh.'  The  common  friends  of  Caesar 
and  Cicero  found  so  much  to  alter  that 
Cicero  thought  it  better  to  abandon  the 
letter  altogether. 

de  Parthico  bello"]  Cicero  left  it  an  open 
question  whether  Caesar  should  go  to 
Parthia  or  not ;  see  607.  3. 

K  o  \  a  K  e  t  a]     '  kotowing  '  would  be  tl 
equivalent  in  a  modern  letter. 

Totis]  '  the  whole  letter  was  uncalled  forjj 

4iriTevyfj.a  .  .  .  aTroTevy/ma]  '  wl 
I  can't  make  a  coup,  and  a  fiasco, 
though  slight,  would  be  unpleasant, 
jeune  vaut  pas  la  chandelleS  Shuckbui 
translates  by  '  hit '  and  '  miss.' 

toto   bello\     '  that   I    would   not   hai 
written  anything  unless  the  war  had 
completely  finished' — the   war   betwe 
the  Caesarean  party  and  the  Pompeians,_ 

Catonis  p.  fix  ty^a]  'I'm  afraid  he 
think  this  was  meant  only  to  gild  the 
of  the  '  Cato.' ' 

o-TTouS^  nostra  non  est  probata]    l 
zele  (or,  perhaps,  empressement}  did 
meet  with  approval.'  We  have  borrowed! 
word  from  Talleyrand's  surtoutpas  de  zel 

EP.  604  (ATT.  X1IL  28,  AND  29,  §  1).  9$ 

ncidissemus  etiam  in  illos,  in  eis  in  cognatum  tuum.  2.  Sed 
redeo  ad  hortos.  Plane  illuc  te  ire  nisi  tuo  raagno  commodo 
olo  ;  nihil  enim  urget.  duidquid  erit,  operam  in  Faberio  ponamus. 
)e  die  tamen  auctionis,  si  quid  scies.  Eum  qui  e  Cumano  venerat, 
uod  et  plane  valere  Atticam  nuntiabat  et  litteras  se  habere  aiebat, 
;atim  ad  te  mi  si. 

604.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  28,  AND  29,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis,  de  Faberio,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem  et  de  Alexandro  Magno,  de  Niciae 
refection  e  ad  Dolabellam,  de  luventio  Thalna. 


1.  Hortos  quoniam  hodie  eras  inspecturus,  quid  visum  tibi  sit 
ras  scilicet.  De  Faberio  autem,  cum  venerit.  2.  De  epistula 
d  Caesarem,  iurato  mihi  crede,  non  possum ;  nee  me  turpitudo 
eterret,  etsi  maxime  debebat.  Quam  enim  turpis  est  adsentatio, 
um  vivere  ipsum  turpe  sit  nobis  !  Sed  ut  coepi,  non  me  hoc 
urpe  deterret.  Ac  vellem  quidem  (essem  enim  qui  esse  debebam) 
ed  in  mentem  nihil  venit.  Nam  quae  sunt  ad  Alexandrum 
omiiium  eloquentium  et  doctorum  suasiones  vides  quibus  in 
ebus  versentur.  Adulescentem  incensum  cupiditate  verissimae 
loriae,  cupientem  sibi  aliquid  consili  dari  quod  ad  laudem 
empiternam  valeret,  cohortantur  ad  decus.  Non  deest  oratio. 
jjgo  quid  possum?  Tamen  nescio  quid  e  quercu  exsculpseram 

illos]    '  We  should  also  have  fallen  into  Atticam']      There     was    no    previous 

tie  hands  of  the  Caesarean  partisans :  cp.  intimation  that  she  had  gone  down  to 

lose.  Am.  151,  in  quos  (milites)  incidant.  Cumae. 

cognatum~]     Q.  Cicero  the  younger. 

2.  tuo  magno  commodo~\     '  unless  per-  1.  eras  scilicet^  sc.  scribes. 

ectly   convenient   to   you  ' :    cp.   magno  2.  De   epistula]     l  as  to  the  letter   to 

asu,  '  by  pure  chance,'  Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  Caesar,  I  give  you  my  honour  I  cannot 

4.  3  ;  magna  potestas,  'full  power/  Balb.  write  it.     It  is  not  the  baseness  of  it  that 

7,    and    Dr.   Reid's    note    there.     So  stops  me,  though  it  ought  to  be.     How 

eyas  tf>i\os  in  Eur.  Med.  549  is  explained  disgraceful  is  this  complaisance,  when  even 

ightly  by  Verrall  '  a  powerful  friend '  ;  to  be  alive  is  ignominious.    But,  as  I  was 

a  great  friend '  would  be  a  misleading  saying,   that  is  not  what   stops   me.     I 

ranslation.  wish  it  was.     Then  I  should  be  what  I 

auctionis']    Probably  the  auction  of  the  ought  to  be.     But  I  can  think  of  nothing 

orti  of  Scapula  :  cp.   597  fin ;   598.   2.  to  write.' 

'or  the  omission  of  scribe  cp.  666.  1  and  Alexandrum]  cp.  584.  2. 

t'ten.  e  quercu  exsculpserain]  cp.  edolavi  664. 

EP.  604  (ATT.  XIII.  28,  AND  09,  §  1). 

quod  videretur  simile  simulacri.     In  eo  quia  non  nulla  erant  paullc 
meliora  quam  ea  quae  fiimt  et  facta  sunt  reprehenduntur,  quo< 
me  minime  paenitet.     Si  enim  pervenissent  istae  litterae,  mih 
orede,  nos  paeniteret.    3.  Quid  ?  tu  non  vides  ipsum  ilium  Aristo 
teli  discipulum,  summo  ingenio,  summa  modestia,  postea  quanl 
rex   appellatus   sit,   superbum,  crudelem,  immoderatum   fuisse 
Quid  ?  tu  hunc   de   pompa,  Uuirini  contubernalem,  his  nostri 
moderatis  epistulis  laetaturum  putas  ?    Ille  vero  potius  non  scripts 
desideret  quam  scripta  non  probet ;  postremo,  ut  volet.    Abiit  illu< 
quod  turn  me  stimulabat  quom  tibi  dabam  7TjOo|3X»jjua  'A/o^tjUTjScto 
Multo  mehercule  magis  nunc  opto  casum  ilium  quern  turn  time 
bam,  vel  quern  libebit.     Nisi  quid  te  aliud  impediet,  mi  optat 
veneris.     Nicias  a  Dolabella  magno  opere  arcessitus — legi  enim.' 
litteras — etsi  invito  me,  tamen  eodem  me  auctore  profeotus  est.  i 
Hoc  manu  mea.     [29],  1.  Cum  quasi  alias  res  quaererem  de] 
philologis  e  Nicia,  incidimus  in  Thalnam.     Ille  de  ingenio  nihil 
nimis,  modestum  et  frugi.    Sed  hoc  mihi  non  placuit:  se  scire 
aiebat  ab  eo  nuper  petitam  Cornificiam,  Q.  filiam,  vetulam  sane  et 

1,  '  from  very  intractable  material  I  had 
rough-hewn  something  which  should  at 
least  look  like  a  work  of  art.  There  are 
in  it  a  few  touches  a  little  too  high  for 
the  present  and  past  state  of  things.  So 
they  find  disfavour:  and  I  am  glad  of 

3.  Quirini  vontubernalem~\  cp.  595.  2, 
eum  avvvaov  Quirini  malo  quam  Salutis. 
This  pompa  seems  to  have  been  part  of 
the  Ludi  Cir censes  held  on  April  21  in 
honour  of  the  victory  of  Munda,  news  of 
which  reached  Rome  on  April  20  :  cp. 
Dio  Cass.  xliii.  42.  3,  TO  re  Tlapi\ia 
(Apr.  21)  tTnroSpOjUto>,  otfri  7*  Kal 
5to  Tr)v  iro\iv,  OTI  tv  avrois  eKTt(TTO,  a\\a 
5ta  TT]v  rov  Kaiaapos  viKrjv,  on  f)  ayye\ia 
auTTjs  TT)  irpoTepaia  irpbs  tairfpav  CKptKero, 
*  Tip-hen'.  The  festival  for  the  victory  of 
Munda  was  afterwards  discontinued :  cp. 
C.  I.  L.  i2,  p.  316.  We  hear  of  another 
pompa  about  July  19:  cp.  646.  1.  We 
hear  also  that  about  this  time  Caesar's 
image  was  carded  among  those  of  the 
gods  in  procession  (Dio  Cass.  xliii.  45.  2  ; 
Suet.  Caes.  76)  and  was  placed  in  the 
temple  of  Quirinus.  These  honours  paid 
to  Caesar  seemed  to  show  Cic.  that  there 
could  not  be  any  political  co-operation 
between  Caesar  and  himself. 

ut  volet] 

i.e.   *  let  it  be  as  he   shall 

*  crux.1  This  wad 
the  question  put  to  Atticus  (584.  2),  whin 
sbould  be  written  to  Caesar  ? 

casum  ilium]  *  that  fate  which  then  I 
feared'  (viz.  that  my  work  would  meaB 
with  disapproval),  '  or  any  fate  that  mayj 
please  him  '  (viz.  actual  hostility). 

optato  veneris~\  '  your  coming  will 
welcome  '  —  a  rare  adverb  found  in  the] 
same  connexion  in  Plaut.  Amph.  658  ; 
Ter.  Andr.  533.  It  is  also  found  in| 
Vergil  JEn.  x.  405. 

[29].  1.  Gum  .  .  .  Nicia']  'When, 
if  it  had  nothing  to  say  to  the  matter, 
was  making  inquiries  from  Nicias  aboi 
scholars.'  Nicias  was  something  of 
gossip  :  cp.  623.  2  and  679  fin.  : 
752  init. 

Thalnam']     We  may  infer  that  Attici 
had  spoken  of  Thalna  as  a  suitor  of 
woman  in  whom  he  took  an  interest,  ji 
possibly  of  Attica,    see   632.  7.     Cice 
mentions  that  he  had  sought  the  hand 
Cornificia,  and  had  been  disapproved 
by  her  and  her   mother,    as  not  b<" 
sufficiently  well  off. 

Cornificiam,  Q.  Jiliam]    cp.  C.  I.  L. 
1300   a.     She   was  daughter  of  the 

JSP.  605  (ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  0  AND  3,  AND  SO,  §  1).     95 

multarum  nuptiarum :  non  esse  probatum  mulieribus,  quod  ita 
reperirent,  rem  non  maiorem  DCCC.     Hoc  putavi  te  scire  oportere. 


(ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  2  AND  3,  AND  30,  §  l). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  27  ;   A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ',   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis,  de  Q.  Ciceronis  epistulis. 


2.  De  hortis  ex  tuis  litteris  cognovi  et  ex  Chrysippo.  In  villa, 
cuius  insulsitatem  bene  noram,  video  nihil  aut  pauca  mutata : 
mlnearia  tamen  laudat  maiora  :  de  minoribus  ait  hiberna  effici 
>osse.  Tecta  igitur  ambulatiuncula  addenda  est,  quam  ut  tantam 
'aciamus  quantam  in  Tusculano  fecimus,  prope  dimidio  minoris 
oonstabit  isto  loco.  Ad  id  autem  quod  volumus  atyiSpvfjia  nihil 
aptius  videtur  quam  lucus,  quern  ego  noram,  sed  celebritatem 
Dullam  turn  habebat,  nunc  audio  maximam.  Nihil  est  quod  ego 
malim.  In  hoc  rbv  TV^OV  JJLOV  irpog  flcwv  rpoTro^OjOijorov.  Reliquum 
it,  si  Faberius  nobis  nomen  illud  explicat,  noli  quaerere  quanti : 
Othonem  vincas  volo.  Nee  tamen  insaniturum  ilium  puto ;  nosse 

/ornificius  who   was  one  of  the  judges  For  '  winter   apartments,'  Pliny,  Ep.  ii. 

m  the  trial  of  Verres  (1.  Verr.  30):   cp.  17.    7.  uses   hibernaculum,  as  does  also 

Att.  i.  1.  1  (10),  13.  3  (19) ;  Sail.  Cat.  Vitruvius  (i.  2.  7). 

7.  4.    For  multarum  nuptiarum  =  vo\v-  aQitipvfi.a,']     'an   erection,'    i.e.    the 

ajjLos  cp.  note  to  696.  3.  fanwn.     Cicero  wanted  the  horti  for  his 

probatum]      So    Malaspina     corrected  abode  (cp.  590.  2),  and  the  lucus  for  the 

rotosw,  which  is  in  M.   ItwasThalna,  shrine.     In   607.  4  he  gives  the  reason 

and  not  Cornificia,  who  was  disapproved  why  he  desires  to  reside  there,  nihil  enim 

if  by  the  ladies.  aliud  reperio   ubi  et   in  foro  non  sim  et 

tecum  esse  possim. 

2.  hortis~\  These  must  he  the  gardens  rbv  rvfyov  IJLOV  .  .  .  rpoiro<p6pr}(roi']  *  for 
of  Scapula,   from  the  fact  that  Cicero  Heaven's  sake  humour  my  infatuation.' 
seems  so  anxious  to  get  them,  and  the  The   word    rpoiro<popftv,    of   which  the 
mention  of  Clodia  which  follows  imme-  Latin  morigerari   would  exactly  express 
liately  (§  3):  cp.  588.  3:  589.  2:  590.  the  meaning,  is  found  in  a  well-known 
2,  and  often.  passage    of  the    Acts    of    the    Apostles 
Chrysippo']    Vettius     Chrysippus,    an  (xiii.  18)  :    * And  about  the  time  of  forty 
architect :    cp.  712.  1  :  Fam.  vii.  14.  1.  years  suffered  he  their  manners  in  the 
'172).  wilderness,'  from  Deut.  i.  31,   in   both 
,  insulsitatem]    'bad  taste.'     This  word  of  which  passages  we  should  read  erpo- 
and  insulsus  are  favourites  of  Cicero.  Trofy6pt\(rGV,  not  €Tpo(f>o<f>6pr)<rfv. 
hiberna]  '  winter  apartments,'  a  aira£  vinous"]     (  outbid  him.'     584.  4. 
prinevov.     In  this    sense     it     usually  insaniturum']    '  will  be  wild  in  his  de- 
means  'winter  quarters'  (of  an  army).  mands.'     Cp.   Ter.    Phorm.   642,    GE  a 

96    EP.  605  (ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  %  AND  3,  AND  30,  §  1). 

enim  mihi  hominem  videor.  Ita  male  autem  audio  ipsum  esse- 
tractatum  ut  mihi  ille  emptor  non  esse  videatur.  Quid  enim  ?j 
pateretur  ?  3.  Sed  quid  argumeiitor  ?  Si  Faberianum  explicasl 
emamus  vel  magno,  si  minus,  ne  parvo  quidem  possumus.  Clo-l 
diam  igitur,  a  qua  ipsa  ob  earn  causam  sperare  videor,  quod  etl 
multo  minoris  sunt  et  Dolabellae  nomen  tarn  expeditum  videtur- 
ut  etiam  repraesentatione  confidam.  De  hortis  satis.  Cras  aut  te 
aut  causam :  fquam  quidem  f uturam  Faberianam.  Sed,  si  poteris.J 
[30],  1.  Q.  Ciceronis  epistulam  tibi  remisi.  0  te  ferreum,  qui 
illius  periculis  non  moveris !  Me  quoque  accusat.  Earn  tibi 
epistulam  misi  semissem ;  etenim  illam  alteram  de  rebus  gestis^ 
eodem  exemplo  puto.  In  Cumanum  hodie  misi  tabellarium ;  ] 
ei  dedi  tuas  ad  Yestorium  quas  Pharnaci  dederas. 

primo  homo  insanibat.  CH.  cedo,  quid 
postulat  ? ' 

male  .  .  .  tractatum']  '  hard  hit.'  Cicero 
refers  to  some  commercial  transaction 
in  which  Otho  got  the  worst  of  the 
bargain,  and  which  he  thinks  will  pre- 
vent him  from  investing  in  this  property. 

pateretur]  Manutius  suggests  that  the 
meaning  to  be  inferred  is  'if  he  had 
money  to  invest  in  this  property,  would 
he  put  up  with  the  wrong  which  he  suf- 
fered ?  No ;  his  acquiescence  shows  that 
he  has  no  funds  wherewith  to  make 
good  his  rights.'  Shuckburgh  translates, 
'  would  he  have  allowed  it  to  come  to  the 
hammer  ? ' 

3.  Clodiam  igitur]  sc.  convenies,  or 
some  such  word.  Cp.  Heidemann,  p.  88. 

Dolabellae]  '  Dolabella's  debt  seems 
so  safe  that  I  have  full  confidence  in 
being  able  even  to  discount  it,  and  pay 
Clodia  cash.'  For  repraesentatione,  cp. 
569.  2. 

aut  te  aut  causam"]  '  I  shall  have  either 
your  company  or  an  excuse  for  your 
absence.'  For  the  ellipse,  cp.  692.  3. 
sed  tu,  nullosne  tecum  hbellos  ? 

f  uturam  Faberianam]  '  I  suspect  that 
the  reason  of  your  delay  will  turn  out 
to  be  that  debt  of  Faberius.'  "We  must 
add  some  verb,  perhaps  puto,  suggested 
by  Wes.  :  cp.  607.  1.  "We  fear  that  even 
the  wide  limits  of  ellipse  will  hardly 

admit  of  our  understanding  puto  or 
exspecto.  "We  think  that  there  is  no  need 
to  add  moram  alter  f  uturam,  as  Wes.  doeJ 
(E.  A.  p.  132). 

30,  1.  #.]  Lehmann  (p.  103)  point! 
out  that  we  must  add  Q. ,  as  Cicero  nevej 
styles  young  Quintus  simply  Cicero. 

non  moveris]    Young  Quintus  had  ex  -I 
aggerated   his  hardships  in  the  camp  of 
Caesar.     We  should  certainly  expect 
subjunctive  here:  still  it  would  be  rasl 
to  alter  to  movearis,  as  the  form  shoi 
rather  be  moveare  (see  note  to  delectai 
Ep.  585,  1).     Professor  Goligher  refe 
us  to  Terence  Andr.  646  Heu  me  miserw 
qui  tuum  animum  ex  animo  meo  special 
Sometimes  even  in  Cicero's  studied  worl 
the  relative  clause  is  treated  as  attribu« 
tive  where  it  might  fairly  be  consider 
as  causal,  e.g.  Acad.  i.  18  tumne  snnti»\ 
qui  haec  vos  doceo  ?,  where  see  Dr.  Reid' m 
note.   For  the  romancing  in  which  youn m 
Quintus  was  prone  to  indulge,  ShuckburgH 
compares  753,  1  :  768,   2  (suspicor  hunea 
utsolet,  alucinari). 

semissem"]  '  I  send  you  half  of  it.  Thflj 
other  half  I  fancy  you  have  in  duplicate.! 
So  we  have  ventured  to  emend  misissend 
Miiller  reads  Earn  tibi  epistulam  (nisi  . .  .) 
misissem,  supposing  that  something  like 
nisi  tuae  simillima  esset  has  been  lost. 

Pharnaci']  a  clerk  of  Atticus  :  cp. 
646  fin. 

EP.  606  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §§7, 


606.     CICERO  TO  ATTICTJS  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §§  i,  2). 

TUSCULTJM  ;   MAY  27  J    A.  U.  C.  709  \    B.  C.  45  |    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Pisone,  de  Faberio,  de  Ariarathe  Ariobarzani  filio  a  se  invitato. 


1.  Oppio  et  Balbo  epistulas  deferri  iubebis ;  et  tamen  fPisonem 
sicubi,  de  auro.  Faberius  si  venerit,  videbis  ut  tan  turn  attribuatur, 
si  modo  attribuetur,  quantum  debetur.  Accipies  ab  Erote.  2.  Ari- 
aratbes,  Ariobarzani  filius,  Romam  venit.  Yult,  opinor,  regnum 
aliquod  emere  a  Caesare.  Nam,  quo  modo  nunc  est,  pedem  ubi 
k)onat  in  suo  non  habet.  Omnino  eum  Sestius  noster  parochus  publi- 
cus  occupavit,  quod  quidem  i'acile  patior.  Yerum  tamen,  quod  mihi 
Bummo  beneficio  meo  rnagna  cum  fratribus  illius  necessitudo  est, 
anvito  eum  per  litteras  ut  apud  me  deversetur.  Ad  earn  rem  cum 
mitterem  Alexandrum,  has  ei  dedi  litteras. 

1.  et  tamen]  '  and  by  the  \v  ay,  or  '  in 
any  case.'  Munro  in  Lucr.  v.  1177,  says 
of  et  tamen,  '  putting  all  previous  con- 
siderations aside,  this  that' ;  cp.  609.  3. 
He  gives  many  examples  to  show  that  we 
must  not  alter  to  etiam  :  see  also  Madvig 
on  Fin.  ii.  84,  and  Reid  on  De  Sen.  16. 

Pisonem    sicubi   de    auro]      sc.    sicubi 

Pisonem  conveneris,  colloquere  cum  eo  de 

auro.      This  is    Heidemann's    (p.    88) 

explanation :  it  may  be   right,    but   the 

double  ellipse  in  such  a  short  sentence 

is    harsh.     Probably    Piso    and     Avius 

I  (cp.  612)  were,  as  Schmidt  (p.  302)  sug- 

I  gests,  two  bankers  whom  Cic.  wanted  to 

1  help  him  in  realizing  the  Faberian  debt. 

auro~\  The  mention  of  aurum  rather 
I  than  pecunia,  is  strange.  As  Dr.  Reid 
says  (Hermathena,  x  (1899),  p.  329), 
Cicero  expected  in  the  course  of  recovering 
the  debt  due  by  Fabeiius  to  come  into 
possession  of  gold  coin  which  would 
need  to  be  exchanged  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  6.  1 
(499),  De  Caelio  vide  quaeso  ne  quae  lacuna 
sit  in  auro.  Ego  ista  non  novi  sed  certe  in 
collubo  ('  exchange  ')  est  detriments  satis. 
Hue  aurum  si  accedit — sed  quid  loquor  ? 
For  mention  of  gold  in  connexion  with 
Piso,  and  the  debt  of  Faberius,  cp.  612, 2. 
Piso  is  also  mentioned  in  this  connexion 

in  614  ;  616.  2  ;  625.  2  ;  626.  4  ;  629.  2. 

xttribttatur]  '  that  the  full  amount  of 
the  debt  be  credited  to  me  if  only  any- 
thing i*  put  to  my  credit.  You  will  get 
(i.e.  learn)  the  amount  from  Eros.'  For 
attribuatur,  cp.  Fam.  ii.  17,  4  (272), 
quae  (pecunia)  autem  mihi  attributa 
est  ('  allocated  '),  a  quaestor e  curetur. 

2.  Ariarathes}  He  was  brother  of 
Ariobarzanes  III,  King  of  Cappadocia. 
Cicero  had  met  him  in  Cilicia,  cp.  Fam. 
xy.  2,  6  (219).  Sestius  had  been  in 
Cilicia  during  the  latter  part  of  50  :  cp. 
Fam.  v.  20,  5  (302),  where  he  also 
probably  met  Ariarathes. 

parochus  publicus]  '-  Our  friend  Sestius, 
the  State  Boniface,  has  succeeded  in 
secuiing  him,  and  indeed  T  won't  break 
my  heart  about  it.'  For  parochui,  cp. 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  46.  These  parochi  were 
commissaries,  whose  duty  it  was  to  supply 
those  travelling  in  the  public  service 
with  wood,  hay,  salt,  and  shelter  :  they 
were  called,  as  Porphyrio  says,  curb  TOV 
Trapcxeiv,  and  were  also  called  copiarii. 
Parochus  publicus  is  of  course  jocular. 
Horace  uses  the  word  jocularly  in  Sat.  ii. 
8,  36.  Sestius  possibly  may  have  had  a 
reputation  for  liking  to  entertain  nota- 


EP.  607  (ATT.  XIII.  81). 

607.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  31). 

TUSCULUM  ;   MAY  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Attici  adventu  in  Tusculanum  exspectato,  de  Dicaearchi  libris  sibi  mittendis,  de 
epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis  emendis. 


1.  v.  Kal.  mane  accepi  a  Demea  litteras  pridie  datas,  ex  quibusj 
aut  hodie  aut  eras  te  exspectare  deberera.  Sed,  ut  opinor,  idem  ego, 
qui  exspecto  tuum  adventum,  morabor  te.  Non  enim  puto  tarn 
expeditum  Faberianum  negotium  futurum,  etiamsi  est  f uturum,  un 
non  habeat  aliquid  morae.  Cum  poteris  igitur,  quoniam  etiam 
nunc  abes.  2.  Dicaearchi  quos  scribis  libros  sane  velim  mi 
mittas :  addas  etiam  icara/3a<7€a>c.  3.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  1 
KtKpiKa.  Atque  id  ipsum,  quod  isti  aiunt  ilium  scribere,  se  nisi  con-J 
stitutis  rebus  non  iturum  in  Parthos,  idem  ego  suadebam  in  ilia 
epistula;  utrum  liberet  facere  posse  auctore  me.  Hoc  enim  ille 
exspectat  videlicet  neque  est  facturus  quidquam  nisi  de  meo  con- 
silio.  Obsecro,  abiciamus  ista  et  semiliberi  saltern  simus :  quc 
adsequemur  et  tacendo  et  latendo.  4.  Sed  aggredere  Othonem, 
scribis :  confice,  mi  Attice,  istam  rem :  uibil  enim  aliud  reperic 
ubi  et  in  foro  non  sim  et  tecum  esse  possim.  Q,uanti  autem,  hoc 

1.  non  habeat~\     It  seems  impossible  to 
avoid  adding  this  negative,  which  is  not 
found  in  M.     In  his  note  on  p.  84.  27  of 
his  ed.   of    the   Epp.   and  Att.   Miiller 
quotes  more  then  fifteen  cases  of  this 
omission  of  a  negative. 

etiam  nunc\  '  since  your  arrival  is 
already  due.'  M  gives  etiam  dum.  On 
this  Wes.  (E.  A.,  p.  133)  rightly  says, 
'  Etiam  dum  quidem  barbarum  est :  etiam 
mim  Ciceronisne  sit  dubitare  licet ;  quare 
vide  ne  ex  alteraOr.  conj.  scribendum  sit 
etiam  nuncS 

2.  Kora/Sao-ews]  A  work  describing  a 
visit  to  the  cave  of  Trophonius  in  Boeotia. 
The  full  title  of  the  book  was  irepl  TTJS  es 
TpoQuviov   KaTafidffews   (Athenaeus   xiv. 
641  B). 

3.  K^KPIKO]  *  Jest  decide,'  '  the  die  is 
cast ' :    cp.  Plin.  Epp.  i.  12,  10  (Corel- 
lius)  dixerat  sane  medico  admoventi  cibum 


Atque]      Boot    advocates    the    slight 

correction  of  atque  to  atqui,  inasmuch  as 
Cicero  here  mentions  a  circumstance 
which  (in  so  far  as  it  affected  the  mattea 
at  all)  would  have  been  in  favour  of  his 
sending  the  letter  to  Caesar — a  coursJ 
which  he  has  just  said  he  is  resolved  not 
to  adopt.  But  there  are  many  instance* 
of  atque  introducing  a  consideration  of  a 
somewhat  contrary  nature  to  what  wentd 
before,  e.g.  634.  4 :  707.  2  :  742.  1 :  cpi 
also  the  Thesaurus,  ii.  p.  1077.  15  ff.  In 
all  such  places  atqui  has  been  suggested 
by  some  scholar  or  other. 

nisi .  .  .  non  iturum]    cp.  619.  1. 

posse']     depends  on  dicebam,  implied  in 

videlicet}    This  is  ironical.    But  Caesar  I 
had  expressed  such  a  wish  in  March,  49  ; 
cp.   his  letter  quoted  in  Att.  ix.   16,  3  j 
(374),  Tu  velim  mihi  ad  urbem  praesto  sift 
ut  tuts  consiliis  atque  opibus,  ut  consuevi,  in 
omnibus  rebus  utar:  cp.  Att.ix.  11,  2  (367). 

4.  in  foro  non   sim]      '  where   I   can  I 

EP.  608  (ATT.  XIIL  SO,  §§  0,  3).  99 

mihi  venit  in  mentem.  C.  Albanius  proximus  est  vicinus  :  is 
€io  iugerum  de  M.  Pilio  emit,  ut  mea  memoria  est,  HScxv.  Omnia 
scilicet  nunc  minoris.  Sed  accedit  cupiditas,  in  qua  praeter 
Othonem  non  puto  nos  ullum  adversarium  habituros.  Sed  eum 
ipsum  tu  poteris  movere :  facilius  etiam,  si  Canum  haberes.  0 
gulam  insulsam  !  Pudet  me  patris.  Rescribes,  si  quid  voles. 

608.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (A-rr.  xm.  30,  §§  2,  3). 

TUSCULUM  ;   MAY  28  5    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  negotio  Faberiano,  turn  quaerit  qui  decem  legati  Mummio  fuerint. 

2.  Commodum  ad  te  miseram  Demean,  cum  Eros  ad  me  venit, 
sed  in  eius  epistula  nihil  erat  novi  nisi  auctionem  biduum.  Ab  ea 
igitur,  ut  scribis :  et  velim  confecto  negotio  Faberiano,  quern 
quidem  uegat  Eros  hodie ;  eras  mane  putat.  A  te  colendus  est. 
Istae  autem  KoAa/ceuu  non  longe  absunt  a  scelere.  Te,  ut  spero, 
perendie.  3.  Mi,  sicunde  potes,  erue  qui  decem  legati  Mummio 
fuerint.  Polybius  non  nominat.  Ego  memini  Albinurn  consu- 
larem  et  Sp.  Mummium :  videor  audisse  ex  Hortensio  Tuditanum. 

escape  the  forum  and  yet  be  with  you.'  2.  auctionem  biduum~\     '  that  the  sale 

Cp.  605.  2.  will  last  two  days  :  so  you  will  come,  as 

HScxv]     If  this  is  to  be  understood  to  you   say,  immediately  after  it,  after  (I 

mean.  115,000  sesterces,  the  sum  will  be  hope)  finishing  the    Faberian   business, 

too  small.    If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  make  though  Eros  thinks  that  impossible  before 

it  centies  quindeties,  or  eleven  million  and  to-morrow.'      For  biduum  Wes.   conjec- 

a-half,  the  sum  will  be  great,  but  not  too  tures  biduo  '  in  two   days  '  (E.  A.  133). 

great.     As  Shuckburgh  points  out,  about  But  the  auction  might  well  last  two  days, 

£100,000  would  not  be  too  extravagant  a  and  Att.  would  not  come  to  Cic.  until  it 

price  to  give  for  625  acres  close  to  the  city.  was  over,     quern  sc.  Faberium.     Supply 

Omnia  .  .  .  minoris}     '  Of  course  now  confecturum  negotium. 

all  prices  are  lower.'  Ab  ea]     *  after  it ' :  for  this  use  of  ab 

Canum]     Q.  Gellius  Canus,  a  friend  of  cp.  598.  1. 

Atticus,  mentioned  again  in  753.  2.  /coAa/celcu]      'kotowing    is    almost 

0  guUm~\     '  "What  senseless  gluttony.'  criminal.'     It  is  a  mistake  to  bracket  the 

We  may  suppose  that  this  refers  to  some  non  with  Gronovius  and  others, 

instance  of  extravagance  on  the  part  of  3.  Polybius]     xxxix.  15  and  16. 

young  Q.  Cicero,  which  Atticus  had  men-  Tuditanum]     See  note  on  610.  3.    The 

tioned.     Cicero  says  he  is  ashamed  of  the  reference  is  to  the  ten  commissioners  sent 

father  who  permitted  such  conduct  on  the  by  the  senate  in  608  (146)  to  arrange  the 

part  of  his  son.  affairs  of    Greece    in  concert   with   the 

describes']    (  Send   back   word  by   the  victorious  Mummius.     The  question  was 

messenger  if  you  want  me  to  do  any  thing.'  whether  it  was  Tuditanus  the  father  or 



EP.  609  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §  3,  AND  5,  § 

Sed  iii  Libonis  annali  xiiii  annis  post  praetor  est  factus  Tuditanual 
quam  consul  Mummius :  nou  sane  quadrat.  Yolo  aliquem 
Olympiae  aut  fubi  visum  TroAmicov  av\\oyov  more  Dicaearchi, 
farailiaris  tui. 

609.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axr.  xm.  2,  §  3,  AND  3,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  29  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  auetione  Peducaei,  de  Dionysio. 


3.  Cras  igitur  auctio  Peducaei.  Cum  poteris  ergo.  Etsi  im- 
pediet  fortasse  Faberius.  Sed  tamen,  cum  licebit.  Dionysius 
noster  graviter  queritur,  et  tamen  iure,  a  discipulis  abesse  tarn 
diu.  Multis  verbis  scripsit  ad  me,  credo  item  ad  te.  Mihi  quidem 
videtur  etiam  diutius  afuturus.  Ac  nollem  :  valde  enim  hominem 
desidero.  [3]  1.  A  te  litteras  exspectabam,  nondum  scilicet. 
Nam  has  mane  rescribebam. 

Tuditanus  the  son  who  was  one  of  them. 
In  617,  1  Cicero  owns  that  Atticus  was 
right  in  including  the  father,  not  the  son. 

Libonis  annali']  610.3:646.3.  For 
what  little  is  known  of  this  work  see 
Teuffel-Schwahe,  §  172.  6.  See  also  note 
to  Fam.  ix.  21.  2  (497).  Unger  conjec- 
tured that  the  work  of  Liho  was  a  recent 
one,  published  in  46. 

quadrat']  '  this  does  not  accord  with  ' 
the  belief  that  he  was  one  of  the  com- 

Volo  aliquetn]  '  I  am  thinking  of  writing 
a  kind  of  Politicians  in  Council  in  the  style 
of  your  friend  Dicaearchus — the  scene  to 
be  laid  at  Olympia  or  wherever  else  seems 
advisable'  :  aut  ubi  visum  (sc.  erit)  is 
perhaps  defensible,  though  we  should  like 
that  erit  mihi  had  been  expressed(as  is  con- 

jectured by  Wes.  aut  ubi  erit  mihi  visum)  \ 
as  Cic.  does  not  often  omit  erit.  Dr.  Rei< 
(Hermath.  x.  (1899),  p.  349)  quota 
similar  types  of  sentences  :  627.  4  ve 
biduum  vel  triduum  vel  ut  videbitur} 
604.  3  vel  quern  libebit.  For  other  con- 
jectures see  Adn.  Grit.  Dicaearchus  ha( 
written  such  a  work  in  three  books,  tto 
scene  being  laid  at  Corinth,  cp.  Tusc.  i.  2 
He  also  wrote  three  books  called  Lesbian 
(ib.  §77),  which  treated  of  the  soul: 
note  to  610.  2.  Athenaeus  (xiv.  620  D)| 
mentions  an  'OAuAnncucbs  \6yos. 

3.  Cum  poteris~\   sc.  venies. 
Dionysius']  See  on  Ep.  316,  3. 
et  tamen]  cp.  606.  1. 
discipulis']   perhaps  Cicero  himself  an< 
his  friends  (Corradus). 

EP.  610  (ATT  XIII.  32}.  101 

610.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xin.  32). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  29  J    A.  T.T.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Faberiano,  de  Dicaearchi  libris  sibi  mittendis,  de  Academicorum  libris, 
de  C.  Tuditano,  de  Postumio. 


1.  Alteram  a  te  epistulam  cum  hodie  accepissem,  nolui  te  una 
mea  contentum.  Tu  vero  age,  quod  scribis,  de  Faberio.  In  ea 
enim  totum  est  positum  id  quod  cogitamus,  quae  cogitatio  si  non 
incidisset,  mihi  crede,  istuc,  ut  cetera,  non  laborarem.  Quam  ob 
rem,  ut  facis — istuc  enim  addi  nihil  potest — urge,  insta,  perfice. 
2.  Dicaearchi  irfpl  ^vyris  utrosque  velim  mittas  et  Kara/Sao-ewe. 
Tpnro\iTiicbv  non  invenio  et  epistulam  eius  quam  ad  Aristoxenum 
misit.  Tris  eos  libros  maxime  nunc  vellem :  apti  essent  ad  id 
quod  cogito.  3.  '  Torquatus '  Eomae  est.  lussi  ut  tibi  daretur. 
'  Catulum '  et  'Lucullum/  ut  opinor,  antea.  His  libris  nova  pro- 
oemia  sunt  addita,  quibus  eorum  uterque  laudatur.  Eas  litteras 

1.  non  laborarem]  ' 1  should  be  as  indif-  that  Cic.  may  have  wanted  the  books  for  the 
ferent  to  that  as  I  am  to  everything  else.'  7ro\iriKbs  <rv\\oyos,  referred  to  in  608.  3  : 
For  laborare  with  the  accus.  cp.  623.2,  and  the  three  books  are  the  Kara&dffecas, 
laboro  idem  quod  tu.  the  Tpnro\iTiKos,  and  the  Letter  to  Aris- 

istuc  enim  addi]    'to  this  nothing  can  toxenus.      In    616.  2  Dicaearchi   librum, 

be  added,' that  is, 'your  present  exertions  librum  may  be  a   gloss  for  Tpnro\iTiKov, 

in  my  behalf  could  not  be  greater.'     Here  which  it  has  extruded. 
ietuc  is  an  adverb;  istuc  in  the  sentence         3.   Torquatus]     He   refers    to  Book  i. 

before  is  a  demonstrative  pronoun.  De  Finibus,  in  which  Torquatus  expounds 

2.  utrosque}  Dicaearchus  seems  to  have  the  Epicurean  view  of  ihe  Summum  bonum. 
treated  of  the  soul  in  both  his  Corinthiaci  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  reference 
and  Lesbiaci,  Tusc.  i.  21 :  77.    These  may  may  be  to  Books  i  and  ii,  the  second  book 
be    the    two    books    referred    to.      The  containing    Cicero's    refutation    of    the 
'  Lesbiaci '  were  in  three  books.   Die.  was  Epicurean  doctrine.     But  it  would  seem 
a  great  favourite  of  Cic.  :  he   calls  him  from  621.  3  (where  see  note)  that  Cicero 
deliciae  meae  (Tusc.  i.  77).  was  composing  the  second  book  De  Finibus 

T p ITT o \iriKbv]    This  was   the  work  when    that    letter    was    written    about 

of  Dicaearchus,  in  which  he  maintained  June  11.    Catulus  and   Lucullus  are  the 

the  thesis  that  the   ideal   commonwealth  two  books  of  the  Academica. 
was  a  mixture  of  monarchy,  aristocracy,         lussi]    '  I  gave  orders  that  it   should 

and  democracy  :  cp.  note  to  Att.  ii.  2, 1(28).  be  delivered  to  you  ;  the  others,  I  think,  I 

Tris  eos  libros]  It  is  not  clear  what  are  sent  before.'    Some  such  word  as  dedi  or 

the  three  books,  as  he  has  mentioned  four,  misi  is  to  be  inferred  from  iussi  ut  tibi 

Probably  the  two  books  on  the  soul  and  daretur. 

the  Karapdo-ews.     It  would  seem  that  he        litteras]     'writings'  :    cp.  Madvig  on 

was    projecting   the    composition  of  the  Fin.  i.  12.     Dr.  Reid  notices  (I.e.  p.  350) 

Tusculans.   But  it  has  also  been  suggested  that  in  Brut.  13  a  work  of  Atticus  is  first 


EP.  610  (ATT.  XIII.  32). 

volo  habeas,  et  saint  quaedam  aliae.     Quod  ad  te  de  decem  legatit 
scripsi,  parum  intellexisti,  credo  quia  $ta  a-qptiuv  scripseram.     De 
C.  Tuditano  enim  quaerebam,  quern  ex  Hortensio  audieram  fuisse 
in  decem :  eum  video  in  Libonis  praetorem  P.  Popilio  P.  Kupilio- 
coss.     Annis    xiiii   ante   quam   praetor    factus    est    legatus   esse 
potuisset,  nisi  admodum  sero  fquaestor  esset  factus  ?     Quod  mm 
arbitror.      Video  enim  curulis    magistrates   eum  legitimis  annij 
perfacile  cepisse.      Postumium   autem,  cuius  statuam  in  Isthm< 
meminisse  te  dicis,  ?/esciebam  fuisse.     Is  autem  est,  qui  cos.  cui 
L.  Lucullo  fuit,  quern  tu  mini  addidisti  sane  ad  ilium  o-uAAoyoi 
personam  idoneam.    Yidebis  igitur,  si  poteris,  ceteros,  ut  possimuj 


called  litterae,  and  then  liber.  He  also 
adds  Brut.  19  and  205  ;  De  Div.  ii  5  ; 
Phil,  ii  20;  De  Orat.  i.  192;  Arch.  14; 
Fam.  xv.  4.  12  (238)  ;  776. 1 ;  and  others. 
He  notices  that  in  this  passage  there  was 
a  reason  for  litteras.  Cicero  was  thinking 
principally  of  the  new  prooemia,  so  that 
libros  was  unsuitable.  So  too,  perhaps,  in 
Att.  i.  14.3  (20)  meis  omnibus  litteris,  '  in 
all  my  writings,'  is  right. 

5t«  (Trj/ueicoi']  'in  abbreviations ':  or 
it  might  be  'in  short-hand.'  The  word 
for  a  short-hand  writer  is  <nnj.eioypd(t>os. 

Libonis]  sc.  annali  (608.  3),  or  libra : 
cp.  note  to  559.  4. 

P.  Popilio  P.  Rupilio  coss]  132  B.C. 
Tuditanus  was  consul  in  129. 

Annis factus  ?"]  The  MSS  give 

quaestor  est  factus.  Schmidt  punctuates 
potuisset  ?  Nisi  admodum  sero  quaestor  est 
factus :  which  is  in  point  of  sense  the  same 
as  Lehmann's,  who  (p.  115)  adds  after 
potuisset  ?  <non  potuit>  nisi.  Cicero  asks  : 
*  Could  Tuditanus  have  been  a  commis- 
sioner fourteen  years  before  his  praetor- 
ship  unless  he  attained  the  quaestorship  at 
a  very  late  age  ? '  We  confess  to  be 
unable  to  follow  the  reasoning.  In  order 
to  be  a  commissioner  (legatus)  Tuditanus 
must  have  been  a  senator :  therefore  he 
must  have  held  the  quaestorship.  That 
office  was  normally  held  at  the  age  of 
27  or  28,  twelve  or  thirteen  years  before 
the  praetorship,  the  normal  age  for  which 
was  40.  If  Tuditanus  was  praetor  in  132, 
he  shoyld  have  normally  been  quaestor  in 
145  or  144.  But  to  be  a  senator  in  146, 
he  must  have  been  quaestor  at  latest  in 
147  :  so  that  the  argument  of  the  passage 
would  geem  to  require  that  Tuditanus  was 

quaestor  earlier,  not  later,  tb an  the  normal 
time.  We  cannot  help  thinking  that 
praetor  should  be  read  for  quaestor,  as  has- 
been  suggested  by  Pighius  :  or  perhaps 
quaestor  was  an  insertion  by  an  inter- 
polator who  did  not  see  the  argument.  It 
may  have  been  a  very  early  error  dating 
from  Cicero's  own  time,  owing  to  hi& 
having  written  in  abbreviations  (see 
above),  and  pr.  was  read  qr.  In  quoting 
the  passage  in  St.  R.  ii2  662,  note  1, 
Mommsen  reads  praetor. 

Cicero's  historical  difficulty  was  solved 
by  Atticus,  who  showed  that  the 
Tuditanus  who  was  commissioner  was  the 
father  of  the  Tuditanus  whose  career. 
Cicero  had  been  studying :  cp.  Att.  xiii. 
4.1  (614). 

Video  .  .  .  cepisse]  Cic.  seems  to  mean 
that  as  Tuditanus  as  a  matter  of  course 
(perfacile)  obtained  the  curule  aedileship, , 
the  praetorship,  and  the  consulship  with 
the  normal  intervals  of  time  between 
them,  the  interval  between  his  quaestor- 
ship and  the  other  magistracies  was  also 
normal.  Cic.  did  not  know  the  date  of 
his  birth:  but  he  knew  that  of  his 
praetorship  and  consulship,  and  presum- 
ably that  of  his  curule  aedileship. 

nesciebam]  So  Muretus  for  seiebam. 
Att.  suggesfed  Postumius  as  a  tit  person  to 
introduce  into  the  treatise.  Cic.  says  : 
did  not  know  he  had  been  a  commissioner: 
but  he  was  the  consul  of  151,  and  so  was 
quite  qualified  to  be  one.'  This  is  perhaps 
the  meaning  of  autem  after  is. 

ironvfvaai]  '  that  we  may  cut  a  dash 
not  only  by  the  dignity  of  the  subjects 
discussed,  but  also  of  the  interlocutors  in  ( 
the  dialogue.' 

EP.  611  (ATT.  XIII.  3,  §§  1,  2).  103 

611.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  3,  §§  i,  2). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  30  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti  adventu  et  litteris. 

1.  Ego  vero  ista  nomina  sic  probo  ut  nihil  aliud  me  moveat, 
nisi  quod  tu  videris  dubitare.  Illud  enim  non  accipio  in  bonam 
partem,  ad  me  refers  ;  qui,  si  ipse  negotium  meum  gererem,  nihil 
afererem  nisi  consilio  tuo.  Sed  tamen  intellego  magis  te  id  facere 
diligentia  qua  semper  uteris  quam  quod  dubites  de  nominibus  istis. 
Etenim  Caelium  non  probas,  plura  non  vis.  Utrumque  laudo. 
| His  igitur  utendum  est.  Praes  aliquando  factus  esses,  et  in 
his  quidem  tabulis.  A  me  igitur  omnia.  Quod  dies  longior  est 
— teneamus  modo  quod  volumus — puto  fore  istam  etiam  a  prae- 
cone  diem,  certe  ab  heredibus.  2.  De  Crispo  etMustela  videbis,  et 
velim  scire  quae  sit  pars  duorum.  De  Bruti  adventu  eram  factus 
certior.  Attulerat  enim  ab  eo  Aegypta  libertus  litteras.  Misi  ad 
te  epistulam,  quia  commode  scripta  erat. 

1.  Ego  vero]  '  Yes,  I  do  approve'  :  see  utendum  est]  '  we  must  put  up  with  ' : 

on  Ep.  62,  1.     It  was  proposed  that  these  cp.  590.  2. 

debtors  of  Faherius  should  be  made  over  eases']   es  is  tbe  reading  of  Crat.  and  Z, 

by  delegatio  to  Cicero.  *  You  have  at  last  become  a  surety,  and 

ad  me]     Before  these  words  quod  was  in   respect  of  just   this  sale.'     But  we 

added    by    Cratander.     Sjogren    (Comm.  think  Bosius  is  right  in  reading  factus 

TulL,  p.    162)   agrees  with   Schmidt  in  esses,    et,    '  else    you    would   have    been 

omitting  it.   He  quotes  Att.  v.  11.  3  (200)  for  once  obliged  [contrary  to  your  in- 

Theophani  persuasi  nihil  esse  melius  quam  variable    practice,   cp.  Nepos    Att.   6.   3 

illud,  nusquam  discedere,  where  see  note  :  nullius  rei  neque  praes  neque  manceps factus 

Att.  vi  4.  1  (268)  illud  autem  difficillimum,  est]  to  go  security  for  me,  and  at  this  sale 

relinquendus  erat :  Att.  vii  13a.  1  (307)  hoc  too  [in  which   1   am  taking   a  step  not 

tamen  profecit,  dedit  illi  dolorem.  heartily  approved  of  by  you].     So  I  shall 

qui,   si    ipse    .  .    tuo]     So    2    and   Z.  provide  all  the  money  requisite.' 

A    reads     Quid  ?    ipse     negotium    meum  Quod  dies  longior']    '  as  to  the  delay  I 

gererem  nisi  consilio  tuo  ?     Cp.  Lehmann  shall  experience  in  getting  in  my  money, 

\  Att.'  p.  183.     As  there  is  no  reason  for  let  me  only  get  what  I  want ;    I  am  sure 

interpolation  in  2  and  Z,  and  the  omission  tbe  auctioneer  will  give  me  a  long  day.' 

in   A   of   nihil  gererem    following   meum  2.  duorum]  It  is  doubtful  if  duorum  can 

gererem    is    natural,    we    have    adopted  mean 'the two' or 'these two.'  Ithasbeen 

the  reading  of   these    MSS.,    which   have  suggested  either  to  alter  to  eorum  (Reid)  or 

elsewhere     shown     themselves    superior  to  add  horum  (Or.)  or  eorum  after  duorum. 

to  A.  commode']    'in  a  polite  tone.'     Brutus 

Caelium]     '  you     do    not    approve    of  did  not  always  write  so  :  cp.  Att.  vi.  i.  7 

Caelius,  or  of  multiplying  creditors.'  (252):  557.  1. 


EP.  612  (ATT..XIL  5,  §  0). 

612.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xn.  5,  §  2). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  31  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Gaelic,  de  Hortensio  et  Verginio,  de  negotiis  ab  Attico  curandis. 

2.  De  Caelio  tu  quaeres,  ut  scribis  ;  ego  nihil  novi.  Noscenc 
autem  est  natura,  non  facultas  modo.  De  Hortensio  et  Yerginio 
tu,  si  quid  dubitabis  ;  etsi  quod  magis  placeat,  ego  quantum  aspicioJ 
non  facile  inveneris.  Cum  Mustela,  quern  ad  modum  scribis,  cum 
venerit  Crispus.  Ad  Avium  scripsi  ut  ea  quae  bene  nosset  del 
auro  Pisoni  demonstraret.  Tibi  enim  sane  adsentior  et  istud 
nimium  diu  duci  et  omnia  nunc  undique  contrahenda.  Te  quidem 
nihil  agere,  nihil  cogitare  aliud  nisi  quod  ad  me  pertineat  facile 
perspicio  meisque  negotiis  impediri  cupiditatem  tuam  ad  me 
veniendi.  Sed  mecum  esse  te  puto,  non  solum  quod  meam  rem 
agis,  verum  etiam  quod  videre  videor  quo  modo  agas.  Neque 
enim  ulla  hora  tui  mihi  est  operis  ignota. 

2.  De  Caelio~]  This  is  the  same  Caelius 
who  is  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  letter. 
He  is  not  the  same  person  as  the  banker 
Caelius,  Att.  vii.  3,  11  (294);  xii.  6,  1 

natura]  '  we  must  know  Mrhat  sort  of 
man  he  is  as  well  as  what  means  he  has.' 

Pisoni']     cp.  606.  1 ;  614.  2. 

nimium  diu  duci~\     ( the   transaction   is 

allowed  to  hang  over  too  long,  and  what 
we  now  need  is  to  get  together  everything- 
we  can  from  every  quarter.'  Or  perhaps 
another  rendering  would  be  possible,  '  ana 
the  whole  business  must  in  every  respect 
be  shortened':  cu.  744.  4  Contrahi  mihv 
negotium  videtur. 

ulla  hora~\  *  for  I  know  how  every  hour 
is  spent  which  you  devote  to  my  business/ 

EP.  613  (FAM.  IV.  12). 



(FAM.  iv.  12). 

ATHENS  J    MAY  31  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Servius  Sulpicius  caedem  M.  Marcelli  a  P.  Magio  Cilone  factam  non  sine  summi 
<loloris  significatione  quern  ipse  ceperit  narrat  eiusque  sepulturam  per  se  effectam. 


1.  Etsi  scio  non  iucundissimum  me  nuntium  vobis  adlaturum, 
tarnen  quoniam  casus  et  natura  in  nobis  dominatur,  visum  est 
faciendum,  quoquo  modo  res  se  haberet,  vos  certiores  facere.  A.  d. 
x.  Kal.  lun.  cum  ab  Epidauro  Piraeum  navi  advectus  essem,  ibi 
M.  Marcellum,  collegam  nostrum,  conveni  eumque  diem  ibi 

On  this  letter  Cicero,  Att.  xiii.  22,  2 
(635),  says  De  Marcello  scripserat  ad  me 
Cassius  [who  appears  to  have  been  at 
Brundisium]  antea,  ra  Kara  /u.epos  Servius. 
Compare  also  what  Cicero  says  about  the 
murder  of  Marcellus,  Att.  xiii.  10,  3  (624), 
where  he  shows  the  absurdity  of  the  view 
that  the  deed  had  been  prompted  by 
Caesar.  Valerius  Maximus  (ix.  11,  4) 
mentions  it  in  a  list  of  scelerate  facta 
as  follows  : — Gonsternatum  etiam  Magii 
Cilonis  amentia  pectus ;  qui  M.  Marcello 
•datum  a  .  Caesar e  spiritum  sua  manu 
eripnit,  vetus  amicus  et  Pompeianae  militias 
comes,  in  dig  nat  u  s  a  li  quern  ami  co- 
rn in  ab  eo  sibi  praeferri.  Urbem 
enim  a  Mitylenis,  quo  se  centulerat,  repeten- 
tem  in  Atheniensiumportupugione  confodit, 
protinusque  ad  irritamenta  vesaniae  suae 
trucidanda  tetendit ;  amicitiae  hostis, 
divini  beneficii  interceptor,  publicae 
religionis,  quod  ad  salutem  clarissimi  civis 
recuperandam  attinuit,  acerba  lobes.  Cp. 
Liv.  Epit.  115,  M.  Marcello  consulari 
senatu  rogante  reditum  concessit ;  quo  bene- 
ficio  eius  Marcellus  frui  non  potuit,  a 
On.  Magio,  client  e  suo,  Athenis  occisus. 
For  the  language  of  Sulpicius  cp.  Introd. 
note  to  Fam.  iv.  5  (555). 

1.  casus  et  natura]  Sulpicius  means — 
.We  mortals  can  effect  nothing  with  cer- 
tainty :  in  the  domain  where  liberty  of 
action  can  play  a  part,  unforeseen  acci- 
dents (casus)  mar  our  plans ;  in  all  the 
rest  of  our  life  we  are  swept  along  in  the 

great  current  of  natural  forces  (natura). 
As  these  ideas  of  chance  and  nature  are 
closely  akin,  he  uses  the  sing,  dominatur. 

faciendum  . .  .  facere]  We  adhere  to 
the  MSS  reading  with  Schmalz  (p.  124). 
The  infinitive  is  found  in  Cic.  Brut.  142, 
talisque  oratores  viderifacit ;  Q.  Fr.  1,  3, 
6  (66),  illud  quidem  nee  faciendum  estneque 
fieri  potest  me  ...  commorari  ;  Petr.  51, 
fecit  se  porrigere  Caesari.  It  is  frequent 
in  Lucr.,  e.g.  vi.  267.  Wesenberg  (E.A.  9) 
reads  ut  .  .  .  facer  em,  an  alteration  which, 
if  alteration  were  required,  we  should 
certainly  prefer  to  the  ejection  of  facien- 
dum altogether ;  it  is  most  unlikely  that  a 
copyist  would  have  inserted  the  word 
from  a  knowledge  that  visum  est  facien- 
dum was  a  phrase  used  in  edicts,  e.  g. 
Gell.  xy.  11,  2. 

vos]  i.e.  Cicero  and  his  friends. 

A.d.x.  Kal.  Iun.~\  Streicher  (p.  153) 
objects  very  much  to  the  similarity  of 
the  three  following  sentences,  cum  .  . . 
essem,  cum  .  .  .  essem,  cum  .  .  .  haberem, 
which  no  doubt  display  a  certain  poverty 
of  style  ;  but  Sulpicius  would  hardly  have 
taken  pains  in  the  composition  of  this 
letter,  as  it  was  written  so  shortly  after 
his  friend's  assassination, 

Piraeum]  cp.  Att.  vii.  3,  10  (294). 

navi]  This  is  the  usual  classical  form  : 
cp.  Neue-Wagener  i3  330. 

collegam]  his  former  colleague  in  the 
consulship,  703  (51)  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4,  3 


EP.  613  (FAM.  IV. 

consumpsi  ut  cum  eo  essem.   Postero  die  cum  ab  eo  digressus  essei 
eo  consilio  ut  ab  Athenis  in  Boeotiam  irem  reliquamque  iurisdi< 
tionem  absolverem,  ille,  ut  aiebat,  super  Maleas  in  Italiam  versi 
navigaturus  erat.    2.  Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei,  cum  ab  Athenu 
proficisci   in   animo    haberem,    circiter    hora    decima    noctis   P* 
Postumius,  familiaris   eius,  ad   me  venit  et   mihi  nuntiavit  M. 
Marcellum,  collegam   nostrum,  post    cenae   tempus  a  P.  Magi< 
Cilone,    familiare   eius,  pugione  percussum   esse  et  duo  vulnen 
accepisse,  unum  in  stomach o,  alterum  in  capite  secundum  aurem 
sperare  tamen  eum  vivere  posse  ;  Magium  se  ipsum  interfecisse 
postea ;  se  a  Marcello  ad  me  missum  esse  qui  naec  nuntiaret  et 
rogaret    uti    medicos   ei    mitterem.      Itaque    medicos    coegi   el 

cum  .  .  .  digressus  essem]  We  have  re- 
tained cum,  the  reading  of  GR.  It  has, 
however,  got  out  of  place,  and  probably 
should  follow  die,  not  digressus,  as  in  the 
MSS.  'When  I  left  him,  he  was,  as  he 
said,  intending  to  sail  to  Italy.'  M  omits 
cum.  Streicher  (p.  153),  Bockel,  and  Hof- 
mann  read  sum  for  essem,  omitting  cum. 

ab  Athenis]  As  regards  the  use  of 
prepositions  with  the  names  of  towns, 
Messrs.  Bond  and  Walpole  on  Caesar 
B.  G.  vii.  43,  5,  note  that  "  the  preposi- 
tion ab  is  attached  to  the  names  of  places 
when  departure  from  the  environs  is 
indicated':  cp.  59,  1  ;  B.  C.  iii.  24,  4, 
Libo  discessit  a  Brundisio  =  from  the  har- 
bour of  Brundisium  [cp.  the  use  of  ad,  i.  7, 
1 ;  vii.  76,  5],  The  preposition  is  inserted 
when  direction  from  one  place  to  another 
is  indicated :  B.  G.  vii.  45,  4 ;  80,  9  ; 
B.  C.  i  11,  4  ;  25,  2."  Cp.  Cic.  Att.  vii. 
3,10  (294),  \yho  says  that  you  cannot  put 
in  before  a  town  but  only  before  a  district 
(locus)  ;  also  Att.  iii.  8,  1  (64),  ab  Epheso  : 
xiii.  6,  4  (617),  a  Corintho.  Schmalz 
(p.  100)  adds  Fam.  iii.  6,  6  (213),  xv.  3, 
2  (212).  The  use  of  prepositions  with 
names  of  towns  is  quite  a  feature  of 
Livy's  style  :  cp.  Kiihnast,  Liv.  Synt. 
p.  186,  and  may  have  been  used  by 
Servius  here. 

super  Maleas]  '  round  Malea.'  Mar- 
cellus  was  in  no  hurry  to  return  ;  cp. 
Fam.  iv.  10,  1  (536).  'This  journey  by 
long  sea,  and  not  across  by  Cenchreae 
and  Patrae,  was  considered  a  dangerous 
one,  and  seldom  made  by  travellers. 
Indeed,  between  storms  and  pirates  (Liv. 
xxxiy.  32,  18),  Malea  was  so  dangerous 
that  it  gave  rise  to  a  proverb:  MctAe'as 

Se  Kaunas  eirihdOov  TUV  ot/ca5e  (Slrabo- 
viii.  378);  cp.  Plin.  Epp.  x.  15  (26), 
and  Friedlander,  SG.  ii6,  29,  who  quotes- 
an  interesting  inscription,  C.I.G.  3920, 
<I>Aaoinos  Zet)|is  GpyaffTTjs  (negotiator) 
Tr\ev<ras  virep  MaAeai/  els  'iraAia*'  Tr\6as 
fpSowKovTa  8vo.  The  forms  MaAe'a  and. 
MaAeat  (Herod,  i.  82)  are  both  found.  The 
MSS  give  supra,  but  Liv.  xxxi.  47,  2, 
xlii.  56,  1  (quoted  by  Hofmann),  xxviii.. 
8,  11,  show  that  super  is  the  correct  pre- 
position for  *  rounding '  a  promontory. 

in  Italiam  versus]  versus  is  nearly  al- 
ways used  in  connexion  with  another 
preposition  in  the  sense  of  '  towards '  • 
cp.  EritB  on  Sail.  Cat.  56,  4. 

2.  Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei]  Not 
Ciceronian;  but  cp.  postridie  eius  dieit. 
used  often  by  Caesar. 

secundum  aurem]  '  beside  (or  "behind")  • 
the  ear.'  Referring  to  locality,  secun- 
dum =  1°,  '  beside,'  Plaut.  (ap.  Priscian.; 
x.  890),  secundum  ipsam  aram  aurum 
scondidi,  which  of  course  may  mean. 
*  behind,'  Petr.  131,  secundum  invitantem 
consedi ;  2°,  'along,'  «  over ' ;  Plaut.  Bud.. 
157,  secundum  litus  ;  Att.  xvi.  8,  2  (797), 
leg/tones  quae  iter  secundum  mare  superum 
faciunt :  cp.  Wolfflin  on  Bell.  Afr.  1.  1. 

se  ipsum  interfecisse]  ipsum  is  subject ; 
cp.  Caes.  B.  G.  v.  37,  6,  desperata  salute 
se  ipsi  inter ficiunt.  Schmalz  (Antib.  i. 
705)  says  that  in  classical  times  suicide 
was  rare  and  remarkable,  and  accordingly 
ipse  is  added  in  this  connexion  ;  later, 
when  the  practice  became  more  common 
and  less  remarkable,  ipse  was  omitted. 

uti  medicos  ei  mitterem.  Itaque  medicos 
coeai]  So  GR,  undoubtedly  the  right: 
reading.  M  omits  from  ei  to  medicos. 

EP.  613  (FAM.  IV.  12). 


h  vestigio  eo  sum  profectus  prima  luce.  Cum  non  longe  a  Piraeo 
Lbessem,  puer  Acidini  obviam  mihi  venit  cum  codicillis,  in  quibus 
brat  scriptum  paullo  ante  lucem  Marcellum  diem  suurn  obisse. 
Ita  vir  clarissimus  ab  nomine  deterrimo  acerbissima  morte  est 
iidfectus,  et,  cui  inimici  propter  dignitatem  pepercerant,  inventus 
hst  amicus  qui  ei  mortem  offerret.  3.  Ego  tamen  ad  taberna- 
jjulum  eius  perrexi :  inveni  duos  libertos  et  pauculos  servos ;  reli- 
nuos  aiebant  profugisse  metu  perterritos  quod  dominus  eorum 
Bite  tabernaculum  interfectus  esset.  Coactus  sum  in  eadem  ilia 
tectica  qua  ipse  delatus  eram  meisque  lecticariis  in  urbem  eum 
'•eferre,  ibique  pro  ea  copia  quae  Athenis  erat  funus  ei  satis 
umplum  faciendum  curavi.  Ab  Atheniensibus  locum  sepulturae 
j<ntra  urbem  ut  darent  impetrare  non  potui,  quod  religione  se 
impediri  dicerent,  neque  tamen  id  antea  cuiquam  concesserant : 
quod  proximum  fuit,  uti  in  quo  vellemus  gymnasio  eum  sepelire- 
nus  nobis  permiserunt.  Nos  in  nobilissimo  orbi  terrarum  gym- 
lasio  Academiae  locum  delegimus  ibique  eum  combussimus, 

e  vestigio}  cp.  Div.  in  Caec.  57.     It  is 

|.n  adverbial  phrase  like  in  continenti  = 

I   Acidini]   a  young  nobleman  who  was 

Itudying  at  Athens  :  cp.  568.  2. 

t  codicillis']  See  note  on  Q.  Fr.  ii.  9,  1 

|    diem  mum  obisse]   cp.  note  to  555.  4. 

|  acerbissima]  probably  '  most  tragic  ' : 
KMsibly  *  untimely.' 

I  mortem  oferret]  '  to  deal  him  death/  a 
omewhat  poetical  expression:  cp.  Sest. 
:8  ;  Rose.  Am.  37>  40. 

i  3.  tabernaculum]  Piraeus  was  in  a 
rery  decayed  state,  probably  without  a 
espectable  inn  where  a  nobleman  and  his 
etinue  could  stay  ;  hence  Marcellus  was 
Compelled  to  sleep  in  a  tent. 

pauculos^  'just  a  slave  or  two.' 
Pauculus  is  a  diminutive  belonging  to 
he  language  of  ordinary  conversation  ; 
lence  frequent  in  the  comedies  :  cp.  also 
Ut.  v.  21,  6  (250). 

profugisse]  for  fear  lest  they  should  be 
>ut  to  the  torture  in  the  inquiry  about  the 
nurder.  The  law  that  slaves  might  be 
mt  to  death  for  having  failed  to  defend 
heir  master  appears  not  to  have  been 
mssed  till  10  A.D.  :  cp.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii. 
!2 ;  xiv.  42. 

tneisque  lecticariis]  regarded  as  mere  in- 
truments,  and  accordingly  a  is  not  used  : 

cp.  Att.  iv.  3,  2  (92),  armatis  hominibus, 
Mil.  26.  This  usage  in  Cicero  is  common 
with  testibus  (vol.  iii.  p.  cxv,  ed  2). 
Numerous  examples  of  the  omission  of  a 
with  persons  are  given  in  Drager  i.  547, 
§  229. 

pro  ea,  copia  quae  Athenis  erat]  an  in- 
cidental and  instructive  remark  as  to  the 
poor  condition  of  Athens  at  this  time. 

dicerent]  an  extension  of  the  virtual 
oblique  subjunctive;  cp.  Roby,  §  1746, 
and  note  to  Att.  i.  1,  3  (10). 

tamen]  This  word  shows  suggestively 
the  manner  in  which  the  Romans  gener- 
ally regarded  what  the  Greeks  said.  Sul- 
picius  means  to  imply  that,  though  what 
the  Athenians  said  about  religion  was  not 
very  much  to  be  relied  on,  yet  (tamen)  it 
was  a  fact  that  they  had  never  allowed 
anyone  to  be  buried  within  their  walls 
(cp.  Thuc.  ii.  34).  It  appears  to  have  been 
regarded  as  an  enactment  of  Solon's  that 
no  one  should  be  buried  within  the  city. 
In  Leg.  ii.  58  there  is  reference  to  a  law 
of  the  xii  Tables  on  the  subject. 

orbi]  a  local  ablative,  found  only  in 
this  expression :  cp.  Verr.  iv.  82 ;  De 
Dom.  24  ;  Sest.  66. 

gymnasio  Academiae]  This  is  not 
Ciceronian.  "We  should  have  expected 
Academia ;  but  in  the  MSS  of  Cicero  we 
sometimes  find  the  descriptive  genitive : 


EP.  6U  (ATT.  XIII.  £)• 

posteaque  curavimus  ut  eidem  Athenienses  in  eodem  loco  mom 
mentum  ei  marmoreum  faciendum  locarent.  Ita,  quae  nost 
officia  fuerunt,  pro  collegio  et  pro  propinquitate  et  vivo  et  morti 
omnia  ei  praestitimus.  Yale.  D.  pr.  K.  lun.  Athenis. 

614.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  4). 

TUSCULUM  J   JUNE  1 J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  munere  decem  legatorum  ab  Attico  elaborate,  de  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti 
adventu  in  Tusculanum. 


1.  Habeo  mumis  a  te  elaboratum  decem  legatorum  ;  et  quidemjj 
de  Tuditano  idem  puto.  Nam  films  anno  post  quaestor  fuit  quami, 
consul  Mummius.  2.  Sed  quoniam  saepius  de  nominibus  quaeris 
quid  placeat,  ego  quoque  tibi  saepius  respondeo  placere.  Si  quid! 
poteris  cum  Pisone,  conficies  :  Avius  enim  videtur  in  officio  futurus.j 
Velim  ante  possis  :  si  minus,  utique  simul  simus,  cum  Brutus  venidl 
in  Tusculanum.  Magni  interest  mea  una  nos  esse.  Scies  autei 
qui  dies  is  futurus  sit,  si  puero  negotium  dederis  ut  quaerat. 

cp.  Adn.  Grit,  to  Att.  v.  18,  1  (218)  in 
oppido  Antiochia.  This  usage  is  quite 
common  in  Livy  :  cp.  Weissenborn  on 
xxiv.  12,  4.  There  were  three  gymnasia 
at  Athens,  the  Lyceum,  Cynosarges,  and 

curavimus  .  .  .  locarent]  This  is  also 
an  interesting  incidental  remark,  as  it 
shows  the  requirements  to  which  the 
provincials  were  subjected  by  Roman 
governors,  even  by  those  of  the  better 

collegio]  '  relation  as  colleagues,'  The 
Dictt.  quote  Liv.  x.  22,  3,  nihil  concordi 
collegio  firmius  ad  remp.  tuendam  esse ;  cp. 
Mommsen,  St.  R.  i2  32,  note  3,  who 
quotes  many  more  examples. 

propinquitate']  4  intimacy,'  or  perhaps 
'  relationship.' 

1.  decem  legatorum  ]  The  epexegetic 
genitive,  like  mercedem  ffloriae,  '  a  reward 
in  the  form  of  glory,'  Tusc.  i.  34 ;  Arch. 
28.  The  meaning  is :  '  I  have  received 
your  kind  investigation  about  the  ten 
ambassadors  '  sent  by  the  senate  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  Greece  in  146.  Atticushad 

included  Tuditanus  the  father,  not  Tudi$ 
tanus  the  son,   among  the  ten.     Cicei 
now  believes  him  to   be  right.     Your 
Tuditanus  was  quaestor  in  145  :  cp. 
to  610.  3. 

idem  puto]     sc.  quod  tu.     The   we 
de  Tuditano  are  rightly  added  by  Lehme 
and  Schmidt.     The  name  could    hardl 
have  been  omitted,  and,  if    written  in 
abbreviated  form  (perhaps  it  was  writt 
as  such  even  by  Cicero :  cp.  610.  3), 
might   have  fallen   out   after  et  quic 
Lehmann  (Quaest.  Tull.,  p.  51)  reads 
quidem  <de  Tuditano  idem>  puto,  quotii  __ 
for  this  '  descending '  use  of   et   quidemi 
4  and  indeed,'  Att.  vi.  1,  6  (252)  ;  Fain,  ixj 
15,  4  (481)  ;  and  many  more  examples. 

2.  de  nominibus]     About  the  different] 
debtors  assigned  to   Cic.    by  creditoi 
especially    by    Faberius;    cp.    611.    1 
612.  2. 

Pisone]  cp.  606.  1  ;  612.  2. 

Avius}  612.  2. 

Velim  ante  possis"]     '  I  hope  you  wi 
be  able  to  join  me  before  Brutus  arrn 
here  ;  but  if  not,  you  must  certainly 
here  when  he  is  with  me.' 

Magni  .  .  .  esse]     cp.  620.  2. 

JSP.  615  (ATT.  XIII.  5). 


615.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  5). 

TUSCULTJM  ;    JUNE  2  ;    A.  IT.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Sp.  Mummium  in  decem  legatis  non  fuisse,  xle  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti  adventu 
n  Tusculanum. 


1.  Sp.  Mummium  putaram  in  decem  legatis  fuisse  sed  vide- 
icet — etenim  tv\oyov — fratri  fuisse.  Fuit  enim  ad  Corinthum. 
Misi  tibi  '  Torquatum/  Colloquere  tu  quidem  cum  Silio,  ut  scribis, 
et  urge.  Illam  diem  negabat  esse  mense  Maio,  istam  non  negabat. 
Sed  tu,  ut  omnia,  istuc  quoque  ages  diligenter.  De  Crispo  et 
Mhistela  scilicet,  cum  quid  egeris.  2.  Quoniam  ad  Bruti  adven- 
ium  fore  te  nobiscum  polliceris,  satis  est,  praesertim  cum  hi  tibi 
dies  in  magno  nostro  negotio  consumantur. 

1.  videlicet  .  .  .  fuisse]  cp.  616.  3  ; 
617.4.  'I  had  thought  Sp.  Mummius 
was  among  the  commissioners,  but  of 
course  he  was  (naturally)  not  among  the 
commissioners,  hut  private  legatus,  or 
lieutenant  to  his  brother.'  These  legati 
were  a  sort  of  staff  officers,  or  aides-de- 
camp, appointed  by  the  senate  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  commander.  But 
they  were  regular  officials,  not  unofficial 
members  of  the  governor's  staff  like  the 
comites :  cp.  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life, 
p.  324.  "We  have  here  another  example 
of  the  archaic  usage  whereby  words  like 
videlicet  and  scilicet  are  resolved  into 
their  component  parts,  and  so  are  able  to 
govern  a  case.  Cp.  turn  videlicet  datas, 
Att.  v.  11,  7  (200).  It  would  of  course 
be  easy  to  alter  the  words,  as  all  the 
editors  do,  so  as  to  bring  them  into  con- 
formity with  the  usage  of  formal  writers, 
and  of  Cicero  himself  in  his  speeches 
and  his  philosophical  works  :  e.g.  Wesen- 
berg  reads  sed  videlicet  <  erravi~>:  etenim 
etf\oyov  fratri  fuisse  (sc.  legatum).  But 
this  would  be  to  expunge  from  the 
Letters  a  most  characteristic  feature. 

«  Torquatum ']     The  first  book  of  the 

De  Finibus,  cp.  610.  3.  The  work  was  at 
Home,  being  copied  out  (cp.  632. 4),  when 
Cic.  wrote  that  letter. 

cum  Silio']  It  is  curious  that  Silius 
should  come  up  again.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  negotiations  about  the  sale  of  his- 
horti  had  ceased  since  March:  cp.  569.  1  ; 
though  possibly  we  may  gather  from 
599.  2  that  he  was  again  opening  the 
question.  It  is  quite  uncertain  what 
the  two  days  in  question  were,  as  the 
matter  is  not  referred  to  elsewhere. 
Possibly  Silius  had  said  he  would  give  a 
definite  statement  in  May  as  to  whether 
he  would  sell,  and  other  particulars  as  to 
the  sale,  but  that  he  would  not  convey 
the  property  or  require  payment  till  later. 
Cicero  was  anxious  to  have  an  answer  as 
to  whether  he  would  sell  at  all.  But  of 
course  this  is  mere  conjecture.  "We  do 
not  think  that  611.  1  can  help  us  in  this 

scilicet}  sc.  scribes. 

2.  it:  magno  nostro  negotio]  *  on  im- 
portant business  of  mine,'  in  connexion 
with  the  purchase  of  the  horti,  and  getting 
in  his  debts,  especially  from  Faberius. 


EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  S3,  §§  1-3). 

616.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  33,  §§  1-3; 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNK  3  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  professione  non  relata,  de  negotiis  suis  ab  Attico  conficiendis,  de  Di 
libris  et  acceptis  et  exspectatis,  de  decem  legatis. 


1.  Neglegentiam  miram !  semelne  putas  mihi  dixisse  Balbunoti 
et  Faberium  professionem  relatam  ?  qui  etiam  eorum  iussu  miserinu 
qui  profiteretur.  Ita  enim  oportere  dicebant.  Professus  est' 

1.  Neglegentiam  miratn]  What  this 
specification  or  declaration  was  which  he 
here  calls  professio  is  not  certain  ;  but  it 
\vas  obligatory  or  customary  to  register 
something  (whether  property  or  income) 
before  the  lustration  which  closed  the 
census,  as  we  learn  from  Att.  i.  19,  1  (25). 
In  this  case  we  may — (1)  mention  the 
conjecture  of  Boot  that  the  persons  before 
whom  the  declaration  was  made  probably 
included  Balbus  and  Faberius,  who  had 
admonished  Cicero  not  to  neglect  that 
duty.  Cicero  had  sent  his  servant 
Philotimus  (whom  he  designates  libertum 
meum,  to  distinguish  him  from  the  dis- 
honest steward  of  Terentia  who  bore  the 
same  name)  expressly  to  register  him,  and 
had  dismissed  the  matter  from  his  mind, 
as  he  had  more  than  once  been  told  by 
Balbus  and  Faberius  that  it  had  been 
done.  Possibly  the  census  was  one  re- 
quired b}r  the  Lex  Julia  Municipalis.  And 
we  may  (2)  record  the  suggestion  of  and  Corrad.,  that  Faberius  was 
assigning  some  property  to  Cicero  in  dis- 
charge of  a  debt.  The  explanation  given 
by  0.  E.  Schmidt  (p.  305)  is  somewhat 
similar  to  this.  He  holds  that  there 
were  two  kinds  of  professio — (1)  public 
declaration  of  the  value  of  property  at 
the  end  of  the  lustrum ;  (2)  declaration  of 
any  change  of  property  by  borrowing  or 
lending.  The  latter  is  what  is  referred 
to  here,  and  in  754.  1.  Faberius  had  on 
his  side  to  '  profess '  the  assignment  of 
the  nomina  to  Cicero,  and  Cicero  had 
to  'profess'  the  acceptance  of  them. 
Faberius  appeared  to  do  so ;  but,  possibly 
haying  the  clerk  in  his  pay,  he  directed 
this  clerk  not  to  book  the  assignment. 

The  transfer  was  accordingly  not  dulj| 
executed  at  this  time. 

The  question  whether  the  accusative! 
of  exclamation  can  be  used  in  Cic.  with-i 
out  0  being  added  is  maintained  in  the 
affirmative   by    Reid    (Hermath.   (1S99)| 
p.  333)  :  but  Lehmann  ('  Att.'  203  ff.)and| 
Mxiller  wish  always  to  add  <  0  >.     Noj 
doubt  the  use  of  the  simple  accusative  of  | 
exclamation  was   dying  out  in  Cicero'3 
time.     There  is  considerable  diversity  iiu 
the  MSS:  see  Lehmann  I.e.     Perhaps  thej 
omission  or  insertion  of  0  was  as  uncer«| 
tain  as  our  omitting  or  adding  '  What 
and  each  passage  must  be  judged  on  thej 
weight  of  MS  evidence.     Here  it   seenu 
unanimous  for  omission.  Lehmann  thir 
the  omission  due  to  Greek  words  havii 
preceded  at  the  end  of  xiii.  32  (610) ; 
xiii.  44.  1  (646)  the  MS  authority  is  stroi 
for  inserting  it ;  for  at  the  end  of 
43  (644)  2  h&sposco  for  post.     In  707. 
the  MSS  are  against  adding  En,  as  the 
are  also  in  Att.  viii.  5.  1  (336).    In  733. 
we  have praeclaros  etiam  xiiii  ordines  with- 
out interjection.    See  also  note  to  617. 

semelne']      '  do    you    imagine    it    we 
only  once  that  Balbus  and  Faberius  toW 
me  the  registration  was  effected?  Why,  it 
•was  at  their  suggestion  that  I  sent  a  per 
to  effect  it,  as  they  thought  I  should  d( 
so.     It  was  my  freedman  Philotimus  wl 
registered.'     Qui    miserim,     '  after    mj 
sending  them,'  is  like  the  English  why 
See  note  on  Plaut.  Mil.  Glor.  62,  quae  \ 
obsecraverint,  (  why,  they  besought  me/ 
For  semel  —  'only   once,'    ep.  non 
cicatrix,  Juv.   iii.  151  ;   non   una   simt 
viii.  213 ;  non  unius  anni,  Hor.  Carm.  i 
9.  39. 

EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  JN 


IPhilotimus  libertus.  Nosti,  credo,  librarium.  Sed  scribes,  et  quidem 
[coufectum.  2.  Ad  Faberium,  ut  tibi  placet,  litteras  misi.  Cum 
.Balbo  auteru  puto  te  aliquid  fecisse  [H.  in  Capitolio].  In  Yer- 
gilio  mihi  nulla  est  Su<rw7rta.  Nee  enim  eius  causa  sane  debeo, 
let,  si  emero,  quid  erit  quod  ^postulet  ?  Sed  videbis  ne  is  turn 
[sit  in  Africa,  ut  Caelius.  De  nomine  tu  videbis  cum  Cispio  ; 
jsed,  si  Plancus  destinat,  turn  habet  res  difficultatem.  Te  ad  me 
venire  uterque  nostrum  cupit,  sed  ista  res  nullo  modo  relinquenda 

librarium']  The  clerk  whose  duty  it  was 
•to  have  entered  Cicero  as  registered  by 
l|philotimus.  Or  it  may  be  Philotimus 
liiimself,  'my  copyist.' 

I  confectum]  This  is  the  reading  of  all 
•'the  MSS.  It  seems  rash  to  change  to  con- 
mfestim,  as  most  of  the  editors  do,  on  the 
•authority  of  Bosius.  Surely  it  does  not 
Ijtranscend  the  limits  of  ellipse  in  the  letters 
ijto  supply  esse  negotium  :  '  but  you  will 
I  kindly  let  me  have  a  letter  on  the  subject, 
•and  one  to  the  effect  that  the  thing  is 
I  done.' 

!  2.  H.  in  Capitolio}  Boot  ingeniously 
J.conjectures  that  these  words  are  a  cor- 
Iruption  of  Sine  incipit  alia  epistula,  a  note 
Lby  some  early  scholar  who  perceived,  what 
I  is  now  generally  recognized,  that  a  new 
I letter  begins  at  the  fourth  section,  but  who 
•I  carelessly  prefixed  his  note  instead  to  the 
Isecond  section.  Schiche  approves  of  Boot's 
I  conjecture.  Schmidt  (p.  304  n.)  prefers 
|  the  emendation  of  Bosius,  hodie  in  Capi- 
^tolio.  He  remarks  that  there  might  have 
T  been  some  festival  in  the  Capitol  on  June  3, 
j  at  which  Cicero  thought  it  likely  that 
\  Attious  would  meet  Balbus  and  settle  the 
1  matter.  Shuckburgh  thinks  that  the 
j  professio  had  to  be  entered  on  the  public 
t  records  (Lex  Julia  Municipalis,  §  15) ; 
L  and  the  public  Record  Office  (tabularium) 
I  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitol. 

Svffwiria]  (  mauvaise  honte*  'scruple.' 

eius  causa  sane  debeo~\  like  velle  alicuius 

",  causa — so  very  common  in  the  Letters  ; 

'  see  Thesaurus  s.  v.  causa  682.  Iff.,  and 

Landgraf  on  Sext.  Rose.  §  149.  This 
.'  Vergilius  may,  perhaps,  have  been  the 
",  governor  of  Sicily  who  would  not  allow 

Cicero  to  enter  his  province  when  going 
•  into  exile  in  58,  cp.  note  to  Att.  iii  4  (58) 

and  Plane.  95.  If  so,  Cic.  need  not  have 
;.'  had  any  scruple  about  opposing  his 
"  interest  in  the  mere  matter  of  purchase 
:]  of  property. 

Nee  enim  .  .  .  expostulet\  l  I  do  not  owe 

him  any  consideration  for  his  own  sake  ; 
and,  if  I  become  the  purchaser,  what  will 
he  have  to  complain  of  ?'  We  read  expostu- 
let,  suggested  by  Wesenberg.  Thepostulet 
of  the  MSS  could  only  mean  demand,  or 
prosecute.  Vergilius  had  been  on  the  Pom- 
peian  side  in  the  war  in  Africa  (cp.  Bell. 
Afr.  28  :  86).  Gronovius  thinks  his  share 
of  the  property  of  Scapula  may  have  been 

Sed . . .  Gaelius~\  The  reading  of  the  MSS 
is  cum  sit  in  Africa,  which  commentators 
find  great  difficulty  in  explaining.  Ver- 
gilius was  probably  in  Africa  at  this  time. 
It  is  possible  that  Caelius,  having  been  a 
Pompeian,  made  his  peace  with  Caesar, 
and  that  Cicero  here  expresses  a  fear  lest 
Vergilius  should  do  the  same,  in  which 
case  difficulties  might  be  raised  about 
Cicero's  title.  But  all  this  is  mere  con- 
jecture. The  change,  however,  of  cum  of 
the  MSS  to  guoque,  though  adopted  by 
some  editors,  leaves  the  passage  at  least  as 
obscure  as  before.  The  ellipse  of  faciat 
would  be  of  course  quite  regular.  But 
perhaps  the  slight  change  of  cum  to  turn 
is  a  possible  expedient  to  use  in  explain- 
ing the  passage.  Cicero  would  then  say  : 
'  Take  care  that  he  be  not  then  in  Africa, 
like  Caelius.'  Vergilius,  as  one  of  the 
co-heirs  of  the  Scapulan  horti,  may  have 
been  required  to  sanction  the  sale  in  some 
way  :  and  if  he  were  in  Africa,  it  might 
be  difficult  to  get  his  authorization.  We 
do  not  know  who  Caelius  was.  There 
was  a  Caelius  whom  Faberius  offered  to 
delegate  as  his  creditor  to  Cicero,  but  of 
whom  Att.  disapproved ;  and  apparently 
Att.  refused  to  accept  him  (611.  1). 

Cispio']  560.  3. 

destinat]  '  is  a  bidder.'  This  meaning 
of  destinare  is  common :  see  Fam.  vii. 
23,  3  (126);  and  note  to  569.  1.  Being 
a  rich  and  influential  man  (see  note  to 
599.  1),  Plancus  would  be  a  formidable 


EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  S3,  §§  1-3). 

est.  Othonem  quod  speras  posse  vinci,  sane  bene  narras.  De 
aestimatione,  ut  scribis,  cum  agere  coeperimus,  etsi  nihil  scripsifc 
nisi  de  modo  agri.  Cum  Pisone,  si  quid  poterit.  Dicaearchi  librum 
accepi  et  KarajSaacwc  exspecto.  3.  ...  negotium  dederis,  reperiet 
ex  eo  libro  in  quo  sunt  senatus  consulta  Cn.  Cornelio  L.  Mummim 
coss.  De  Tuditano  autem  quod  putas,  tuAoyov  est  turn  ilium,  quo-l 
niam  fuit  ad  Corinth um — non  enim  temere  dixit  Hortensius, — aut 
quaestorem  aut  tribunum  mil.  fuisse,  idque  potius  credo.  Tu  dJ 
Antiocho  scire  poteris,  videlicet,  quo  anno  quaestor  aut  tribunus 
mil.  fuerit.  Si  neutrum,  erue  in  praefectis  an  in  contubernalibus 
fuerit,  modo  fuerit  in  eo  bello. 

vinci']  'outbidden'  :  cp.  584.4;  605.2; 
he,  as  one  of  the  four  heirs  of  Scapula, 
was  probably  anxious  to  acquire  the 
whole  property. 

De  aestimatione]  The  meaning  is  *  we 
will  do  as  you  say  about  the  valuation 
when  we  commence  the  negotiations, 
though  hitherto  he  has  mentioned  in  his 
letters  nothing  but  the  extent  (acreage)  of 
the  property.' 

Cum  Pisone'}   sc.  loquere. 

poterit]  We  have  frequently  already 
met  posse  =  posse  fieri,  '  to  be  possible,'  in 
the  letters.  The  change  therefore  to  poteris 
is  to  be  condemned. 

Die.  librum']  The  book  received  \vas 
irtpl  ^vxfis,  or  the  Tpiiro\iriK6s,  610,  2. 
Possibly  TTfpl  tyvxys,  or  Tpnro\iTLKos,  has 
fallen  out  of  the  text,  and  the  gloss 
librum  has  remained. 

3.  negotium  dederis]  Some  words  such 
as  si  cui  must  have  fallen  out  here,  as 
dederis  could  not  be  imperative  unless 
the  sentence  were  negative.  Schmidt 
(p.  309,  note)  suggests  that  the  whole 
passage  ran  Dicaearchi  libros  -nepl  tyvxys 
accepi  et  KaTa&daews.  De  Sp.  (  =  de 
Spurio  Mummio)  si  cui  negotium  dederis, 
reperiet,  &c. 

senatus  consulta]  "We  may  infer,  then, 
that  the  senatus  consulta  of  every  year 
were  recorded  and  preserved. 

temere]  '  Hortensius  did  not  speak 
at  random'  when  he  told  Cicero  that 
Tuditanus  was  at  Corinth,  as  we  are  told 
in  Ep.  610,  3.  For  though  Cicero  now 
believes  the  second  hypothesis  (idque 
potius  credo),  namely,  that  Tuditanus  was 

not    one   of  the   commissioners,    but    a 
quaestor  or  military  tribune,  yet  Horten-I 
sius  had  warrant  for  what  he  said,  for  a  1 
Tuditanus  was  certainly  at  Corinth  at  the 
time.     This  passage  leaves  us  in   some| 
doubt  as  to  whether  this  §  3  does  not! 
belong  to  a  date  anterior  to  614.  1.     Fowl 
there  Cic.  says  quite  definitely  that  the 
younger    Tuditanus    was    not    quaestow 
until  145.     Here  he  does  not  seem  to  be] 
quite  sure  as  to  whether  he  may  not  hav 
been  military  tribune. 

videlicet  .  .  .  bello]  '  you  will  be  abi 
to  find  out  this  from  Antiochus  (Dr.  Rei 
thinks  we  should  read  Anlaeo  646  fin. 
namely,  in  what  year  he  was  quaestor  ( 
military  tribune.  If  he  never  held  eith( 
appointment,  dig  out  the  informatio 
whether  he  was  among  the  praefecti 
contubernales,  if  indeed  you  establish  th 
fact  that  he  was  in  the  war,'  the  war 
which  Corinth  was  taken  by  Mummiui 
in  146.  The  praefecti  (equitutn,  fabrum 
castrorum]  corresponded  partly  to  oi 
officers  of  engineers,  partly  to  oi 
adjutants.  For  the  praefecti,  see  note  o 
Att.  v.  4.  3  (187)  and  Marquardt  i2,  p.  553 
The  contubernales  (cp.  Gael.  73)  might 
freely  described  as  '  the  staff'  of  a  genera 
being  mainly  young  men  who  accom 
panied  him  to  gain  some  expeiience 
the  art  of  war.  They  were  also  callec 
comites,  which  was  the  strict  title. 
have  accepted  here  Schmidt's  view  of  th 
passage:  see  also  Adnotatio  Critica.  Fl 
erue,  cp.  608.  3,  sicunde  pote»  erne  qu 
decem  legati  Mummio  fuerint  :  also  notet 
578.  1. 

EP.  617  (ATT.  XIII.  6,  §  4). 
617.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xm.  e,  §  4). 

TUSOULUM  ;    JUNE  4  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  5    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Tuditano,  Hortensii  proavo,  de  Sp.  Mummio  et  de  institute  maiorum  in  legatis 


4.  Tuditanura  istum,  proavum  Hortensi,  plane  non  noram  et 
(ilium,  qui  turn  non  potuerat  epse  legatus,  fuisse  putaram.  Sp. 
Mummium  fuisse  ad  Corinthum  pro  certo  habeo.  Saepe  enim  hie 
Bpurius  qui  nuper  est  mortum  epistulas  mihi  pronuutiabat  ver- 
jiculis  facetis  ad  familiaris  missas  a  Corintho.  Sed  non  dubito 
juin  fratri  fuerit  legatus,  non  in  decem.  Atque  hoc  etiam  accepi, 
ion  solitos  maiores  nostros  eos  legare  in  decem  qui  essent  im- 
Deratorum  necessarii,  ut  nos,  ignari  pulcherrimorum  institutorum 
int  neglegentes  potius,  M.  Lucullum  et  L.  Murenam  et  ceteros 
joniunctissimos  ad  L.  Lucullum  misimus.  Illudque  fvAoywrarov 
{Hum  fratri  in  primis  eius  legatis  fuisse.  0  operam  tuam  multam, 
jui  et  haec  cures  et  mea  expedias  et  sis  in  tuis  non  multo  minus 
liligens  quani  in  meis. 

4.  Tuditanum]     Cicero  had  supposed  Hortensius  610.  3)  was  his  son  (No.  2), 

bat  the  son  of  this  Tuditanus,  the  grand-  who  could  not  have  been  a  commissioner,' 

ather  of  Hortensius  (son  of  the  orator  for  the  reasons  stated  in  610.  3. 

ik-knamed  Hortalm),  had  heen  amongst  Sp.  Mummiutn]    We  have  inserted  Sp. 

he  commissioners  sent  to  Corinth  to  act  at  the  suggestion  of  Boot,  who  points  out 

n  concert  with  Mummius  in  settling  the  that  the  further  designation  is  essential 

ilfairs   of   Greece   after  the   capture   of  to  distinguish  him   from  his  brother  L. 

3orinth.     He   was   not  aware  that  this  Mummius,    and    the    more    so    because 

Duditanus  could  not  have  been  among  the  another  and  different  Spurius  is  mentioned 

'eguti  till  Atticus  pointed  out  to  him  that  immediately  afterwards. 

he  Tuditanus  present  on   that  occasion  pronuntiabat]     '  used  to  repeat  to  me 

nust  have  been  his  father.  The  genealogy  letters  of  his  from  Corinth  to  his  friends 

s  as  follows : —  written  in  clever  verse.' 

est  mortuus]    This   gives    the    sense. 

(1)  Tuditanus,  the  father.  Miiller  conjectures   nuper   decessit,  Reid 

nuper  peril  t. 

(2)  Tuditanus,  the  son  (quaestor  145  ;  fratri  .  .  .  legatus]     cp.  note  to  615.  1. 

I        praetor  132;  cons.  129).  Mommsen  (St.  R.  ii2  661,  note  5)  thinks 

the   reason   why   Sp.    Mummius   was    a 

Sempronia.  legatus   to  his   brother  and  not  a  com- 

=  Hortensius  Hortalus.  missioner  was  that  he  was  not  a  senator. 

|  M.  Lucullum~\    brother  of  L.  Lucullus, 

Hortensius,  the  orator.  and  sent  to  act  with  the  latter  in  settling 

the  affairs  of  Pontus  after  the  Mithridatic 

I  did  not  know  of  the  existence  of  the  War. 

Tuditanus  (No.   1)  you  tell  me  of,   who  in  primis  eius  legatis']  '  among  his  chief 

vas  great-grandfather  of  Hortensius  ;  and  lieutenants.' 

'ancied  he  (i.e.  the  person  referred  to  by  0  operam]     Whether  0  should  always 

VOL.  v.  H 


EP.  618  (ATT.  XIII.  8). 

618.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xm.  s). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  8  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litterarura  commercio,  Q.  Staberii  num  quis  fundus  in  Pompeiano  Nolanove 
venalis  sit,  de  libris  sibi  mittendis. 


Plane  nihil  erafc  quod  ad  te  scriberem.  Modo  enim  disces- 
seras  et  paullo  post  triplices  remiseras.  Velim  cures  fasciculum  ad 
Vestoriura  deferendum  et  aliquoi  des  negotium  qui  quaerat 
Q.  Staberi  fundus  num  quis  in  Pompeiano  Nolanove  venalis  sitjj 
Epitomen  Bruti  Coelianorum  velim  mihi  mittas  et  a  Philoxeno 
Uavairiov  irspl  Trpovoiag.  Te  Idibus  videbo  cum  tuis. 

be  inserted  before  the  ace.  of  exclamation 
is  a  disputed  point.  We  have  accepted 
the  addition  of  0  here,  as  it  might  easily 
have  been  lost :  and  it  seems  to  us  more 
natural  with  an  exclamation  which  is 
somewhat  protracted  and  not  confined  to 
two  or  three  words.  We  are  not  so  sure 
that  it  should  be  inserted  in  very  usual 
expressions  like  me  misertim:  or  in  the 
case  of  a  very  short  exclamation  like 
Neglegentiam  miram  (616.  1),  where  see 
note,  non  is  found  in  2  and  was  probably 
in  the  archetype :  hence  Miiller  s  con- 
jecture operam  tuam  multam  amo  is  not  as 
appropriate  as  it  would  be  if  non  were 
omitted;  cp.  Lehmann,  *  Att.'  205,  who 
discusses  the  various  passages  in  the  Epp. 
ad  Att.  where  the  accusative  of  exclama- 
tion occurs.  Cp.  also  below,  note  to 
646  init. 

discesseras]  Atticus  had  just  paid  Cic. 
a  short  visit,  as  he  had  done  on  May  18 
(596),  and  as  he  did  again  on  June  16 
(623.  1)  and  on  Aug.  10  (662). 

triplices]  codicilli  of  three  pages. 
Cicero  had  sent  his  tabellarius  with  direc- 
tions to  bring  back  from  Atticus  any 
communication  which  he  might  wish  to 
make  on  these  triplices  or  correspondence 
tablets.  For  these  triplices  see  Marquardt 

Privatleben*  803,  and  Martial  xiv.  6. 
specimen  of  a  triple  tablet  found  a 
Pompeii  is  figured  in  Mau's  Pompe\ 
(transl.  by  Kelsey),  p.  500. 

Staberi]  He  may  have  been  the  L 
Staberius  who  was  in  command  a 
Apollonia  when  that  town  surrendered  t 
Caesar  in  48  (Caes.  B.C.  iii.  12).  Ai 
early  inscription  of  au  A.  Staberius  wa 
found  at  Capua,  as  is  supposed  (C.  I.  L 
x.  4351). 

Bruti~]  Brutus  had  drawn  up  an  abridg 
mentof  the  annals  of  L.  Coelius  Antipat€ 
(flor.  123  K.C.).  Possibly  Cicero  wante 
these  hooks  for  the  De  Natura  Deorutn 
cp.  N.D.  ii.  8.  He  certainly  used  Panae 
tius  in  that  treatise. 

a  Philoxeno]  governed  by  mittas.  I 
is  the  same  a  as  appears  in  phrases  lik 
dum  a  Faberio  .  .  .  repraesentabimut 
561.  1 :  a  Caecilio  nummum  movere,  All 
.  12.  1  (17).  We  should  say  '  from  th 
library  of  Philoxenus.'  Dr.  Reid  quotes 
other  elliptical  expressions  with  a,  aa 
leg  are  ab  aliquo  (i.e.  to  leave  money  to 
be  paid  by  a  person,  cp.  663.  3) ;  qu 
amant  a  lenone,  Plaut.  Pseud.  203.  We 
may  perhaps  add  as  somewhat  simila 
632.  4,  se  a  te  quintum  '  De  Finibut 
librum  descripsisse,  where  see  note. 

EPP.  619,  620  (ATT.  XIII.  7,  §§  1,  2}.  115 

619.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xui.  7,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE  9  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Caesare  quae  e  Sestio  et  Theopoinpo  audierit,  de  Lentuli  divortio  cum  Metella, 
4e  litteris  ab  Attico  exspectatis. 


1.  Sestius  apud  me  fuit  et  Theoporapus  pridie  :  venisse  a  Caesare 
narrabat  litteras ;  hoc  scribere,  sibi  cerium  esse  Romae  man  ere 
rcausamque  earn  ascribere  quae  erat  in  epistula  nostra,  ne  se 
absente  leges  suae  neglegerentur,  sicut  esset  neglecta  sumptuaria, 
(est  twAoyot/,  idque  eram  suspicatus.  Sed  istis  mos  gereudus  est, 
; nisi  placet  hanc  ipsam  sententiam  nos  persequi);  et  Lentulum 
cum  Metella  certe  fecisse  divortium.  Haec  omnia  tu  melius. 
Rescribes  igitur,  quidquid  voles,  dum  modo  #/«'quid.  lam  enim 
non  reperio  quid  te  rescripturum  putem,  nisi  forte  de  Mustela  aut 
nS?  Silium  videris. 

620.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  7,  §  2). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE    10  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  adventu  Bruti  in  Tusculanum. 


2.  Brutus  heri  venit  in  Tusculanum  post  horam  deciinam. 
Hodie  igitur  me  videbit,  ac  vellem  turn  tu  adesses.  lussi  equidem 
ei  nuutiari  te,  quoad  potuisses,  exspectasse  eius  adventum  ventu- 
rumque  si  audisses,  meque,  ut  facio,  continue  te  certiorem  esse 

1.  Theopompus]     Of  Cnidus,  a   friend  treatment  in  the  former  letter  Cic.  does 

of  Caesiir's,  see  Strabo  xiv.  2,  15  ;  Plut.  not  say. 

Caes.  48  (Moot).  fecisse]     sc.     narrabat     Sestius.     This 

w  epistula  nostra~\  The  projected  letter  same  Lentulus  is  referred  to  by  his  cog- 
to  Caesar,  of  which  Bulbus  and  Oppius  nomen  Spinther  in  599.  2.  It  is  to  be 
disapproved  :  cp.  607.  3.  noticed  that  whereas  we  say  '  divorce 

sumptuaria']     On   Caesar's    sumptuary  from,'  the  Latin  has  it '  divorce  with.' 

law  of  46  cp.  especially  Suet.  Caes.  43 :  tu  melius~\    sc.  nosti :  cp.  Alt.  vii.  3.  5 

and  also  note  to  Fam.  ix.  26.  4  (479)  :  (294) ;  Fam.  iv.  13.  7  (483)  ;  alsoix.  2.  5 

15.5(481).  (461). 

istis]     Balbus  and   Oppius   and  other  aliquid]     So  Lamb,  for  ne  quid  of  M. 
Caesarians:  cp.  602:  603.  1. 

hanc  ipsam   sententiain]     '  to    develop  2.  in  Tusculanum]     His  own  villa  at 

that  very  line  of  argument,'  that  is  to  Tusculum.     He  does  not  appear  to  have 

advocate   Caesar's   remaining  in    Rome,  come  on  a  visit  to  Cicero, 

whether  in  a  new  letter  or  to  expand  the  vellem  turn  tu  adesses]     cp.  614.  1. 



EP.  621  (ATT.  XII.  5,  §  3). 

621.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  5,  §  3). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  11  OR  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

De  ratione  temporis    magistratuuai  aliquot   Romanorum    et    de   Bruti  epil 



3.  Tubulum  praetorem  video  L.  Metello  Q.  Maximo  consulibi 
Nunc  velim  P.  Scaevola  pontifex  maximus  quibus  consulibi 
tribunus  pi.  Equidern  puto  proximis,  Caepione  et  Pompeio:  praetol 
enira  L.  FurioSex.  Atilio.  Dabis  igitur  tribunatum  et,  si  poteril 
Tubulus  quo  crimine.  Et  vide,  quaeso,  L.  Libo,  ille  qui  de  ber. 
Galba,  Censorinone  et  Manilio  an  T.  Quinotio  M'.  Acilioconsulibiisl 
tribunus  pi.  fuerit.  Conturbabat  enim  me  [epitome  Bruti  FaJ 
niana,]  in  Bruti  epitoma  Fannianorum  [soripsi]  quod  erat  ini 

3.  Tubulum}  The  information  about 
Tubulus  Cicero  used  in  Fin.  ii.  54. 

L.  Metello  Q.  Maximo']     612  (142). 

velim~\     sc.  scire  :  cp.  656.  1. 

Caepione  et  Pompeio}  613  (141)  :  proxi- 
mis is  found  in  2  and  Z,  but  not  in  M. 

L.  Furio  Sex.  Atilio']  In  the  consul- 
ship of  L.  Furius  and  Sex.  Atilius,  618 

quo  crimine']  '  on  what  charge  was  he 
tried  ;  '  sc.  accusatus  sit — a  strong  ellipse. 
From  Fin.  ii.  54,  we  find  that  it  was  on 
the  charge  of  a  corrupt  judicial  decision. 
But  he  was  a  notorious  vilhdn.  Cicero 
(Scaur.  5  ap.  Ascon.  p.  20  KS.  =  p.  23, 
ed.  Clark)  says  of  him  unum  ex  omni 
memoria  sceleratissimum  et  audacissimum 
fuisse  acce/>imus.  Gellius  (ii.  7.  20)  put 
him  on  a  level  with  Catiline  and  Clodius  : 
cp.  Cic.  Fin.  v.  62.  cui  Tubuli  nomen  odio 
non  est  ? 

de  Ser.  Galla]  Sc.  rogationem  tulit,  a 
daring  ellipse  only  to  be  defended  by  the 
consideration  that  Cicero  was  dealing  with 
a  matter  very  i'amiliar  to  Atticus.  It  is 
even  stronger  than  that  of  accusatus  sit, 
above.  The  bill  (cp.  Cic.  Brut.  89)  was 
to  restore  to  liberty  certain  Lusitanian 
prisoners  who  had  surrendered  to  Galba, 
and  had  been  sold  as  slaves  by  him 
(Liv.Epit.  49).  Another  story  of  Galba's 
treachery  stated  that  he  had  massacred 
these  Lusitanians  (Suet.  Galb.  3).  Cicero 
desires  to  know  whether  he  was  tribune 

in  the  consulate  of  Censorinus  and  Mani-JI 
lius  in  605  (149),  or  of  Quinctius  andj 
Acilius  in  604  (150). 

Conturbfib'tt  enim]  'I  was  confused  topi 
by  a  remark  at  the  end  of  Brutus'  abrMgJ 
ment  of  the  history  of  Fannius,  following! 
which  I  made  Fannius,  the  historian,  thej 
son-in-law  of  Laelius.  But  you  prove* 
me  wrong  to  demonstration  ;  now  Brutiul 
and  Fannius  convict  you  of  error.'  Boot! 
would  wish  to  read  brutus  ex  Funnio,  re-l 
marking,  that  if  Fannius  had  <lescrii>a(fl 
himself  as  son-in-law  of  Laelius  then! 
could  have  been  no  question  about  then 
matter.  A  view  of  this  passage,  upheld! 
by  Schmidt  (p.  315),  supposes  that  epitonA 
Bruti  Fanniana  were  the  words  that  Cicerfll 
wrote,  and  that  a  copyist  or  reader  of  ibel 
Veronen>is  ndded  a  learned  note  in  the! 
margin  in  Bruti  epitoma  Fannintiorunu 
scripsi,  perhaps  from  a  recollection'  jfl 
Epitomen  Bruti  Coelianorum  in  618,  which! 
would  appear  to  be  the  correct  title  oil 
this  kind  of  abridgment.  "We  confeJ 
to  a  certain  disbelief  in  such  learnedf 
glosses,  and  in  the  present  case  do  not, 
feel  sure  that  we  know  what  the  glossaton 
meant  to  convey.  Accordingly  we  inJ 
cline  to  the  emendation  of  Bosius  (whichj 
as  often,  he  supports  by  an  appeal  to  thai 
mythical  Decurtatus),  Conturbat  enim  MM! 
epitome  Bruti  Fanniana  AN  '  Bruti  epi-i 
toma  Fannianorum  *  ?  scripsi  quod  erat  ml 
extremo  idque,  &c.  "  I  am  somewhat! 

EP.  622  (FAM.   VI.  11). 


>xtremo,  idque  ego  secutus  huno  Fannium,  qui  scripsit  historiani, 

renerum  esse  scripserarn  Laeli,  sed  tu  me  ye^fierpiKw^  refelleras: 

autem  mine  Brutus  et  Fannius.     Ego  tamen  de  bono  auctore, 

[ortensio,  sic  acceperam  ut  apud  Brutum  est.    Hunc  igitur  locum 


622.     CICERO  TO  TREBIANUS  (FAM.  vi.  11). 
ROME;  JUNE  (MIDDLE)  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;   AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Trebiano  de  restitutione  quam  Dolabellae  beneficio  illi  a  C,  Caesare 
jpetraverat  gratulatur  hortaturque  ut  aequo  animo  iacturam  fortunarum  suarum 


1.  Dolabellamantea  tantummodo  diligebam;  obligatus  ei  nihil 
ram — nee  enim  acciderat  mihi  opus  esse — et  ille  mild  debebat 
[uod  non  defuerum  eius  periculis :  nuiic  tanto  sum  devinctus  eius 

lisquieted  by  tbe  Fannian  epitome  of 
rutus  (or  is  it  '  Brutus's  epitome  of  the 
iistory  of  Fannius '  ?  I  wrote  what  I 
tund  at  the  end  of  the  work),  and  fol- 
lowing this,"  &c.  That  is  — at  the  end 
>f  the  abridgment  was  something  like 
\JSxplicit  epitome  Bruti  Fanttiana,  which 
says  he  has  written  because  he 
found  it  at  the  end  of  the  work ;  but  he 
[thinks  thiit  such  a  title  is  not  in  }ic«-or- 
ce  with  correct  usage,  and  asks,  should 
it  not  be  Bruti  epituma  Fannianorum  ? 
Epitomn  Bruti  Fanniana  might  l>e  a  mar- 
ginal entry  which  crept  into  the  text  :  but 
it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  scripsi  is  not 
sound.  Cicero  had  stated,  in  Rep.  i.  18. 
Brut  100,  thdt  Fannius  was  son-in-law 
of  Laelius:  this  statement  Aiticus  had 
(as  Cicero  thought)  demonstrated  to  be 
erroneous:  but  Brutus,  in  a  conversation 
with  Cicero  at  this  time,  had  satisfied 
him  i  hat  the  error  had  been  made  hy 
Attii  us.  Perhaps  he  did  this  by  adducing 
passives  from  tin- larger  work  of  Fannius, 
and  thus  both  Brutus  and  Fannius  may 
be  said  to  have  co-operated  in  settling  the 

For  Trebianus,  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi.  10 

1.  diligebam]  '  I  had  only  a  regard  for,' 
weaker  than  amare,  cp.  ad  Brut.  i.  1,  1 

(-873),  L.  Clodius  valde  me  diliyit  vel,  ut 
(/u.<j>a.TiKu>Tepov  dicam,  valde  me  amat. 

acci'ierat  mihi  opus  esse"]  '  for  it  never 
happened  to  be  necessary  '  (that  I  should 
receive  a  favour  from  him).  The  ace.  and 
inf.  is  rare  alter  accidere,  yet  cp.  Fam. 
iii.  10,  5  (261),  illud  vero  mihi  permirum 
aecidit  tantam  temeritatem  fuisse  in  eo 
adulcscente.  Caec.  8  Videie  igitur  quam 
inique  accid'tt,  quia  res  indignu  sit,  ideo 
tv-rpem  existimationem  sequi.  Accordingly 
there  is  no  need  to  add  ut  with  Wesen- 
berg  and  rend  esttet  with.G,  or  to  alter  esse 
to  eius  with  R  and  Streicher — a  construc- 
tion like  5e?  jtoi  rivos  which  is  found  in 
Liv.  xxii.  51,  3;  xxiii.  21,  5.  Translate 
'for  it  never  happened  that  I  had  need' 
(sc.  to  put  myself  under  a  compliment  to 
him).  Lehmann  (pp.  126,  127)  proposes 
nee  enim  acciderat  mihi  <.operam  eius> 
opus  esse,  which  would  be  an  allowable 
renv'dy  if  the  case  really  demanded  one  : 
cp.  636.  6  ;  697.  2. 

periculi*]  cp.  Fam.  iii.  10,  5  (261) 
adulexcente  (sc.  Dolabella]  cuiusegosalutem 
duobux  capi.tin  iitdidis  summa  contentione 
defendi.  What  these  trials  were  is  not 
known.  It  has  been  conjectured  from 
Phil.  xi.  9  that  they  were  for  murder  and 
grave  immorality.  Tnat  Uolahella  was 
twice  tiled  on  a  capital  charge  before  he 
was  twenty  showed  him  to  be  of  a  most 
violent  nature. 



(ATT.  XIII.  9}. 

benefioio,  quod  et  antea  in  re  et  hoc  tempore  in  salute  tua  cumul 
tissirae  mihi  satis  fecit  ut  nemini  plus  debeam.     Qua  in  re  til 
gratulor  ita  vebementer  ut  te  quoque  mihi  gratulari  quam  gratis 
agere  malim ;  alterum  ornnino  non  desidero,  alterum  vere  facei 
poteris.     2.  Quod  reliquum  est,  quoniam  tibi  virtus  et  dignil 
tua  reditum  ad  tuos  aperuit,  est  tuae  sapientiae  magnitudinisqiu 
animi  quid  amiseris  oblivisci,  quid  reciperaris  cogitare  :  vives  cum 
tuis,  vives  nobiscura,  plus  adquisisti  dignitatis  quam  amisisti  rei 
familiaris;  quae  ipsa  turn  esset  iucundior,  si  ulla  res  esset  publica. 
Vestorius,  noster  familiaris,  ad  me  scripsit  te  mihi  maximas  gratia&i 
agere :  haec  praedicatio  tua  mihi  valde  grata  est  eaque  te  uti  facile 
patior,  cum  apud  alios,  turn  mehercule  apud  Sironem,  nostrum 
amicum;   quae  enim  facimus,  ea  prudentissimo  cuique  maxime 
probata  esse  volumus.     Te  cupio  videre  quam  primum. 

623.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  9). 

TUSCULUM  ;   JUNE  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Trebatii,  Curtii,  Dolabellae,  Torquati  ad  se  adventu  et  de  sermonibus  cum  illi» 
habitis,  de  Bmto,  de  itinere  Arpinum  suscipiendo  et  de  adventu  Caesaris  exspectato. 


1.  Commodum  discesseras  heri  cum  Trebatius  venit,  paullo 
post  Curtius,  hie  salutandi  causa,  sed  mansit  invitatus.  Trebatium 
nobiscum  habemus.  Hodie  mane  Dolabella.  Multus  sermo  ad 
multum  diem.  Nihii  possum  dicere  eicravcorf/ooi/,  uihil 

in  re]  'in  the  matter  of  your  estate.' 
Dolibellaand  Cicero,  doubtless,  succeeded 
in  saving  some  portion  of  the  property  of 
Trebianus  from  confiscation  or  plunder. 

salute']  '  your  restoration '  =  incolumi- 
tas,  '  your  civil  position.' 

cuniulatissime]     '  most  abundantly.' 

2.  turn]  so  MG ;  for  turn  .  .  .  si 
cp.  Verr.  ii.  164 ;  Rep.  i.  62.  As  R  has 
tarn,  it  has  been  proposed  to  read  tamen, 
which  had  been  already  conjectured  by 

Ventorius']  the  banker  of  Puteoli,  667.  2. 

facile  patior]  '  I  am  glad  that  you 
make  it*  (sc.  tnis  acknowledgment)  :  cp. 
634,  1;  praedicatio;  lit.  'proclamation,' 
as  if  of  a  crier. 

Sironem]  An  Epicurean  philosopher, 
Acad.  ii.  106  ;  Fin.  ii.  119.  According  to 

Vergil,  Catal.  5  (7),  9  ;  8  (10),  1 ;  Donat. 
Vit.  Verg.  79;  Serv.  on  Eel.  vi.  13,  he 
•was  the  teacher  of  Vergil.  The  name  is 
variously  spelled  Siro  (so  MGR  Madvig, 
Baelirens,  Reid),  Si/ro  (inferior  M*S), 
Sciro,  Scyro  :  cp.  Zeller,  Stoics,  &c.r 
p.  414,  note  1,  Eng.  Tr. 

1.   Trebatiui]     637.  3. 

Curtius]     597.  1. 

Dolabella']  sc.  venit :  for  the  ellipse 
cp.  Att.  ii.  12.  2  (37)  ibidem  ilico  ('  at 
that  very  moment')  puer  abs  te  cum 
epistulis:  and  often. 

ad  multum  diem~]  'prolonged  till  the 
day  M- as  far  spent.' 

4KT£V€ffTfpov^    '  more  empress^.' 

<]>i\offTopy6Tfpov]  '  more  affection- 

EP.  623  (ATT.  XIII.  9). 


.  Ventum  est  tamen  ad  Quintum.  Multa  a^ara, 
lied  unum  eius  modi,  quod,  nisi  exercitus  sciret,  non  modo  Tironi 
Iliotare  sed  ne  ipse  quidem  auderem  scribere  .  .  .  Sed  hactenus. 
i  |vicat/uct>c  ad  me  venifc  cum  haberem  Dolabellam  Torquatus, 
liumanissimeque  Dolabella  quibus  verbis  secum  egissem  exposuit. 
pommodiim  enim  egeramdiligentissirae  :  quae  diligentia  grata  est 
7isa  Torquato.  2.  A  te  exspecto,  si  quid  de  Bruto.  Quamquam 
Niicias  confectum  putabat,  sed  divortium  non  probari.  Quo  etiam 
imagis  laboro  idem  quod  tu.  Si  quid  est  enim  offensionis,  haec 
res  mederi  potest.  Mild  Arpinum  eundum  est.  Nam  et  opus  est 
constitui  a  nobis  ilia  praediola  et  vereor  ne  exeundi  potestas  non 
sit  cum  Caesar  venerit,  de  cuius  adventu  earn  opinionem  Dolabella 
habet  quam  tu  coniecturam  faciebas  ex  litteris  Messallae.  Cum 
illuc  venero  intellexeroque  quid  negoti  sit,  turn  ad  quos  dies 
rediturus  sim  scribam  ad  te. 

Quintum]  the  son  of  Q.  Cicero.  He 
was  now  in  the  camp  of  Caesar. 

Multa  &^)ara]  'he  said  many  things 
which  were  too  bad  to  mention  or  report, 
'but  one  thing  which  I  should  not  dare  to 
dictate  to  Tiro,  or  even  to  write  down 
myself,  were  it  not  that  the  whole  camp 
knows  it.' 

scribere  .  .  .]  Lehmann  (Wochen- 
schrift,  1896,  p.  56)  supposes  there  is  a 
lacuna  here,  made  by  the  editor  in  order 
to  spare  the  scandal  to  the  members  of 
the  family  then  living.  He  compares 
Fam.  iii.  10.  11  (261),  where  there  is  a 
similar  lacuna,  which  may  have  been 
caused  by  an  omission  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Claudian  family. 

E  UK ai pws]     '  in  the  nick  of  time.' 

Torqnatnd]  Torquatus  had  apparently 
been  permitted  to  return  from  exile 
(cp.  572.  2,  a  quibus  reciperis)  ;  otherwise 
he  could  not  have  been  at  Tusculum ;  but 
probably,  though  he  was  allowed  to 
return  to  Italy,  he  was  not  allowed  to 
return  to  Rome.  Cicero  seems  to  have 
been  urging  DoLibella  to  do  what  he 
could  to  bring  Torquatus  again  into  full 
favour  with  Caesar,  and  thus  perhaps 
save  some  of  his  property. 

egeratn}  Cicero  had  spoken  to  Dola- 
bella about  Torquatus,  and  had  begged 
him  to  recommend  the  latter  to  Caesar, 
(cp.  652.  2  ;  662.  2).  The  words  from 
Doltibella  lo  diligetttissime  are  not  in  M, 
having  fallen  out  through  the  homoto- 
teleuton  in  humanissime  and  diligentisxime. 
The  words  are  found  in  Lehmanu's  MSS. 

ORP,  (i.e.  in  5),  the  editio  lensoniana, 
and  the  edition  of 'Cratander. 

2.  de  Bruto]  *  I  expect  to  hear  from 
you,  if  there  is  any  news  about  Brutus.' 
Brutus  had  divorced  Claudia,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  and 
proposed  to  marry  his  cousin  Porcia,  the 
daughter  of  Cato. 

Nicias~\     cp.  604  [29].  1. 

confectum]  '  that  the  matter  is  settled,' 
i.e.  that  Brutus  is  going  to  marry  Porcia. 

laboro  idem]  *  J  am  all  the  more 
anxious  for  the  same  thing  as  you  :  for 
if  there  has  been  any  offence  taken  (by 
the  public  at  the  divorce  of  Claudia),  this 
step  (i.  e.  his  marriage  with  Porcia")  may 
remedy  it,'  For  laboro  with  ace.  cp.  610. 1. 

constitui  .  .  ilia  praediola]     625.  1. 

quam  tu  coniecturam~]  Lamb,  added 
cum  before  coniecturam,  which  we  accepted 
in  ed.  1.  But  M  tiller  has  shown  that  it 
is  not  necessary,  and  that  Latin  writers 
often  use  a  different  word,  though  of  a 
somewhat  similar  meaning,  in  the  relative 
clause  from  that  which  they  use  in  the 
principal  clause.  He  quotes  Verr.  v. 
146,  non  providerant  eas  ipsas  sibi 
causas  esse  perictili,  quibus  arguments  se 
ad  salutem  uli  «rbitrabantur  :  Balb.  18  in 
qua  furtuna  .  .  .  hunc  v>tae  statum  : 
Div.  in  Caecil.  41,  cum  illius  temporis 
mihi  venit  in  mentem  quo  die  citato  reo 
mihi  dicendum  sit:  B.  C  i.  44.  3, 
quibus  in  locis  .  .  .  earum  regionum. 

ad  quos  dies']  '  about  what  days.' 
Dr.  Reid  thinks  we  should  read  quo  die, 
omitting  ad. 


EP.  624  (ATT.  XIII.  10). 

624    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  10). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  18-20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.    61. 

De  morte  Marcelli,  de  Dolabella,  de  Bruto,  de  Magii  amentia. 

1.  Minirae  miror  te  efc  graviter  ferre  de  Marcello  et  plm 
vereri  periculi  genera.  Quis  enim  hoc  timeret,  quod  neque 
derat  antea  nee  videbatur  natura  ferre  ut  accidere  posset  ?  OmniJ 
igitur  metuenda.  Sed  illud  jrapa  TTJV  ieropiav,  tu  praesertim  1 
*  rae  reliquum  consularem.'  Quid?  tibi  Servius  quid  videturl 
Q.uamquam  hoe  nullam  ad  partem  valet  scilicet,  mihi  praesertim, 
qui  non  minus  bene  actum  cum  illis  putem.  Quid  enim  sumusl 
aut  quid  esse  possumus  ?  domin  an  foris  ?  Quod  nisi  mini  hoc 
venisset  in  mentem,  scribere  ista  nesoio  quae,  quo  verterem  met 
non  baberem.  2.  Ad  Dolabellam,  ut  scribis,  ita  puto  faciendum, 
Koivorspa  quaedam  et  TroAmtfwrc/oa.  Faciendum  certe  aliquid  est : 
valde  enim  desiderat.  3.  Brutus  si  quid  egerit,  curabis  ut  sciam,  cuij 
quidem  quam  primum  agendum  puto,  praesertim  si  statuiq 

I.  De  Marcello']  who  Mras  murdered  by 
P.  Magius  Chilo  :  cp.  Ep.  613. 

Sed  illud]  «  but  to  think  that  you  of  all 
men  should  have  made  such  a  historical 
lapsus  as  to  call  me  the  only  surviving 
consular.  Why,  what  do  you  make  of 
Servius  Sulpicius  (who  was  consul  with 
M.  Marcellus)  ?'  Atticus  seems  to  have 
said  that  when  Marcellus  was  slain, 
Cicero  was  the  only  surviving  consular. 
This  is  explained  by  the  ediiors  to  mean 
that  Cicero  was  the  only  consular  worthy 
of  the  name — which  cannot  be  defended  by 
non  consulare  dictum,  Att.  ii.  1.  5  (27) — 
a  distinction  to  a  share  in  which  Cicero 
then  desires  to  admit  Servius  Sulpicius. 
But  this  could  not  be  called  '  a  slip  in 
history.'  It  would  be  merely  a  matter  of 
opinion.  Atticus  must  have  in  ^ome  way 
qualified  his  remark.  Dr.  Reid  thinks 
Att.  may  have  meant  one  who  was  a 
constitutionalist,  and  one  of  sufficient 
importance  that  the  country  might  expect 
something  from  him.  He  notes  that 
quid  tibi  videtur  ?  points  to  quality:  itis 
virtually  qualia  tibi  videtur :  see  his  note 
on  Acad.  ii,  76,  89,  where  he  compares 
Fam.  ix.  21.  1  (497),  quid  tibi  ego  videor 

in  epistulisl :  Hor.  Epp.  i.  11.  1,  QuiM 
tibi  vi*a  Chios.  Cicero  corrects  him  bjl 
observing  that  Servius  Sulpicius  can  claimjf 
the  same  distinction. 

nullam']  '  yet  this  (the  fact  that  I 
a  consular)  has  no  importance  at  all  fronri 
any  point  of  view,  you  may  be  sure,] 
especially  for  me  who  think  that  thosw 
who  aro  gone  have  the  best  of  it.'  (Cp»j 
Horace's  ab  omni  parte.) 

Quod  nisi"]  '  But  had  it  cot  occurn 
to  me  to  write  these  works,  such  as  they] 
are  (cp.  uote  to  599.  3),  I  do  not  knowl 
what  I  should  do  with  myself.' 

2.  KotvArepa]  '  I  should  write  some- 
thing of  more  general  and  public  interest '; 
than  those  philosophical  works  in  whichl 
he  was  engaged,  possibly  something  of  a 
political  nature.     But    Cicero   could    not! 
make  up  his  mind  what  to  write  (627.  2).  j 

3.  egerit]     This   word  is  in  all  the  MSS 
except  A  :  cp.  625.  2. 

cui  quidetn\  '  I  think  he  should  takel 
the  stei>  at  once  (of  marrying  Portia), 
especially  if  he  has  made  up  his  mind.  It 
will  either  stop,  or  at  all  events  mitigate, 
any  chit-chat  (which  the  divorce  may 
have  caused).' 

EP.  625  (ATT.  XIII.  11). 


Sermunoulura  enim  oranem  ant  restinxerit  aut  sedarit.  Sunt  enim 
qui  loquuntur  etiam  'meourn.  Sed  haec  ipse  optime,  praesertim 
si  etiam  tecum  loquetur.  Mihi  est  in  anitno  proficisci  XL  Kal. 
Hie  enim  niliil  habeo  quod  again,  ne  heroule  illic  quidern  nee 
usquam,  sed  tamen  aliquid  illic.  Hodie  Spiutherem  exspecto.  Misit 
enim  Brutus  ad  me:  per  litteras  purgat  Cuesarem  de  interitu 
Marcelli,  in  quern,  ne  si  insidiis  quidern  ille  interfectus  esset, 
caderet  ulla  suspicio.  Nunc  vero,  cum  de  Magio  constet,  nonne 
furor  eius  causum  omnem  sustinet  ?  Plane  quid  sit  non  intellego  ; 
explanabis  igitur.  Quamquam  nihil  babeo  quod  dubitem  nisi 
ipsi  M'»gio  quae  fuerit  causa  amentiae,  pro  quo  quidem  etiam 
sponsor  sum  factus.  Et  nirnirum  id  fuit :  solvendo  enim  non  erat. 
Credo  eum  petisse  a  Marcello  aliquid  et  ilium,  ut  erat,  constautius 

625.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  n). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNE  22  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Quo  animo  versetur  in  Arpinati  significat  et  quibus  de  rebus  ad  se  seribi  velit. 

1.  Ou    ravrov   t?§o£.  Credebam  esse  facile.    Totum  est  aliud, 
;tea   quam    sum    a   te    diiunctior.     Sed   fuit   faciendum  ut  et 

Sermunculum~]  cp.  oflvnsionis,  623.  2. 
""or  the  word,  cp.  Deiot.  33. 

haec  ipse  optime]     so.  faciet,  a  common 

lipse :  cp.  e.g.  725.  6. 

illic]     at  Arpinum  (623.  21). 

Misit]     'sent  word.'    Hoot  thinks  that 

trulus  has  got  out  of  place,  and  should 

follow   after   the   full   stop.     Misit   (sc. 

Spinther)  enim  ad  me.    Brutus  per  litteras 


purgat]  '  he  defends  Caesar  in  the 
matter  of  the  murder  of  Marcellus.  But 
not  even  if  his  death  had  been  due  to 
treachery,  could  any  suspicion  fall  on  him. 
And  now  tiiat  it  is  clear  that  Magius  was 
mad,  does  not  that  fully  account  for  every- 

quid  sit"]  What  Brutus  means  by  under- 
taking Caesar's  defence. 

sponsor  sum  foetus  :  et]  So  Zh  and  Crat. 
2A  \\ti\Qsp6nxornin  factus  et  :  Bo?iusconj. 
sponsor  Sunii  ('  at  Sunium  ')  factns  est. 
Magius  was  in  money  difficulties :  even 

Cic.  had  been  security  for  him.  He  pro- 
bably begged  money  from  Marcellus,  who 
gave  him  '  a  somewhat  decided  answer.' 
Boot  observes  tbat  respondisse  would  rather 
imply  that  Marcellus  had  complied  with, 
the  request  of  Magius.  Hence  lieier  con- 
jectures cunctantius  respondisse.  Caelius 
in  Fam.  viii.  10,  3  (226),  calls  Marcellus 
tardum  et  parttm  efficacem.  But  when 
Marcellus  did  act,  he  a<  ted  with  deter- 
mination, e.g.  iu  the  case  of  scourging  the 
citizen  of  C'.murn,  Att.  v.  11.  2  (200). 

ut  erat~\  '  as  was  his  way  '  :  cp.  Fam. 
xii.  20  (930)  Quod  si,  ut  es,  cessabis,  and 
note  there. 

1.  ou  TO.VTOV  elSos]  The  couplet  is 
from  Eur.  Ion  585 — 

oil  ravrov  elSos  <f>aCverai.  rStv  irpa.ynd.Ttav 
7TpO(ru>0ei>  OI/TWI/  l-yyvfleV  ff  opw/Ae'i/wi/. 

Cicero  means  that  he  had  not  realized 
until  he  tried  it  how  disagreeable  it  would 


EP.  626  (ATT.  XIII. 

constituerem  mercedulas  praediorura  et  ne  magnum  onus  observan- 
tiae  Bruto  nostro  imponerem.   Posthacenim  poterimus  commodiui 
colere  inter  nos  in  Tusoulano.     Hoc  autem  tempore,  cum  ille  me 
cotidie  videre  vellet,  ego  ad  ilium  ire  non  possem,  privabatur  omni 
delectatione  Tusculani.     2.  Tu  igitur,  si  Servilia  venerit,  si  Brutu& 
quid  egerit,  etiam  si  constituent  quando  ob  viam,  quidquid  denique 
erit  quod  scire  me  oporteat,  scribes.    Pisonem,  si  poteris,  convenies 
vides  quam  maturum  sit.     Sed  tamen,  quod  commodo  tuo  fiat. 

626.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  12). 
ARPINUM;  JUNE  23  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  valetudine  Atticae,  de  oratione  Ligariana,  de  Academicorum  libris  ad  Varronera 
scribendis,  de  Brinniana  auctione,  de  rebus  domesticis. 


1.  Yalde  rae  momorderunt  epistulae  tuae  de  Attica  nostra  : 
eaedem  tamen  sanaverunt.  Quod  enim  te  ipse  consolabare  eisdem 
litteris,  id  mihi  erat  satis  firm um  ad  leniendam  aegritudinem. 
2.  '  Ligarianam '  praeclare  vendidisti.  Posthac  quidquid  scripsero, 

be  to  move  further  away  from  bis  friend 
and  correspondent. 

mercedulas  praediorum]     Cp.  623.2. 

magnum  onus  .  .  .  imponereni]  This 
was  the  euphemistic  way  of  saying  that 
he  did  not  feel  comfortable  in  the  com- 
pany of  Brutus,  cp.  637.  1.  Cicero 
represents  this  avoidance  of  the  company 
of  Brutus  as  an  act  of  consideration 
towards  him  (privabatnr  .  .  .  Tusculani}. 

colere  inter  nos]  '  to  cultivate  each 
other's  society.' 

ego  ad  ilium  ire  non  possem"]  It  is  not 
easy  to  see  the  reason.  Cic.  may  mean 
that  Brutus  would  be  constantly  expecting 
Cic.  to  drop  in,  and  ?ts  really  lie  (Cic.) 
could  not  l>e  constantly  visiting  him  (i.e., 
to  speak  frankly,  could  not  see  his  way  to 
pay  perpetual  visits  to  an  ungracious  man 
whose  company  he  did  not  like),  he  thought 
the  best  ttdng  was  to  go  away,  and  thus 
Brutus  would  not  be  offended. 

2.  Servilia']     The  mother  of  Brutus. 

quando  ob  viam]  sc.  ituru*  sit,  '  when 
he  is  leaving  fur  the  meeting,'  i.e.  with 
Caesar,  who  was  now  on  his  return  from 
Spain.  Ellipse  of  a  verb  of  motion 

is  common  :  see  Index.  For  an  ellipse  of 
esse  or  dari  with  ob  viam  cp.  Ter.  Phorm. 
196,  Ipsest  quern  volui  ob  viam. 

Pisonem]     Cp.  614.  2. 

matuium~]  '  that  it  is  now  high  time,* 
as  the  day  of  the  sale  of  Scapula's  pro- 
perty was  approaching,  and  money  was- 

1.  Quod  .  .  .  aegritudinem"]     '  For  the 
fact  that  you  consoled  yourself  in  the  same 
letter  (as  you  wrote  me  the  alarming  news 
about  Attica)  was  a  sufficient  assurance  f 
me  to  alleviate  my  grief.' 

2.  vendidisti}      '  you   have   given   the 
speech  for  Ligarius  a  splendid  send-off.' 

Vendere  is  used  in  this  sense  by  Cicero  in 
Pro  Quinctio  19,  and  by  Hor.  Epp.  ii.  11 
75.  Juv.  vii.  136  says  of  a  cauaidicu* 
that  his  amethyst  robes  bring  him  custom, 
vendunt  amethystina.  Atticus  had  been 
praising  the  oratiuncula,  as  Cicero  call* 
the  speech  in  631.  2,  and  had  thus  secured 
for  it  a  large  measure  of  public  notice. 
He  had  '  given  it  a  great  vogue,'  as  per- 
haps vendidisti  might  better  be  rendered* 
On  Sull.  31,  Dr.  Reid  has  this  interesting 

EP.  626  (ATT.  XIII.  12). 


tibi  praeconium  deferam.  3.  Quod  ad  me  de  Varrone  scribis,  scis 
me  antea  orationes  aut  aliquid  id  genus  soliturn  scribere,  ut  Var- 
ronem  nusquam  possem  intexere.  Postea  autem  quum  haec  coepi 
<f>t\o\oya)Ttpa,  iarn  Varro  mini  denuntiaverat  magnam  sane  et 
gravem  7r/oo<T</>wi'rjo-<v.  Bieunium  praeteriit,  cum  ille  KaAA«7r7n'S»je 
adsiduo  cursu  cubitum  nullum  processerit.  Ego  autem  me  para- 
bam  ad  id  quod  ille  mihi  mississet  ut  avrtf  T*JJ  /mtrp^  Kal 
si  modo  potuissem  :  nam  boo  etiarn  Hesiodus  ascribit,  at  ice 
Nunc  illam  irtpl  TZ\MV  avvra^iv  sane  mibi  probatam  Bruto,  ut  tibi 
placuit,  despoudimus,  idque  tu  eum  non  nolle  mibi  scripsisti. 
Ergo  illam  'A/caS^tK^y,  in  qua  bomines  nobiles  illi  quidem  sed 

note — "It  is  doubtful  whether  venders  se 
Ginliquam  rem  alicni  can  be  said  iorvendi- 
taie:  in  Att.  xiii.  12.2  we  probably  have 
a  jest :  '  You  have  sold  my  speech  for 
Ligarius  in  excellent  fashion  :  for  the 
future  whenever  I  write  anything  1  will 
make  you  my  auctioneer.'  There  is  a 
curious  jest  in  Har.  resp.  1  :  cum  is 
(Clodius)  P.  Tul/ioni  Syro  navaret  operam 
atqiie  ei  se  cui  totus  venierat  etiam  vobis 
inspectantibus  venditaret." 

praeconiuw']  «  the  advertising  of  it.' 
For  praeconium  cp.  Apul.  Met.  vi.  7  of 
Mercury  as  a  public  crier.  Dr.  Reid  com- 
pares 786.  2  te  bncinatorem  fore  existi- 
mntioniis  meae.  It  is  worth  noticing  that 
Cicero  appears  from  this  passage  (cp.  635, 
3)  to  have  at  times  sent  his  writings  to 
other  publishers  than  Atticus.  The 
works  published  by  Atticus  (especially 
those  of  Demosthenes  and  Aeschines)  had 
a  high  reputation  for  accuracy,  and  were 
noted  as  'ArriKtavd,  as  we  might  speak  of 
an  Elzevir  or  a  Teubner.  Lucian  (Adv. 
indoctum  2)  speaks  of  6  aoiStnos  'ATTIKOS. 

3.  aliquid  id  genus]  For  the  accus.  id 
genus  cp.  accusatives  like  Varro  It.  R.  iii. 
5.  11  avikus  omne  genus:  Cluent.  141  id 

intexere']  '  introduce  '  as  a  speaker  or 
character  in  a  dialogue. 

irpoff<f>u>vr)(Tiv']  Cicero  had  already 
commenced  those  'more  literary'  works, 
as  he  calls  ihe  philosophical  treatises  in 
contradistinction  to  his  speeches, &c., when 
Varro  promised  to  dedicate  to  him  his 
J)e  Lingua  Latina.  Now,  after  two  years, 
Yarro  has  made  no  progress  with  the 
work.  In  allusion  to  this  dilatorim  ss, 
Ci.-ero  ironically  calls  Varro  Ku\\nriri8r)s, 
M'hich  is  apparently  a  proverbial  name 
for  a  'slow -coach.'  It  is  not  probable 

that  there  is  any  allusion  to  a  certain 
tragic  actor  mentioned  by  Aristotle  in  his 
Poetics,  ch.  26  (1461,  b.  36),  whose  act- 
ing was  marred  by  an  excess  of  gesture. 
Suet.  Tib.  38  tells  us  that  this  sobriquet 
was  applied  to  the  Emperor  Tiberius. 
ut  vulgo  iam  per  iocum  Cullipides  voearetur 
quern  cursitare  ac  ne  cubiti  quidem  men- 
suram  progredi  proverbio  Graeco  notatum 
eat.  Otto  (p.  66)  thinks  Callipides  was 
perhaps  a  runner,  who  often  competed  but 
never  was  successful.  He  quotes  Mantiss. 
Proverb.  1,  87  (vol.  ii.  p.  957,  ed. 
Leutsch)  :  Kd\\nriros  rpe'xet  '•  «T&  T&V 
TroAAa  fj.e\€TwvTcav  irotTjcrat,  oAfya  Se 

T<f  fjifrpcf']  Hesiod,  Op.  350. 
epl  re\wv  ovvra^iv'}.  'The  De 
Finibus,  which  I  think  very  well  of,  I 
design  tor  Brutus  by  your  advice,  and  I 
learn  from  jou  that  he  is  pleased  with  the 
attention.'  He  means  that  he  has  dedicated 
the  work  to  Brutus.  He  did  not  make 
him  an  interlocutor  in  the  dialogue.  He 
kept  the  principal  part  for  himself  (631.  4). 

tu~]  This  word  occurs  in  v.  c.  L  (marg.) 
and  the  codices  of  Bosius.  Dr.  Reid 
(D.  337)  believes  it  is  a  deliberate  inser- 
tion, put  in  when  ttt  tibi  placuit  got  out  of 
position  :  he  thinks  these  words  originally 
followed  despondimus.  We  think  this 
subilety  beyond  the  capacity  of  copyists. 

'AKaS-n/jitK-fiv].  See  next  ep.  The 
Academica  had  consisted  of  two  books, 
in  one  of  which  Catulus  was  the  chief 
character,  and  in  the  otlier  Lucullus.  The 
new  edition  here  spoken  of  consists  of 
four  books,  in  all  of  which  Varro  has  the 
chief  part.  This,  he  says,  wiil  be  more 
suitable  ;  for  Catulus  and  Lucullus, 
though  great  nobles,  were  not  at  all  literary 
men,  and  so  the  arguments  assigned  to 

124          EP.  627  (ATT.  XIII.  13  AND- 14,  §§  1,  2). 

nullo  modo  pliilologi  nimis  acute  loquuntur,  ad  Varronem  trans- 
feraraus.    Etenirn  sunt  Antiochia,  quae  iste  valde  probat.    Catulo 
et  Lucullo  alibi  reponeraus,  ita  tamen  si  tu  hoc  probas,  deque  eo 
mihi  rescribas  velim.     4.  De  Brinniana  auctione  accepi  a  Yestorio 
litteras.     Ait  sine   ulla  controversia  rem  ad  me  esse  collatara — 
Romae  videlicet  aut  in  Tusculano  me  fore  putaverunt — a.  d.  nx 
Kal.  Qtiinct.     Dices  igitur  vel  amico  tuo,  S.  Vettio,  cobereiU  meo 
vel   Labeoni  nostro,    paullum   proferant    auotionem,  me  circker 
Nonas  in  Tusculano  fore.     Tu  cum  Pisone :  Erotem  babes.     De 
Scapulanis  hortis  toto  pectore  cogiternus.     Dies  adest. 

627.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  13  AND  u,  §§  i,  2). 

ARP1NUM  J    JUNE  25  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Academicis  ad  Varronem  translatis,  de  scripto  ad  Dolabellam  mittendo,  de  vale 
tudine  Atticae,  de  Brinniana  auctione  et  coheredibus. 


1.  Comraotus  tuis  litteris,  quod  ad  me  de  Varrone  scripseras 
totarn  Academiam  ab  hominibus  nobilissimis  abstuli  transtuliqu( 

them   are  too  subtle   for  such  speakers.  4.  rem  .  .  .  collatam~]    'that  it  has  been 

Now  Varro  will  be  quite  suitable,  for  he  put  into  my  hands,'  that  is,  that  Cicerc 

is  known  to  hold  the  views  of  Antiochus  has  been  made  magister  auctionis,  witl 

(cp.  629.  1  and  note  on  641.  1),  which  power  to  decide  for  himself  and  his  co 

are  expounded   in   the   Academica.     Dr.  heirs  all  questions  appertaining  to  the  sale 

lleid  (Introd.  to  Acad.,  p.  35)  says  :  '  It  e.g.  reserve  prices  and  such  matters, 

seems  strange  that  Cicero  should  not  have  nx]   =  viii. 

entered    into   correspondence  with  Varro  S,     Vettio}     A   freedman  of    Brinniu 

himself.     But    the   literary  etiquette  of  and    Albius  Sabinus  were  also  co-heirs 

the  day  seems  to  have  required  that  the  627  [14].  1. 

recipient     of    a    dedication    should     be  Tu   cum    Pisone~]      sc.    transiges,    cp 

assumed   to   be   ignorant  of  the  donor's  629.   2.     'You   will  kindly   settle    wit! 

intentions  till  they  were  on  the  very  point  Piso  (614).     You  have  Eros  to  help  yoi 

of   being   carried    out.     Thus,    although  at  Rome.'     The  insertion  of  .Tu,  whicl 

Cicero   saw  Brutus    frequently  while  at  would  easily  have  fallen  out  before  cu  ( 

Tusculum,  he  apparently  did  not  speak  to  and    c   being  almost    indistinguishable} 

him  about  the  JJ*  finibus,  but  employed  and  the  right  punctuation  of  the  passag 

Atticus  to  ascertain  his  feeling  about  the  are  due  to  Wesenberg. 

dedication.'  Erotem~\     For   Eros    cp.    557.    4.     H 

refjonemm~\     'I  will  make  it  up  to  (or  was  an  accountant  of  Atticus  who  wa£ 

'  repay ')  Catulus  and  Lucullus  in  some  acquainted  with  Cicero's  financial  affairs 

other  work'   by  giving  them  a   leading  Ities]     sc.  auctionis;  cp.  625.  2  note, 
part   in   some  other   dialogue,     for   re- 

ponere  in  the  general  sense  of  'repaying,'  Academiam']      So  the  MSS.      Cic.  doe 

'  returning  as  good  as  he  got,'  cp.  Fam.  i.  not   appi-ar    to    use  this  form  elsewher 

9»  19  (153)  ne  tibi  ego  idem  reponum.     See  for  his  tr«atise.     He  speaks  of  it  as  hoe 

Mayor  on  Juv.  i.  1  for  other  examples.  Academica  (631.  5)  or  Academica  quaesti 

EP.  627  (ATT.  XIII.  13  AND  U,  §§  7,  2). 


ad  nostrum  sodalera  et  ex  duobus  libris  contuli  in  quattuor.  Grran- 
diores  sunt  omnino  quam  erant  illi,  sed  tamen  multa  detracta. 
Tu  aufeni  mihi  pervelim  scribas  qui  intellexeris  ilium  velle.  Illud 
vero  utique  scire  cupio  quern  intellexeris  ab  eo  ZriXorvTreiaOai,  nisi 
forte  Bnttum.  Id  bercle  restabat !  Sed  tamen  scire  pervelim. 
Libri  quidein  ita  exierunt,  nisi  forte  mecornrnunis  0tAaim'adecipit, 
ut  in  tali  genere  ne  apud  Graecos  quidem  simile  quidquam.  Tu 
illam  iacturam  feres  aequo  anirno,  quod  ilia  quae  babes  de  Acade- 
mic's frustra  descripta  sunt.  Multo  tarnen  haec  erunt  splendidiora, 
breviora,  meliora.  2.  Nunc  autem  aTropw  quo  me  vertam.  Volo 
Dolabellae  valde  desideranti :  non  reperio  quid,  et  simul  al^ojuiat 
,  neque,  si  aliquid,  potero  nip^iv  effugere.  Aut  cessandum 
igitur  aut  aliquid  excogitandum.  3.  Sed  quid  baec  levia 
curamus  ?  Attica  mea,  obsecro  te,  quid  agit  ?  quae  me  valde  angit. 
Sed  crebro  regusto  tuas  litteras  :  in  bis  acquiesce.  Tamen  exspecto 

communis  <f>i\avria]  'the  usual 
author's  self-love'  (Shuckburgh). 

iacturam  .  .  .jrustni]  The  '  loss'  which 
Atticus  sustained  was  his  having  copied 
out,  'to  no  purpose,'  the  first  edition  of 
the  Academica,  which  was  now  superseded 
hy  the  second.  Possibly  de  Academicis  is 
a  marginal  annotation  which  has  crept 
into  the  text,  as  Dr.  Reid  suggests. 

tamen]  The  change  to  enim,  advocated 
by  Boot,  is  not  necessary.  Cicero  is  think- 
ing not  of  the  words  feres  aequo  animo, 
but  of  frustra  descripta  sunt ;  '  the  first 
edition  is  indeed  superseded,  but  think 
of  the  superiority  of  the  work  in  its  present 

2.  quo  me  vertam]    where  I  shall  turn, 
to  find  a  subject  for  another  work. 

Volo  Dolabellae]  sc.  facere  aliquid : 
see  624,  2. 

ai'Se'o/ucu  Tpwas]  cp.  640.  2  note. 
He  fears  that  he  might  be  condemned  if 
he  should  write  anything  to  meet  the 
views  of  Dolabella,  who  was  a  Caesarian. 

neque  si  aliquid']  '  even  if  I  do  find  out 
a  subject  (suitable  for  Dolabella),  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  escape  censure  rash.' 

aliquid  excogitandutri]  Cicero  had  said 
'  I  cannot  hit  on  anything :  and  if  1  do- 
think  of  a  subject,  I  cannot  avoid  censure. 
I  must  then  do  nothing,  or  I  must  think 
of  something '  —  the  latter  word  is 
emphatic,  something,  that  will  be  suitable 
and  not  too  open  to  censure.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  add  aliud. 

3.  regusto']  cp.   656.    2   '  to   enjoy  by 
reading  again,'  lit.  '  to    taste  again,'  as 

(631.  3),  or  'AKaSr/yUt/cV  crvvra^iv  (629.  1)  : 
cp.  note  to  643.  3. 

Qrandiorei]  We  may  take  this  word 
as  meaning  '  finer,'  *  more  imposing  '  : 
or  perhaps  even  '  longer '  (the  natural 
meaning),  though  he  left  out  certain 
portions  of  the  original  edition :  for  he 
may  have  added  much  to  this  edition. 
Then  breviora  at  the  end  of  §  1  will  be 
more  concise,'  '  more  terse.'  As  Dr.  Reid 
(Acad.  p.  35,  note  6)  says,  £rmora  applies 
to  the  mode  in  which  each  point  is  put; 
grandiores  to  the  compass  of  the  whole 
work.  Birt  (Antike  IJttckwesen,  p.  354) 
has  ingeniously  suggested  grandior  est 
sunt<axis>,  i.e.  crwral-is  ;  cp.  629.  1 

qui]  =  quo  modo  :  cp.  599.  3. 

^TjAoTUTreto-floi]  '  to  be  the  object  of 
his  jealousy,'  as  having  secured  a  place 
in  some  work  of  Cicero's. 

Id  hercle  restabat]  See  Reid  (Her- 
mathena  338),  'indeed  that's  just  like 
him  to  do,'  lit.  'indeed  that  was  left 
to  him  to  do  ' — a  petulant  expression.  He 
compares  Pro  Quinctio  33  illud  etiam 
restiterat  .  .  .  ut  te  in  ius  educerent :  Phil, 
xi.  22 :  Alt.  viii.  7.  1  (338).  Add  Ovid. 
Met.  ii.  471.  Shuckburgh  translates  '  By 
heaven,  that's  the  last  straw ! '  Varro  was 
such  a  cross-grained  person  (642.  3)  that 
Cicero's  petulance  is  excusable. 

exierunt']  '  have  turned  out ' :  cp.  cur- 
rente  rota  cur  urceus  exit,  Hor.  A.  P.  22. 
The  far  more  common  use  of  exire  in  the 
letters  is  '  to  be  published,  '  to  come  into 
the  hands  of  readers'  (632.  5). 

EP.  628  (ATT.  XIII.  U,  §5,  AND  15). 

novas.  [14]  1.  Brinni  libertus,  colieres  noster,  scripsit  ad  me  velle, 
m  milii  placeret,  coheredes  se  et  Sabinura  Albium  ad  me  venire.    Id! 
ego  plane  nolo  :  hereditas  tanti  non  est.    Et  taraen  obire  auctionis 
diem   facile  poterunt — est  enirn  in.  Idus — si  me  in    Tusculanoj 
postridie  Nonas  mane  convenerint.     Quod  si  laxius  volent  proferrJ 
diem,  poterunt  vel  biduum  vel  triduum  vel  ut  videbitur :  niliil 
enim  interest.     Qua  re,  nisi  iam  profecti  aunt,  retiuebis  homines! 
2.  De  Bruto,  si  quid   e^rit,  de  Caesare,  si  quid  scies,  si   qui< 
erit  praeterea,  scribes. 

628.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (AiT.  xm.  u,  §  3,  AND  15). 

ARPINUM  :   JUNK  26;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    ART.  CIC.  61. 

De  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis,  de  valetudine  Atticae  et  litterarum  com- 


[14]  3.  Illud  etiam  atque  etiam  consideres  velim,  placeatne  tibij 
mitti  ad  Varronem  quod  scripsimus.  Etsi  etiam  ad  te  aliquidi 
pertinet  :  nam  scito  te  ei  dialogo  adiunotum  esse  tertium.  Opinori 
igitur  consideremus  ;  etsi  nomina  iam  facta  sunt  ;  sed  vel  inducij 
vel  mutari  possunt.  [15]  Quid  agit,  obsecro  te,  Attica  nostra  ? 
Nam  triduo  abs  te  nullas  acceperam,  nee  mirum  :  nemo  enim 

in    Att.    iv.    19.     1    (158)    ille  Latinus      purposely  uses  a  word  implying  a  certainj 
s  ex  intervallo  regustandus.  contract  or  obligation  on  his  part  to  kee; 


[14].  1.  coheres    .  .  .    Sabinum~]      See  faith   with  Varro  and  Atticus,  to  whom 

Adn.  Crit.     M  has  only  comheres  et  [ait  also   he    had    assigned    a    part    in    the 

M2]  Stibinum.  The  intervening  words  are  dialogues.  The  metaphor  is  taken  from  the 

in  Crat  and  I.     There  is  no  reason  for  obligutio  litteris.      For  nomen  facere  '  to 

interpolation;      and     the      omission     is  make  an  entry,'  hence  «  to  make  a  loan, 

explained  ex  homoeoteleuto.  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vii.  23.  1  (126). 

coheredes]  cp.  626.  4  :  632.  6.  induct"]    '  cancelled.'     The  writing  on 

obire  auctionis  diem]    '  to    appear   on  wax-tablets  was  erased   by  filling  it  ii 

the  day  of  the  auction.'     obire  diem  (cp.  with  wax,  which  was  effected  by  '  draw 

Lael.  7)  can  be  thus  used  when  the  day  ing  '  the  broad  end  of  the  stilus  '  over 

is  specified.     We  have  found  in  613.  2  it.    For  inducere=  'to  cancel,'  cp.  Att.  i 

diem  mum  obisse  =  'to  die.'  20.  4  (26),  and  probably  iv.  17.  2  (149) 

laxius  proferre~]  '  to  postpone  to  a  later  Cic.  means  that  the  names  can  be  can- 

date.'  celled,  and  what  other  names  are  to  be 

vel  biduum]    sc.  proferre  diem.  inserted  left  open   for  future  considera 

2.  De  Bruto~\     His  marriage,  no  doubt.  tion,  or  they  can  be  changed  at  once.  J 
de  Caesare']    His  return  from  Spain.  [!«>]•  acceperam~]     This    and     all     the 

tenses  that  follow  are  so-called  epistolary 

[14],  3.  quod  8cripsimus~\  The  four  books  tenses.     'I    have  received  nothing:    n< 

of  the  Academica.  one  has  come  :    perhaps    there  was    no 

nomina  iam  facta  sunt]  '  the  entries  are  reason.     Accordingly  1  have  nothing  to 

already   made  '   (or    '  booked  ').      Cicero  write  about.     But  to-day,  when  1  am 

EP.  629  (ATT.  XIII.  16).  127 

enerat :  nee  fortasse  causa  fuerat.  Itaque  ipse  quod  scriberem 
Qon  habebam.  Quo  autem  die  has  Valerio  dabam,  exspectabam 
iliquem  meorum :  qui  si  venisset  et  a  te  quid  attulisset,  videbam 
aon  defuturum  quod  scriberem. 

629.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  ie). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  27  ',    A.  U.  C.    709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.    CIC.  61. 

De  vita  sua  in  Arpinati,  de  libris  Academicis  ad  Varronem  traductis.     Quaerit  d 
ervilia,  de  Bruto,  de  Caesare. 


1.  Nos,  cum  flumina  et  solitudinem  sequeremur,  quo  facilius 
ustentare  nos  possemtis,  pedem  e  villa  adhuc  egressi  non  sumus  : 
ta  magnos  et  adsiduos  imbris  habebamus.  Illam  'A»caS^tici)v 

ra^iv  totam  ad  Varronem  traduximus.  Primo  fuit  Catuli 
juculli,  Hortensi.  Deinde,  quia  irapa  TO  irpiirov  videbatur, 
[uod  erat  hominibus  nota  non  ilia  quidem  airaiSevata  sed  in  iis 
ebus  ar/o£^«'a,  simul  ac  veni  ad  villam,  eosdem  illos  sermones 
id  Catonem  Brutumque  transtuli.  Ecce  tuae  litterae  de  Varrone. 
Gemini  visa  est  aptior  Antiochia  ratio.  2.  Sed  tamen  velim  scribas 
ad  me,  primum  placeatne  tibi  aliquid  ad  ilium,  deinde,  si  placebit, 
locne  potissimum.  Quid  Servilia  ?  iamne  venit  ?  Brutus  etiam 
ecquid  agit  et  quando  ?  De  Caesare  quid  auditur  ?  Ego  ad 
tfonas,  quern  ad  modum  dixi.  Tu  cum  Pisoue,  si  quid  poteris. 

giving    this    letter    to   Valerius,    1    am  illiterate— but  at  all  events  unversed  in 

expecting  one  of  my  own  messengers.'  these  (philosophical)  questions.'  Perhaps 

illiteracy  and   amateurishness    would   go 

1.  solitudinem]    See  Adn.  Grit.     This  nearer  to  the  character  of  the  Greek  ex- 

s  the  reading  of  2A :    the  Transalpine  pressions.     Or,    '  I   will  not  call    them 

amily  have  here  solitudines,  cp.  559.  1.  ignoramuses,  but    at    least   amateurs    in 

l"ust   below  Primo  is  the  reading  of  the  these  matters.' 

same  family,  while  2A  have  mod&.  Owing  ad  Catonem  Brutumque  transtuli]   This 

to  deinde,  primo  is  to  be  preferred.  was  an  intermediate  form  of  theAcademica 

pedem]  ace.  of  measure,  cp.  Deiot.  42  :  in  which  Cato  must  have  taken  the  part 

also  traversum  unguem  discedere  (634.  4),  of  Hortensius,  while  Brutus  took  that  of 

and  see  Roby  1086.  Lucullus :  cp.  Eeid,  Acad.  pp.  46,  48. 

Primo]     See  Adn.  Grit,  and  preceding  Antiochia  ratio]  626.  3.  For  Antiochus 

nbte  on  aolitudines.  cp.  641.  1. 

irapa    TO    irpfirov]    'not    comme    il  2.  ad  Nonas]  cp.  627  [14].  1.    Under- 

faut,  because  Catulus,  Lucullus,  and  Hor-  stand  adero. 

tensius  were  known  to  be — I  will  not  say  cum  Pisone]  626.  4. 


EP.  630  (ATT.  XIII.  17,  18). 

630.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  XIIT.  17,  is). 
AKPINUM;  JUNE  28  ;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Quaerit  de  rebus  urbanis,  de  Bruto,  de  Caesare,  de  val«tudine  Atticae,  de  commoddj 
propinquitatis  quo  nunc  careat,  de  libris  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis. 


[17]  v.  Kalend.  exspectabam  Koma  aliquid,  non  quo  imper-j 
assem  tuis:  igitur  nunc  eadem  ilia:  quid  Brutus  cogitet,  aut,  si 
aliquid  egit,  ecquid  a  Caesare.  Sed  quid  isla,  quae  minus  euro  9 
Attica  nostra  quid  agat  scire  cupio  :  etsi  tuae  litterae — sed  iam 
nimis  veteres  sunt — recte  sperare  iubent,  tarn  en  exspecto  recens  i 
aliquid.  [18]  Vides  propiuquitas  quid  liabeat.  Nos  vero  - 
conficiamus  hortos.  Colloqui  videbamur  in  Tuseulano  cum  essem  d 
tanta  erat  crebritas  litterarum.  Sed  id  quidem  iam  erit.  Ego. 
interea  admonitutuo  perfeei  sane  argutulos  libros  ad  Yarronem  : 
sed  tamen  exspecto  quid  ad  ea  quae  scrips!  ad  te :  primum  qui  | 
intellexeris  eum  desiderare  a  me,  cum  ipse  homo  TroAvypa^w 
numquam  me  lacessisset,  deinde  quern  %r)\oTVTrtiv,  nisi  forte*, 
Brutum,  quern  si  non  £r/Aoru7re7,  multo  Hortensium  minus  aut  eos< 

[17]  non  quo  imperassem  aliquid  tuis: 
igitur}  '  not  that  I  gave  your  messengers 
any  commands.'  See  Adn.  Ciit.  Here 
again  the  Transalpine  family  have  quo, 
M'hich  is  omitted  by  2A.  The  rending  of 
M  is  non  imperassem  igitur  aliquid  tuis. 
Miiller  reads  novi.  Imperassem  (i.e.  '  if 
any  news  had  arrived  ')  igitur  aliquid  tuis, 
i.e.  to  Atticus'  messengers  \vho  bad 
brought  the  letter  mentioned  in  629.  1  fin, 
and  whom  he  was  now  sending  back  to 
Rome.  Novi  might  readily  have  been 
corrupted  into  non  before  imperassem : 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  quo  was 
omitted  than  that  it  should  have  been 

nunc  eadem  illa~\  i.e.  I  have  to  ask  the 
same  questions. 

ecquid  a  Caesare}  'whether  there  is  any 
intimation  from  Caesar '  as  to  how  he 
regards  the  action  of  Brutus  :  cp.  627 

[18]  Vides  propinquitas  quid  habeat~\ 
M  n&shaket,  altered  by  Lamb,  to  habeat : 
op.  note  to  565.  4. 

conficiamus  hortos]  '  secure  the  gardens,' 

cp.  Att.  i.  7  (3)  quern  ad  modum  bibliothe- 
cam  11  obis  conjicere  pnssiis.  Cicero  intended] 
to  live  in  the  villa  attacbed  to  the 
Sciipulan  horti,  and  lays  stress  elsewhere! 
on  the  advantage  of  its  proximity  to  the.] 
city  (580.  2).  These  words  come  inj 
almost  parenthetically,  and  represent  a] 
thought  that  suddenly  occurred  toCicero.j 

sane  argutulos}  'really  quite  smart.' 
This  word  expresses  the  ideas  of  acumen\ 
and  nitor,  cp.  631.  5  quae  diliaenter  a 
erpressa  acumen  habent  Jntiochi,  nif.orem( 
orationis  nontrum.  Cp.  next  letter,  §  3. 

quid  ad  ea~]     sc.  rescrihas. 

qui  intellexeris'}    'how  you  perceived'! 
cp.  599.  3. 

iro\vypa<t><t>Ta.Tos}   'a    most    volu-J 
minous  author.' 

lacessisset}  '  challenged'  me  to  a  repris 
by  dedicating  one  of  his  works  to  me. 

quern  £TJ AorvTretv]  sc.  intellexeris. 

nisi  .  .  .  ^XoTuireT]   an   addition  o 
Bosius.     See  Adn.  Grit. 

multo  Hortensium  minus}  sc. 
cp.  627.   1.     Cicero   is   referring   to   bit 
Hortensius  and  to  his  De  Republica. 

EP.  6S1   (ATT.  XI1L  19).  129 

ini  de  re  publica  loquuntur.  Plane  hoc  mild  explices  velim:  in 
>rimis  maneasne  in  sententia  ut  mittam  ad  eum  quae  scripsi,  an 
lihil  necesse  putes.  Sed  haec  coram. 

631.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  19). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  29  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.   61. 

De  Atticae  valetudine.  de  oratione  Ligariana,  de  ratione  Academicorum  librorum  a 
e  ad  Varronem  translatorum  et  aliorum  librorum  a  se  scriptorum. 


1.  Commodum  discesserat  Hilarus  librarius  iv.  Kal.,  cui  dede- 
am  litteras  ad  te,  quoin  venit  tabellarius  cum  tuis  litteris  pridie 
atis  :  in  quibus  illud  mihi  gratissimum  fuit,  quod  Attica  uostra 
ogat  te  ne  tristis  sis,  quodque  tu  aKivSwa  esse  scribis.  2.  Liga- 
ianam,  ut  video,  praeclare  auctoritas  tua  commendavit.  Scripsit 
nim  ad  me  Balbus  et  Oppius  mirifice  se  probare,  ob  eamque 
ausam  ad  Caesarem  earn  se  oratiunculam  misisse.  Hoc  igitur  idem 
u  mihi  anfcea  scripseras.  3.  In  Yarrone  ista  causa  me  non  moveret, 
le  viderer  ^cAli/So^oc — sic  enim  constitueram  neminem  includere 
n  dialogos  eorum  qui  viverent — sed  quia  scribis  et  desiderari  a 

Sed  haec  coram'}  593  fin.  and     Lucullus)    in     the    Academica,     I 

should  not  be  influenced   by  a  desire  to 

1.  pridie  datis]    Arpinum  was  about  65  avoid  seeming  a  tuft-hunter  ($i\4v$o£os)  in 

liles  from  Rome.  the  choice  of   my  characters.     No  :  for 

aKivftwa}  For   Greek   used  in  deal-  my  principle  has   always   been  never  to 

Qg  with  medical   matters,    see    I3  p.  86  introduce    living     personages     into    my 

ote.  dialogues.     My  reason    for    introducing 

et  Oppius}     Et  is  omitted  by  the  MSS.  Varro  is  that  you  tell  me  he  desires  it 

t  is  possible  that  Oppiti*  WHS  inserted  by  a  and  appreciates  the  compliment.'     Cicero 

>pyist  who  had  observed  how  frequently  uses    constitueram,    not    constituebam   or 

lese  names  are  found  together.     Hut  we  constitui,  because,  in  the  case  of  Varro, 

link  that  it  is  more  probable  that  the  he    was    about   to   violate   the   principle 

^tter  in  question  was  a  joint  letter  from  which  he  had  hitherto  observed.     So  ibis 

lalbus  and  Oppius  like  Att.  ix.  7A  (351).  is  an  old  and  necessary  addition.     There 

'he  singular  (scripsif)  is  quite  allowable  :  is  a  slight  irregularity  in  eos.    Cicero  had 

p.   Drager  i.   176,  who  quotes  Verr.  iv,  libros  hovering  before  his  mind,  and  he 

2  dixit  hoc  Zosippus  et  Ismenias,  homines  spoke  of  '  these,'  meaning  '  these  books,' 

obilissimi :  also  Lebreton,  pp.  17  f.  though  he  had   not  expressed   the  idea 

igitur}     We  do   not   feel  sure  of  the  before,    except  incidentally  in   dialogos. 

leaning  of  igitur.     Is  it,   '  so  this  was  Not  quite,  but  somewhat,  similar  is  632.  4 

3e  meaning  of  (lit.  '  the  same  thing  as ')  istos  ipsos  '  De  Finibus  '  habet.    Dr.  Reid 

our  former  statement '  about  the  popu-  wishes  to  omit  eos,  which  he  thinks  may 

irity  achieved  by  the  Ligariana  ?  have  come  from  eis  below  (Hermathena- 

3.  In    Varrone~\     '  as   to   the   question  340). 
f  putting  Vario  (in  the  place  of  Catulus 

VOL.  v.  I 


EP.  631  (ATT.  X1I1.  19). 

Varrone  et  magni  ilium  aestimare,  eos  confeci  et  absolvi  nescio  quam 
bene,  sed  ita  accurate  ut  nihil  posset  supra,  '  Academicam'  oranera 
'  quaestionem  '  libris  quattuor.  In  eis,  quae  erant  contra  aicar  J 
\il\fstav  praeclare  collecta  ab  Antiocho  Yarroni  dedi,  ad  ea  ipse 
respondeo,  tu  est  tertius  in  serraone  nostro.  Si  Gottain  et  Yarronem 
fecissem  inter  se  disputantis,  ut  a  te  proximis  litteris  admoneoil 
meum  icw^ov  irpoawirov  esset.  4.  Hoc  in  antiquis  person  is  suaviter 
fit,  ut  et  Heraclides  in  multis  et  nos  in  sex  'de  Re  Publica'  libris1 
feciraus.  Sic  etiam  '  de  Oratore  '  nostri  tres,  mihi  vehementer  pro! 
bati.  In  eis  quoque  eae  personae  sunt  ut  mihi  tacendum  fuerita 
Crassus  enim  loquitur,  Antonius,  Catulus  senex,  C.  Julius,  fratel 
Catuli,  Gotta,  Sulpicius.  Puero  me  bic  sermo  iuducitur,  ut  iiullae- 
esse  possent  partes  meae.  Quae  autem  bis  temporibus  scripsi  '  A/>«rl 
roTfAaov  morem  habent,  in  quo  ita  sermo  inducitur  ceterorum  ut 
penes  ipsum  sit  principatus.  Ita  confeci  quinque  libros 
reXwv,  ut  Epicurea  L.  Torquato,  Stoica  M.  Gatoni,  TreptiraT 
M.  Pisoni  darem.  ' A^\OTVTTTITOV  id  fore  putaram,  quod  omnes  ill 
decesserant.  5.  Haec  '  Academica/  ut  scis,  cum  Catulo,  Lucullo, 

accurate]     cp.  §  5  and  630  [18]. 

contra  a.KaTa\ijtyiav~]  In  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Stoics  and  Academics  <f>av- 
raffia  KaTa\r)iTTiK^  was  an  impression 
which  carried  irresistible  conviction  that 
the  object  causing  the  impression  had 
been  rightly  apprehended  :  cp.  Acad.  i.  41. 
Against  this  view  the  Sceptics,  and  the 
New  Academics,  under  Arcesilaus  and 
Carneades,  directed  an  attack,  maintain- 
ing that  there  were  no  such  irresistible 
impressions,  that  there  was  a  general 
a.Ka.Ta\-r)tyia,  inability  to  attain  to  cer- 
tain convictions.  Antiochus  opposed  this 
sceptical  tendency  so  effectively  that  the 
Academy  never  returned  to  it ;  hence 
Antiochus  is  called  the  founder  of  the 
Fifth  Academy :  cp.  Zeller,  Eclectics, 
p.  87,  Eng.  Trans. 

Cottam~]  C.  Gotta  expounds  the  Aca- 
demic doctrine  in  the  De  Natura  Deorum, 
where  Balbus  is  the  other  interlocutor. 

Koxpbv  irp6ff(i)irov~\  Used  by  Cicero, 
just  as  we  use  muta  persona  ;  see  I3,  p.  87. 

4.  Heraclides']  Ponticus,  a  pupil  of 
Plato  and  Speusippus,  who  wrote  on  all 
kinds  of  subjects;  vir  doctus  in  primis 
Cicero  calls  him,  Tusc.  v.  8,  and  quotes 
from  him  De  Div.  i.  46  and  130.  See  a 
valuable  treatise  [in  Pauly-Wissowa  viii, 
472  ff,  s.v.  Herakleides  No.  45.  He 

wrote  some  theoretical  works  on  politici 
(cp.  Ep.  155.  1),  and  it  was  these  thai 
Cicero  is  thinking  of  here.  See  also  Index] 

eae  .  .  .  ut~\  '  such  are  the  perso4 
nages  introduced  that  I  am  bound  to 
maintain  silence,'  by  reason  of  theis 
eminence  and  their  seniority. 

Antonius]  Before  this  word  "Wes.i 
would  add  Scaevola,  so  as  to  give  all  thf 
interlocutors  of  the  dialogue. 

sermo  inducitur']  '  the  dialogue  is 
supposed  to  occur  in  my  boyhood.'  In 
ducitur  literally  means  '  is  put  on  th 

'A.pio~ TOTeA.etoi']  '  my  present  works 
follow  the  Aristotelian  usage,  the  dialogue 
being  so  represented  as  to  give  him  th« 
chief  part.' 

Ita  confeci]  '  I  arranged  the  De  Fini- 
bus  on  the  principle  of  giving  the  Epi 
curean  arguments  to  Torquatus,  the  Stoic 
to  Cato,  the  Peripatetic  to  Piso.  f 
thought  that  could  provoke  no  jealousy 
as  all  the  characters  belong  to  the  past.' 

5.  Haec  '  Academica  ']  «  my  present 
work,  the  Academica,  I  had,  as  you  know, 
originally  shared  between  Catul 
Lucullus,  and  Hortensius.  But  the  dis- 
cussion did  not  suit  the  characters.  It  waa 
too  technical  for  them  to  be  supposed  even 
to  have  drea*med  of  such  things.'  The 

EP.  632  (ATT.  XIII.  81,  §§4-7). 


[ortensio  contuleram.  Sane  in  personas  non  cadebant :  erant 
mini  XoyiKioTfpa  quam  ut  illi  de  iis  somniasse  umquam  viderentur, 
[taque,  ut  legi  tuas  de  Van-one,  taraquam  spjuaiov  adripui.  Aptius 

jse  nihil  potuit  ad  id  philosophiae  genus,  quo  ille  maxime  mihi 
lelectari  videtur,  easque  partis  ut  non  sim  consecutus  ut  superior 
nea  causa  videatur.  Sunt  enim  vehementer  iriOava  Autiochia : 
[uae  diligenter  a  me  expressa  acumen  liabent  Antiochi,  nitorem 
>rationis  nostrum,  si  modo  is  est  aliquis  in  nobis.  Sed  tu  dandosne 
>utes  hos  libros  Yarroni  etiam  atque  etiam  videbis.  Mihi  quaedara 

jourrunt,  sed  ea  coram. 

632.     CICERO  TO  ATTIC  QS  (ATT.  xm.  21,  §§  4-7). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  30  OR  JULY  1  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  quinto  De  Finibus  libro  ab  Attico  iniussu  suo  edito,  turn  brevius  de  aliis  rebus 
[et  de  consiliis  quibusdam  suis. 


4.  Die  mihi,  placetne  tibi  primum  edere  iniussu  meo  ?     Hoc 
lie  Hermodorus  quidem   faciebat,   is   qui   Platonis  libros   solitus 

meaning  of  these  words  seems  fairly  cer- 
tain. But  conferre  sermones  cum  aliquo 
usually  means  *  to  have  a  conversation  with 
a  person.'  We  do  not  know  any  exact 
parallel  to  the  meaning  in  our  passage. 
In  Att.  iv.  16.  2  (144)  he  says  hanc  ego 
de  republica  disputationem  IN  Africani 
personam  .  .  .  contuli. 

illi  de  us]     cp.  629.  1. 

ep/matov]     'a  godsend .' 

Aptius]  '  nothing  could  have  been  more 
suitable  than  the  character  of  Varro  for 
the  expounding  of  a  school  of  thought  in 
which  he  appears  to  have  been  specially 
interested,  and  for  the  introduction  of 
a  part  which  would  take  away  from  me  the 
appearance  of  having  arranged  matters 
so  as  to  give  my  own  part  (that  of  Philo) 
the  victory.'  The  sentence,  which  is 
awkwardly  expressed,  can  only  be  ex- 
plained, as  above,  by  taking  eas  ut  non 
closely  together  as  in  eae  ut  tacendum 
fuerit,  above  (§4).  Boot  approves  of  the 
theory  of  Wesenberg  that  some  such 
words  as  ego  mihi  sumpsi  fell  out  after 
partis.  Perhaps  Cicero  ought  to  have 

so  constructed  his  sentence,  but  there  is 
not  any  evidence  that  he  did  so.  Dr.  Reid 
wishes  to  read  eaeque  sunt  partes. 

acumen  .  .  .  nitorem]  cp.  630  [18]  sane 

occurrunt]  '  some  objections  occur  to 
me'  :  635.1. 

ea  coram]     cp.  593  fin.  :  630  fin. 

1.  edere  iniussu  meo]  Cicero  reproaches 
Atticus  for  allowing  certain  portions  of 
the  De  Finibus  to  come  into  the  hands  of 
others  before  they  were  presented  to 
Brutus,  to  whom  they  were  dedicated. 
Primum  would  naturally  have  been  fol- 
lowed by  deinde,  for  which  Cicero  substi- 
tutes Quid  illud  ?  *  and  what  do  you  say 
to  this?' 

Hermodorus]  The  whole  verse  is  \6- 
yoiffiv  eEp/m.6Sa>pos  €/u.irop6V€Tai,  '  H. 
traffics  in  philosophical  dialogues.'  He 
was  a  Syracusan,  and  was  accused  of 
selling,  for  his  own  behoof,  the  dialogues 
of  his  master,  Plato.  '  But,'  says  Cicero, 
'  even  he  did  not  give  publicity  to  the 

I  2 

132  EP.  632  (ATT.  XIIL  21,  §§  4 -7). 

est  divulgare,  ex  quo  Xoyotatv  'E/ojuo&u^o?.     Quid  illud  ?   rec 
tumne   existimas    cuiquam    ante    quam   Bruto  ?    cui   te   auctor 
7r/oo(T</)(ui/a>.     Scripsit  enim  Balbus  ad  me  se  a  te    quiutum  *  D 
Finibus '    librum    descripsisse,   in   quo  non  sane  multa   mutavi 
sed  tamen   quaedam.     Tu   autem   commode   feceris,    si   reliquo 
eontinueris,  ne  et  a^topBfjjra  habeat  Balbus  et  %w\a  Brutus.     Se( 
haec  hactenus,  ne  videar  irtpi  /miKpa  awovSaZtiv.  Etsi  nunc  quiden 
maxima  milii  suut  haec.     Quid  est  enim  aliud  ?     Varroni  quiden 
quae  scripsi  te  auctore  ita  propero  mittere  ut  iam  Romam  miserin 
describenda.     Ea  si  voles,  statim  habebis.     Scripsi  enim  ad  libra- 
ries ut  fieret  tuis,  si  tu  velles,  describendi  potestas.     Ea  vero  con- 
tiuebis  quoad  ipse  te  videam,   quod    diligeutissime  facere   sole* 
cum  a  me  tibi  dictum  est.     5.  Quo  modo  autem  fugit  me  tibi 
dicere?     Mirifice  Caerellia  studio  videlicet  philosophiae  flagrans 
describit  a  tuis  :  istos  ipsos  '  De  Finibus  '  habet.     Ego  autem  tibi 
confirmo — possum  falli  ut  homo — a  meis  earn  non  habere  :  num- 
quam  enim  ab  oculis  meis  afuerunt.  Tantum  porro  aberat  ut  binog 
scriberent,  vix  singulos  coufecerunt.     Tuorum  tamen  ego  nullum 
delictum  arbitror,  itemque  te  volo  existimare.  A  me  enim  praeter- 

dialogues  without  the  permission  of  the  than  those  of  Atticus.  In  635.  3  he  says  : 

author.'  Scripta  nostra  nusquam  main  esse  quam 

cuiquam]  sc.  dare.  The  necessary  apud  te,  sed  ea  turn  for  as  dari  cum  utriqut 

words  ante  quam  were  added  by  Victorius.  nostrum  videbitur. 

itf)  o  a  <t>(avui\  often  used  for  '  to  dedi-  5.  Quo  modo  autem]  '  But  how  did  it 

cate  '  a  book  :  cp.  Att.  xv.  13A  6  (795)  ;  escape  me  to  tell  you  ? '  See  Adn.  Grit., 

xvi.  11.  4  (799).  Qu.  Quodammodo  autem. 

a  te  .  .  .  descripsisse]  '  has  copied  from  Caerellia]  635.  2.  '  Caerellia,  inflamed 

your  manuscript'  :  cp.  Acad.  ii  11,  et  ab  no  doubt  with  a  wonderful  enthusiasm 

eo  ipso  (Philone)  illos  duos  libros-  de-  for  philosophy,  is  taking  copies  from 

scripsisse  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii  3.  34 ;  Liv.  i.  yours.  She  has  the  De  Minibus.  [It  would 

32.  5.  seem  that  we  must  understand  libros :  cp. 

eontinueris]  '  you  will  oblige  me  by  §  4,  above.]  I  undertake  to  say,  though 

keeping  back  the  other  book,  so  that  of  course  being  but  human  I  may  be 

Balbus  may  not  have  the  treatise  unre-  wrong,  that  she  has  not  got  her  copy  from 

vised,  or  Brutus  have  it  stale  '  (when  mine.  It  was  never  out  of  my  sight, 

others  have  read  it).  See  635.  3,  where  And  so  far  were  my  scribes  from  making 

these  Greek  words  are  expressed  in  excel-  a  duplicate  copy,  they  had  great  difficulty 

lent  Latin.  It  would  appear  that  conti-  in  completing  one.'  A  ineis  and  a  fitis 

nere  is  the  regular  term  for  '  keeping  refer  most  probably  (as  tuorum  does)  to 

back '  a  book  from  publication  :  cp.  Plin.  the  copyists  of  Cicero  and  Atticus,  re^ 

Ep.  i.  8,  3,  Eritenim  et  post  emendationem  spectively.  But  the  use  of  binos  and 

liberum  nobis  vel  publicare  vel  continere.  singulos,  instead  of  duos  and  unum,  might 

Quid  est  enim  aliud  '?]  '  for  what  serious  possibly  show  that  meis  and  tuis  refer  to 

work  are  we  permitted  to  do  ?  ' ;  therefore,  the  De  Finibus,  which,  being  a  designation! 

trifles  must  engage  our  attention.  of  a  single  work,  but  plural  in  form, 

quae  scripsi]  The  Academica.  takes,  according  to  rule,  the  distributive, 

Scripsi.  ..  potestas]  Note  that  Cic.  was  not  the  cardinal,  numbers.  If  meis  if 

getting  his  book  copied  by  other  librarii  taken  for  '  my  copyists,'  the  meaning  i» 

EP.  632  (ATT.  XIII.  81,  §§  4-7). 

nissum  est  ut  dicerem  me  eos  exire  nondum  velle.  Hui,  quam 
Jiu  denugis  !  De  re  enim  iiihil  habeo  quod  loquar.  6.  De  Dola- 
>ella  tibi  adsentior.  Coheredes,  ut  scribis,  in  Tusculano.  De 
Jaesaris  adventu  scripsit  ad  me  Balbus,  BOH  ante  Kal.  Sextilis. 
)e  Attica  optime,  quod  levins  ac  lenius  et  quod  fert  cuicoAcoc* 
'.  Quod  autem  de  ilia  nostra  cogitatione  scribis,  in  qua  niliil  tibi 
edo,  ea  quae  novi  valde  probo,'  hominem,  domum,  facultates. 
3,uod  caput  est,  ipsum  non  novi,  sed  audio  laudabilia,  de  Scrofa 
tiam  proximo.  Accedit,  si  quid  hoc  ad  rem  :  evytviarspos  est 
tiara  quam  pater.  Coram  igitur  et  quidem  propenso  ammo  ad 
robandum.  Accedit  enim,  quod  patrem,  ut  scire  te  puto,  plus 
tiam  quam  non  modo  tu  sed  quam  ipse  scit,  amo,  idque  et  merito 
t  iam  diu. 

so  far  from  their  making  two  copies 
ach,  they  scarcely  made  one  each.'  We 
uppose  the  word  understood  is  libros. 

ote  that  Cicero  seems  to  have  had 
opyists  of  his  own.  In  58  B.C.  Quintus 
sked  Marcus  to  correct  and  publish  his 
nnals:  cp.  Att.  ii,  16.  4  (43). 

exire~]  f  to  get  into  the  hands  of  the 
ublic,'  the  almost  invariable  meaning  in 
he  letters  :  cp.  note  to  627.  1. 

6.  De  Dolabella]  i.e.  about  dedicating 
>me  work  to  him  :  cp.  624.  2. 

Coheredes]  626  fin. ;  627  [14].  1 ;  635.  4. 

in  Tusculano}  sc.  me  convenient  (627 
14]  1). 

UKO'AOJS]  '  she  takes  it  easily.'  After 
viun  et  lenius  must  be  supplied  esl,  as  in 
cte  est  and  such  phrases.  For  levius  et 
niu*  Dr.  Reid  compares  Catull.  84.  8, 
idibant  eadem  haec  leniter  ac  leviter : 
ell.  xviii.  9.  7. 

4.  de  ilia  nostra  cogitatione']  "What  this 
as  we  cannot  be  sure.  It  is  conjectured 
lat  it  refers  to  a  proposed  suit  or  for 
ttica,  who  was  at  this  time  six  years  old. 

We  have  read  in  604.  1  of  a  suitor 
named  Thalna.  Attica  was  afterwards 
married  to  M.  Vipsanius  Agrippa. 

homtnem~]  *  his  person' ;  such  is  thought 
by  some  to  be  the  meaning  here,  as  the 
word  is  opposed  to  ipsum.  But  we  know 
of  no  place  where  homo  means  the  '  per- 
sonal appearance  '  as  distinguished  from 
*  the  real  nature  and  character'  of  a  man. 
Sch.  reads  nomen.  We  prefer  to  take 
hominem  in  a  very  general  sense ;  *  the 
man  '  as  opposed  to  what  belongs  to  him 
and  his  family.  To  join  quad  capnt  est 
with  facultates  would  perhaps  attribute 
to  Cicero  too  sordid  a  consideration. 

de  Scrota]  '  I  have  quite  recently  had 
a  very  good  account  of  him  also  from 

Accedit]  '  There  is  this  further  con- 

evyeveffrepo?  quam  pater']  because 
his  mother  belonged  to  a  better  family. 

Cornm  igitur]  cp.  593  tin.,  and  note. 

propenso  .  .  .  ad  probandum~] 
to  approbation.' 


KP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 

633.     CICERO  TO  L.  PAPIRIUS  PAETUS  (PAM.  ix.  22). 

ROME  ;    JULY  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  L.  Paeto  obscenum  quo  in  epistula  per  iocum  usus  est  vocabulum  (f  or  J 
tasse  '  mentula ')  exprobat,  damnata  Stoicorum  in  loquendo  licentia  et  laudato! 
Platonis  verecundia. 


1.  Amo  verecundiamf  vel  potius  libertatem  loquendi ;  atqui  hooj 
Zenoni  placuit,  homini  mehercule  acuto,  etsi  Academiae  nostrael 
cum  eo  magna  rixa  est.  Sed,  ut  dico,  placet  Stoicis  suo  quaraquej 
rem  nomine  appellare.  Sic  euim  disseruut :  nihil  esse  obscenumj 

As  an  introduction  to  this  letter,  which 
gives  important  evidence  as  to  the  prudish- 
ness  of  the  Romans,  we  quote  Quintilian 
viii.  3,  44-47  :  Sed  quoniam  vitia  prius  de- 
monstrare  aggressi  sumus,  vel  hoc  vitium 
sit,  quod  KaKfpQarov  vocalnr :  sive  mala 
eonsuetudine  in  obscenum  intdlectum  sermo 
detortus  est,(iit  ductare  exercitus  et 
pair  are  bellum,  apud  Sallustium  dicta 
sanctc  et  antique,  ridentibus,  si  dis  placet  ; 
qnam  culpam  non  scribentium  quidem  iudico 
*edlegentium  :  45.  tamenvitand«,quatenus 
i-erbn  honesta  moribus  perdidiimis,  et  vin- 
t'entibus  etiam  vitiis  cedendum  est)  sive 
iunctura  deformiter  sonat,  ut,  si  ctim 
hominibus  notis  In  qui  non  dicimus,nisi 
hoc  ip&um  horn  im  bus  medium  sit,  in 
praefanda  videmus  incidere ;  quia  ultima 
priori*  syllabae  littera,  quae  exprimi  nisi 
labris  coeuntibus  non  potest,  aut  intersistere 
nos  indecentissime  cogit  aut  continuata  cum 
insequente  in  naturam  eius  corrumfiitur . 
46.  Aliaeque  coniunctiones  aliquid  simile 
faciunt,  quas  persequi  longum  est,  in  eo 
vitio,  quod  vitandumdicimus,  commoratites. 
Sed  divisio  quoque  nffe>t  eandem  iniurinm 
pudori,  utsi  intercapedinis  nominativo 
casu  quis  utatur.  47.  Nee  scripto  modo  id 
accidit,  sed  etiam  sensu  plerique  obscene 
intelleyere,  nisi  caveris,  cupiunt  (nt  apud 
Ovidium  Quaeque  latent  meliorapu- 
tant)  et  ex  vtrbis,  quae  longissime  ab 
obscenitate  absnnt,  occa*ionem  turpitudinis 
rapere.  Siquidem  Celsus  KaKf/jL^arov  apud 
Veryilium  putat : 

I+icipiunt   agttata    tumescere, 
Quod  si  reciptas,  nihil  loqui  tutum  est. 

There  is  a  good  article  on  the  subject 
by  F.  Ritter  in  liheinisches  Museum,  iii. 
669-580,  'Uebertriebene  Scheu  der  Romer 

vor  gewissen  Ausdriicken  und  Wortver-J 
bindungen.'  He  lays  just  emphasis  on 
the  corruption  of  mind  which  is  disJ 
played  by  this  unnatural  readiness  lo  sea 
indecency  in  the  most  casual  combination 
of  syllables.  This  prudery  went  BO  far 
that  even  Celsus,  in  a  medical  treatisJ 
(De  Med.  vi.  18,  1),  fears  to  use  the  plain 
terms  for  many  parts  of  the  body. 

1.  Amo  .  .  .  loquendi~\  Various  suggesJ 
tions  have  been  made  with  a  view  to 
obtain  the  necessary  antithesis.  Lehmana 
(p.  60)  adds  odi  after  loquendi.  Manutiujl 
changes  vel  to  alii,  Rutilius  to.  tu.\ 
Wesenberg  adds  tu  impudentiam  beforJ 
vel.  Perhaps  tu  inverecundiam  would  be 
a  better  addition,  or  petulantiam,  Off.  i. 
127.  The  abstract  noun  inverecundia  isj 
not  indeed  found  in  cla>sical  writers,  but 
inverecundus  is.  Certainly  some  stronj 
word  of  that  nature  is  required  in  order 
that  the  qualification  introduced  by  vel\ 
potius  may  be  apposite. 

Zenoni']     Of   Ciiium,   founder    of    thJ 
Stoic  School.     For  the  Cynicism  of  the 
Stoics,    cp.    Juv.    xiii.    121,   nee    Stoiim 
dogmata  legit  a  Cynicis  tunica  distantieA 
and   Mayor  ad  loc. ;  also   Zeller,  Stoictm 
pp.  308  ff.  (E.  T.).    Of  this  kind  of 
spejiking  Cicero  (Off.  i.  128)  says  necveim 
audiendi  sunt  Cynici  aut   si   qui  fnerunn 
Stoici  paene   Cynici,  qui  reprehenduni 
inrident  quod  ea  quae  re  turpia  non  sit 
verbixfoigitiosa  ducamus  :  ilia  aut  em  qi 
turpia   sint    nominibus    appellemus 
See  the  whole  passage,  §§  127,  128.     Tl 
Stoic  definition  of  alS^fioffvyrj  (verecundu 
is  ^ir*<TTT7/ti7  fv\a/3r)TiK$i  opSov  tyoyo v. 

suo  quamque  rem  nomine  appelluri] 
§  5,  6  <ro<t>bs  cv6vi)pr)fj.ovf)<rei- 

nihil  esse  obscenum  .  .  .  tertiuin} 

JSP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


nibil  turpe  diotu  ;  nam,  si  quod  sit  in  obscenitate  flagitium,  id  aut 
in  re  esse  aut  in  verbo ;  nibil  esse  tertium.  In  re  non  est.  Itaque 
non  raodo  in  comoediis  res  ipsa  narratur,  ut  ille  in  l  Demiurgo ' : 

modo  forte 
— nosti  canticum  :  meministi  Roscium — 

ita  me  destituit  nudum  .  .  . 
— totus   est   sermo  verbis  tectus,   re   inpudentior, — sed   etiam  in 
tragoediis :  quid  est  enim  illud  ? 

Quae  mulier  una 
quid,  inquarn,  est  ? 

Usurpat  duplex  cubile. 


Hums,  fferei, 
hie  cubile  inire  est  ausus. 

Stoical  argument  which  Cicero  controverts 
in  this  letter  appears  to  be  as  follows  : — 
If  in  what  is  called  impure  language  there 
is  anything  impure,  it  must  he  in  the 
thing  or  the  word.  It  is  not  in  the  thing 
(§  1),  for  we  have  allusions  to  subjects 
usually  considered  impure  in  unexception- 
able passages  from  the  dramatists.  Nor 
in  the  word  (§§  2-4)  :  for  if  the  impurity 
is  not  in  the  thing,  a  fortiori  it  cannot  be 
in  the  word.  The  prudishness  of  the 
day  is  ail  nonsense.  Therefore,  there  is 
nothing  impure  ;  therefore  the  Wise  Man 
will  call  a  spade  a  spade.  Cicero  devotes 
the  whole  of  the  remainder  of  the  letter 
to  a  refutation  of  this  syllogism.  The 
second  half  of  the  minor  proposition  is  in 
§  2  (multo  minus  in  verbis  .  .  .  non  potent). 
He  felt  justly  that  the  Stoical  idea,— that 
if  the  fact  narrated  is  impure  it  makes  no 
difference  in  what  words  the  fact  is  ex- 
pressed,— forgets  that  we  are  civilized 
human  beings,  and  to  civilized  human 
beings  even  '  vice  itself  loses  half  its  evil 
by  losing  all  its  grossness '  :  cp.  Off.  i. 

*  Demiurgo ']  The  'Demiurgus'  was 
by  Sextus  Turpilius  :  cp.  Ribheck,  Com. 
p.  90.  Ribheck  supposes  that  the  sub- 
ject of  the  canticum  was  the  soliloquy  of 
a  young  man  who  had  been  '  fleeced '  by 
a  courtesan.  A  canticum  (monologue 
more  or  less  lyrii  al)  was  opposed  to 
diverbium  (dialogue)  :  cp.  Palmer  on 
Plant.  Amph.,  p.  xlvi. 

ita  me  destituit  nudum~\  '  she  stripped 
me  so  bare.' 

Quae  mulier  una\  Ribbeck  arranges 
the  verses  as  fragments  of  troch.  tetr. 
acat.  (lucert.  Trag.  11.  128-9)— 

quae  mulier  una 
Usurpat  duplex  cubile; 

Bergk  (Philologus,  xxxiii.  307)  restores 
the  lines  thus  (troch.  tetr.  cat.)  [cp. 
Ribbeck,  'Attius'  656  J— 

,      quae  mulier  una  d&um  virum 
Usurpat  duplex  cubile  ; 

and  thinks  that  they  may  be  the  words  of 
Electra  reproaching  her  mother  in  the 
'  Clytaemnestra '  of  Attius :  cp.  Cic.  Orat. 
156.  We  may,  perhaps,  translate  quid 
est  enim  illud  ?  '  For  look  at  this  '—then 
quid,  inquam,  est,  'look,  I  say.'  Quid? 
'this.'  Quid  eat  7  '  and  this.' 

Huius,  Phere~\  The  MSS.  have  ferei  or 
Jeret.  Era.  reads  Pheraei,  supposing  an 
allusion  to  Alexander  of  Pherae,  and  his 
wile  Thebe  (ep.  Grote  xi.  7-9,  ed.  1869)  ; 
but  this  is  a  most  unlikely  allusion  in  a 
Roman  tragedy.  It  is  simpler  to  read  and 
arrange  the  words,  after  Ribbeck,  as 
troch.  tetr.  cat.  (Trag.,  p.  254).  The 
reading  is  very  doubtful :  M  has  Ferei, 
H  D  feret.  A  Pheres  appears  in  Horn. 
Od.  xi.  259,  as  the  son  of  Cretheus  and 
Tyro,  and  also  as  the  father  of  Admetus 
in  the  Alcestis. 


EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 

Quid  est  ? 

Virginem  me  quondam  invitam  per  vim  violat  luppiter. 

Bene  *  violat ' :  atqui  idem  significat,  sed  alterum  nemo  tulisset 
2.  Videsigitur,  cum  eadem  res  sit,  quia  verba  non  siut,  nihil  viden 
turpe.  Ergo  in  re  non  est :  multo  minus  in  verbis.  Si  enirn,  quoc 
verbo  significatur,  id  turpe  non  est,  verbum,  quod  signifioat,  turp( 
esse  non  potest.  '  Anum '  appellas  alieno  nomine :  cur  non  suo 
potius?  si  turpe  est,ne  alieno  quidem ;  si  non  est,  suo  potius.  Caudam 
antiqui  '  penem  '  vocabant,  ex  quo  est  propter  similitudinem  *  peni- 
cillus.'  At  hodie  *  penis '  est  in  obscenis.  *  At  vero  Piso  ille 
Frugi  in  Annalibus  suis  queritur,  adulesceutis  peni  deditos  esse. 
Quod  tu  in  epistula  appellas  suo  nomine,  ille  tectius  *  penem.'  Sec 
quia  multi,  factum  est  tarn  obscenum  quam  id  verbum  quo  tu 
usus  es.  Quid,  quod  volgo  dicitur,  '  cum  nos  te  voluimus  con- 
venire,'  num  obscenum  est  ?  memini,  in  senatu  disertum  oonsu- 
larem  ita  eloqui :  'hanc  culpam  maiorem  an  illam  dicam?'  Potui1 

Virgineni]  A  troch.  tetr.  cat.,  perhaps 
from  the  'Antiope'  of  Pacuvius.  violat 
'does  despite  to,'  'dishonours':  alterum 
i.e.  'stuprat.'  Dr.  Jleid  has  suggested 
to  us  that  alterum  seems  out  of  place,  and 
should  be  transposed  to  precede  significat, 
of  \vhich  it  would  be  subject.  Perhaps 
this  is  hardly  necessary.  '  Violat  is  good  : 
yet  it  has  the  same  sense  (sc.  as  stuprat], 
but  no  one  would  have  tolerated  that 
other  (sc.  stuprat).'' 

2.  quia  verba  non  sint]  '  So,  you  see, 
although  the  thing  indicated  [by  cubile 
inire  and  violare,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
stttprare,  on  the  other]  is  the  same,  yet, 
because  the  words  used  are  free  from 
impropriety  (non  xint  =  non  sint  turpia], 
no  impropriety  is  felt  to  be  present ;  and 
therefore  does  not  exist  in  the  thing.' 

alieno']  Simply  'unusual,'  'not  its 
own,'  used  as  the  regular  antithesis  to 
suo,  which  would  be  culus. 

ne  alieno  quidem~]     sc.  appellare  debes. 

Caudam']  The  ancients  called  a  tail 
'  penis,'  and  hence,  from  its  likeness  to 
a  tail,  the  word  for  a  painter's  brush 
is  called  pemcillun  (whence  comes  our 
word  '  pencil')  :  cp.  Fest.  p.  230  (Miiller), 
Penem  antiqui  codam  vocabant'.  a  qua, 
antiqnitatc  etiam  tittnc  offa  porcina  cum 
caud*  inceni*  puris  offa  peni t a  voca- 
tur  :  et  peniculi  quis  caldamenta  ter- 

gentur  quod  e  codis  extremis  facieban 
antiqui  qui  tergerent  ea.  iJictus  est  for 
sitan  ex  pendendo.  Naevius  in  '  Tunicularia 

Theodotuni  appellas  qui  aras  compitalibus 
Sedens  in  cella  circumlectus  tegettbtis 
Lares  ludentis  peni piuxii  bubulo. 

Signiftcat  peniculo  grandi,  id  ext  coda. 

At  vero  Piso  ille  Frngi]  This  clause  is 
a  supposed  objection  of  Paetus.  Piso  waa 
trib.  pi.  in  149,  and  introduced  a  law 
which  established  a  quaestio  perpetua 
to  try  provincial  governors  guilty  o 
repetundae  :  cp.  Holden  on  Off.  ii.  76 
His  Annals  wtre  written  in  a  very  bal< 
style  (Brut.  106).  The  fragments  of  hi 
works  are  collected  by  Peter,  Hist.  Rom 
Fragmenta,  pp.  77-86,  ed.  1883. 

appellas  suo  nomine]  This  letter  waa 
apparently  suggested  by  Paetus  having 
used  the  word  mentula.  With  multi 
supply  appellant. 

cum  nos]  cp.  Orat.  154,  '  Cum  '  autem 
'  nobis  '  non  dicitur,  sed  '  nobi»cum, '  quia 
si  ita  diceretur  obscenius  concurreren 
litterae  [i.e.  would  suggest  cunnus],  u 
etiam  modo,  nisi  '  autem  '  interposuisxetn 
concurrixsent :  cp.  Quintil.,  quoted  above 
and  §  3  Connus.  Before  w,  cum  was  pro- 
bably pronounced  con,  as  the  compound, 

'  hanc  .  .  .  dicam  ']    Similarly  here  the 

EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


obscenius  ?  non,  iriquis  ;  non  euim  ita  sensit.  Non  ergo  in  verbo 
est ;  docui  autem  in  re  non  esse  :  nusquam  igitur  est.  3.  '  Liberis 
dare  operam  '  quam  houeste  dicitur!  etiam  patres  rogant  filios  : 
eius  operae  nomeu  non  audent  dicere.  Socraten  fidibus  docuit 
nobilissimus  fidicen ;  is  'Connus'  vocitatus  est:  num  id  obscenum 
iputas?  cum  loquimur  '  terni,'  nibil  flagiti  dicimus ;  at  cum  *  bini,' 
obscenum  est.  *  Graeois  quidem '  inquies.  Nibii  est  ergo  in  verbo  ; 
quoniam  et  ego  Gruece  scio  et  tamen  tibi  dico  '  bini ' ;  idque  tu 
facis,  quasi  ego  Graece,  non  Latine,  dixerim.  'Buta'  et  'menta,' 
recte  utrumque  :  volo  mentam  pusillam  ita  appellare,  ut  *  rutulam': 
luoii  licet.  Belle  *  tectoriola ' :  die  ergo  etiam  '  pavimenta  '  isto 
modo  ;  non  potes.  Yiden  igitur  nibil  esse  nisi  ineptias  ?  turpitti- 
dinem  nee  in  verbo  esse  nee  in  re  ;  itaque  nusquam  esse.  4.  Igitur 
in  verbis  bonestis  obsceua  ponimus.  Quid  enim  ?  non  houestum 

\m  of  illam  was  pronounced  as  n  (cp. 
jBiicheler,  Latein.  Declin.,  ed.  2,  p.  51, 
quoted  by  Mendelssohn),  and  il  —  being 
hardly  heard,  as  we  know  was  the  case 
from  its  scansion  in  the  Comedies  (cp. 
Pluygers  in  Mnemosyne,  1873,  pp.  64-5), 
the  sentence  suggested  hanc  culpam 
maiorem  an  landicam  (=  the  female  /cAet- 

|  3.  '  Liberis  dare  operam ']  sc.  pro- 
\creatidis  (reKvoiroie'tv),  '  make  an  effort  to 
have  children.  It  is  a  most  honourable 
ithing  ;  even  fathers  urge  their  sons  to  it; 
but  they  do  not  venture  to  mention  the 
(name  of  the  particular  kind  of  effort '  : 
pp.  Off.  i.  128,  liberis  dare  operam  re 
\honextum  eat,  nomine  obscenum.  We  do  not 
know  what  word  Cicero  had  in  mind  : 
possibly  patratio,  for  which  see  Diet. 

Socraten  fidibus  docuit]  sc.  canere 
\  (which  means  to  '  play  '  as  well  as  to 

sing  ' ).  Dr.  Reid  on  Se'nect.  26  (discebant 
fidibus)  shows  that  fidibus  is  abl.  of  the 
means  or  instrument,  canere  being  under- 
i  stood,  and  compares  Ter.  Eun.  113,  scire 

Connus]  He  is  said  to  have  taught 
Socrates  nusic  (Plat.  Euthyd.  272  C, 
Menex,  235  E)  ;  but  it  is  very  ques>tion- 

ible  if  this  is  not  a  reference  to  the 
|  3omic  poet  Ameipsias,  who  wrote  a 
1  >lay  called  '  Connus,'  directed  against 

Socrates  and  acted  at  the  same  time  as 

:h«  'Clouds':  cp.  Kock,  i.  671  if.  esp. 
I  frag.  9,  and  Zeller,  Socrates,  p.  57 



idque  tu  facis  quasi]  '  and  you  regard  it 
(make  it  out)  as  if  I  was  speaking  Greek 
and  not  Latin.'  Facio  is  often  used  in  the 
sense  of  '  pretend,'  'assume,'  especially 
in  the  imperative  fac.  For  quaxi  used 
after  a  verb  of  pretence,  cp.  a*simulabo 
quasi  nunc  exeam,  Ter.  Eun.  461. 

Ituta  et  menta~\  4  rue  and  mint ' :  men- 
tarn  pusillam,  i.e.  mentulam.  In  a  com- 
mentary on  Isaiah,  xlvii.  3,  St.  Jerome 
(Migne,  iv.  450)  alludes  to  this  sentence, 
as  Mendelssohn  points  out:  Disputant 
Stoici  multa  re  turpia  prava  hominum 
consuetudine  verbis  honesta  ease  ut  par- 
ricidium,  adulterium,  homicidium,  inces- 
tum  et  cetera  his  similia.  Rursumque 
re  honesta  nominibus  videri  turpia  ut 
liberos  procreare,  iujlationem  ventris  crepitu 
diyerere,  alvum  relevare  stercore,  vesicant 
urinae  effusione  laxare  :  denique  non  posse 
nos  ut  dicimus  a  ruta  rutulam  sic  UTTOKO- 
piffriKov  tnentae  facere. 

tectoriola]  plur.  of  the  dimin.  of  tec- 
torium  '  stucco,'  'plaster  for  walls  '  :  cp. 
Att.  i.  10,  3  (6).  Translate  « the  diminu- 
tive tectoriolum  is  all  right ;  therefore 
make  a  diminutive  also  of  pavimentum  ; 
you  cannot  '  :  for  pavimentula  would 
suggest  mentnla. 

Viden  igitur]  Cicero  talks  ironically  as 
a  Stoic  would.  *  Don't  you  see  that  the 
whole  thing  is  rubbish?  ':  cp.  §  4  nos  autem 
ridicule  sc.  J 'admits ;  ridiculous,  no  doubt, 
as  many  fashions  are,  '  sed  vincentilms 
etiam  vitiis  cedendum  est,'  as  Quiutil. 
(I.e.)  says. 


EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 

verbum  est  '  divisio  '  ?  at  inest  obscenum,  cui  respondet  *  interca- 
pedo.'  Nurn  haec  ergo  obscena  snnt  ?  nos  autem  ridicule ;  si 
dicimus  'ille  patrem  strangulavit,'  honorem  non  praefamur,  siii 
de  Aurelia  aliquid  aut  Lollia,  honos  praefandus  est.  Et  quideu 
iam  etiam  non  obscena  verba  pro  obscenis  sunt.  '  Battuit/  inquit 
inpudenter ;  *  depsit '  raulto  inpudentius :  atqui  neutrum  esl 
obscenum.  Stultorum  plena  sunt  orania.  *  Testes '  verbum  hones- 
tissimum  in  iudicio  ;  alio  loco  non  minis.  At  honesti  '  coleiLantt 
vini ' ;  *  Cliternini '  non  honesti.  Quid  ?  ipsa  res  modo  honesta 
modo  turpis.  Suppedet,  flagitium  est ;  iam  erit  nudus  in  balneo 
non  reprehendes.  Habes  scholam  Stoicam :  6  <ro$6e  tuflu/o/oijj 
vrjafi.  5.  Quam  multa  ex  uno  verbo  tuo  !  te  adversus  me  omnii 
audere  gratum  est.  Ego  servo  et  servabo — sic  enim  adsuevi— 
Platonis  verecundiam ;  itaque  tectis  verbis  ea  ad  te  scripsi  qua* 
apertissimis  agunt  Stoici ;  sed  illi  etiam  crepitus  aiuut  aequj 
liberos  ac  ructus  esse  oportere.  Honorem  igitur  Kalendis  Martiial 
Tu  me  diliges  et  valebis. 

4.  divisio']  suggests  visio  =  flatum  ven- 
tr  is  emit  to,  just  winter cupedo  in  the  nomi- 
native suggests  pedo.  See  Quintil.  I.e. 

strangulavit]  the  word  means  both 
'to  choke'  and  *  to  embrace  carnally.' 
Aurelia  and  Lollia  are  simply  names  of 
women  taken  at  random. 

honorem  non  praefamur]  *  We  do  not 
say  "  saving  your  presence"  '  or  '  we  do 
not  apologize  for'  :  cp.  Fin.  ii.  29,  cetera 
addit  quae  si  appelles  honos  praefandus  sit : 
Arnob.  v.  27,  sine  honoribits  appellare 
praefatis.  Hence  Quintilian  uses  prae- 
fanda  for  *  expressions  demanding  apology,' 
'  unmentionable '  :  cp.  Plin.  H.  N.  vii. 
171,  praefandi  hwnoris  e  cor  pore  efflu- 
vium. A  somewhat  similar  Plautine 
phrase  is  pra^fiscini  dixerim. 

Battuit]  '  grind  '  or  '  pound  '  :  depsit, 
'  knead.'  Hence,  as  similar  words  (e.g. 
molere)  in  all  languages,  these  terms  are 
vulgarly  used  in  an  obscene  sense. 

Stultorum]  Ironical  again :  cp.  ridicule 
(§  3^).  Cicero  is  speaking  as  if  he  were  a 
Stoic.  The  population  of  the  world  is 
many  millions,  mo-tly  fools  :  they  will 
persist  in  seeing  indecency  in  the  most 
respectable  words. 

colet]  probably  a  provincial  form  of 
cullei,  '  sacks,'  which  appear  to  have  been 
made  at  Lanuvium.  Accordingly  colei 
Lanuvini  can  be  spoken  of  properly  ;  but 

not  so  colei  Cliternini  (Cliternum,  a  towm 
in  the  territory   of   the  Aequiculi,  near 
Reate,  used   for   any  town) ;    for    colei, 
would   then   be   taken   in   the    sense   <• 
4  testicles  ' :  cp.  Petr.  39.     Manutius  half 
a    different    interpretation.      He 
there    was     a    distinguished    family 
Lanuvium  called  Colei,  for  which,  how 
ever,  there  is  no  evidence. 

scholam']  'disquisition,'  'dissertation' 
cp.  Tusc.  iii.  81,  separatim  certae  scholt 
sunt  de  exsilio,  de  interitu  patriae,  de  serv\ 
tute,  de  debilitate,  de  caecitate,  de  omt 
casu  in  quo  nomen  poni  solet  calamitati 
Haec  Graeci  in  singulas  scholas  et  i 
singulos  libros  disperliunt. 

€udvppt)/uLov^ffft]  'will  speak  out 
plainly,'  '  use  plain  words' :  cp.  §  1,  sum 
quamgne  rem  nomine  appellare. 

5.  ex  uno  verbo  tun]    sc.  mentula  (§  2). 

Platonis  verecundiam]  vix.  that  incul« 
cated  by  the  Aoidemicians.  ('icero  waft 
probably  not  thinking  of  any  definittf 
passage  in  Plato.  To  take  one  out  <• 
many,  cp.  Rep.  iii.  401  C. 

illi .  .  .  oportere"]  See  the  curious  stofl 
of  the  Emperor  Claudius :  Suet.  Clau« 
32  fin. 

honorem  igitur  Kal.  Martiis]  sc.  redd&.\ 
mus,  'let  us  p  iy  respect  to  our  nmtronsfij 
(Kul.  Mart,  being  the  Matronalia}.  Wti 
must  suppose  Cicero  to  mean — let  ouTj 

EP.  634  (ATT.  XIIL  20). 


634.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOTJS  (ATT.  xm.  20). 

ARP1NUM  J   JULY  2  OR  3  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  consolatoriis  a  Caesare  acceptis,  de  urbe  augenda,  de  Torquato,  de  uxore 
Tuberonis  et  privigna  in  Ligarianam  non  addendis,  de  Attico  conveniendo,  de  fratre 
ab  Attico  convento  et  de  rebus  suis. 


1.  A  Caesare  litteras  accepi  consolatorias,  datas  pridie  Kal. 
Maias  Hispali.  De  urbe  augenda  quid  sit  promulgatum  non  Intel- 
lexi :  id  scire  sane  velim.  Torquato  nostra  officia  grata  esse  facile 
patior,  eaque  augere  non  desinam.  2.  Ad  Ligarianam  de  uxore 
Tuberonis  et  privigna  neque  possum  iam  addere — est  euim  pervul- 
gata — neque  Tuberonem  volo  offendere:  mirifice  est  enim  ^tAamoc. 
Theatrum  quidem  sane  bellum  habuisti.  3.  Ego,  etsi  hoc  loco 

language  be  free  from  coarseness,  as  it  is 
right  tbat  all  language  should  be  which 
is  addressed  to  women.  If  for  no  other 
reason,  at  least  out  of  respect  for  our 
matrons,  let  our  language  be  decent. 
iyitur  seems  to  refer  back  to  tectis  verbis 
ea  ad  te  scripsi.  Lambinus  held  that 
Eal.  Mart,  was  the  date  of  the  letter, 
and  thai  some  words  (perhaps  non  prae- 
fantur,  '  the  Stoics  make  no  apology  for 
their  language')  were  lost  after  iyitur. 
The  exceeding  uncertainty  of  the  dale  of 
this  letter  renders  this  view  not  unten- 
able. We  have,  however  (though  with 
some  hesitation),  followed  Schmidt,  who 
considers  (p.  364)  that  this  letter  is  a 
separate  disquisition,  very  similar  to 
others  in  the  Acad.  and  Fin.  (works 
composed  about  this  time),  in  which 
moderate  Academic  views  are  maintained 
against  the  extravagances  of  the  Stoical 

1.  De  urbe   augenda]     see   636,    4,    a 
letter  written  about  a  week   alter  this, 
in  \\  hich  lie  clearly  explains  the  proposed 
improvements  in  the  city. 

Torquato']     Toiquatus  is  referred  to  in 
623,   1  and  652.  2   as  being  desirous  of 
obtaining   Dolabella's  good   offices   with 
facile  patior']     cp.  note  to  622.  2. 

2.  Ad  Ligarianam  .   .   .  addere}     The 

more  appropriate  preposition  in  the  pre- 
sent case  would  have  been  in,  as  in  Att. 
i.  13,  5  (19)  in  orationem  Metellinam 
addidi  quaedam,  as  the  insertion  was, 
doubtless,  in  the  speech,  not  at  the 
beginning  or  end.  But  addere  ad  is  an 
allowable  construction,  and  found  in  good 
classical  writers. 

de  uxore  Tuberonis}  Gronovius  suggests 
that  his  wife  and  step-daughter  may  have 
urged  young  Tubero  to  attack  Ligarius  ; 
but  we  cannot  be  certain.  Cicero  was 
somehow  connected  with  the  family  of 
Tubero  :  cp.  Lig.  1  propinquus  meus,  also 
§  8  prop'mquam  cognationem :  21  adjines. 
It  has  been  supposed  that  L.  Tubero, 
young  Tubero' s  father,  married  a  Tullia : 
and  Att.  may  have  suggested  that  the 
relationship  might  be  more  fully  ex- 
pounded in  the  speech.  Cicero  is  rather 
patronizing  to  young  Tubero  in  the 
speech  (§  8) :  and  to  dwell  on  the  con- 
nexion of  Tubero  with  the  Tullii,  as  if 
that  was  a  great  thing,  may  have  natu- 
rally offended  Cicero's  defeated  opponent. 

4>iAcuTtos]  'huffy,'  'prone  to  take 

T/ieatrum~]  '  You  certainly  have  had  a 
good  audience.'  Att.  seems  to  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  rending  the  Pro  Lignrio 
before  some  cultivated  and  distinguished 
audience.  Cic.  often  compares  the  public 
delivery  of  speeches  to  the  performances 


EP.  63b  (ATT.  XIII.  20). 

facillime  sustentor,  tamen  te  videre  cupio.  Itaque,  ut  constitui, 
adero.  Fratrem  credo  a  te  esse  conventum.  Scire  igitur  studeo 
quid  egeris.  4.  De  faraa  nihil  sane  laboro,  etsi  scripseram  ad  te 
tune  stulte  '  nihil  melius/  Curandum  enim  non  est.  Atque  hoc 
*  in  omni  vita  sua  queraque  a  recta  conscientia  traversum  nnguem 
non  oportet  discedere,'  viden  quam  ^tAomfywe  ?  An  tu  nos  frustra 
existimas  haec  in  manibus  habere  ?  St&ixQui  te  eo  nollem,  quod 
nihil  erat.  Eedeo  enim  rursns  eodem.  Quidquamne  me  putas 

on  the  stage :  cp.  De  Orat.  ii.  388,  quia 
maxima  quasi  oratori  scena  videatur  con- 
tionis:  Lael.  97;  ad  Brut.  i.  9,  2  (902), 
nunc  populo  et  scenae,  ut  dicitur,  servien- 
dum  est:  cp.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  1.  71.  He 
also  uses  it  as  a  sphere  for  the  exhibi- 
tion of  a  quality  :  Tusc.  ii.  64,  nullum 
theatrum  virtuti  conscientia  mains  est. 
Note  theatrum  used  for  the  audience,  as 
we  use  '  house.' 

3.  sustentor]     '  I  can  get  along  in  this 
place  quite  cheerfully.' 

4.  De  Jama']     The    meaning    of    this 
strange  and  somewhat  dreamy  paragraph 
is   very    doubtful.      We   think   the    key 
to   it  may,  perhaps,  be  in  the  sentence 
Id  ago  scilicet   ut    indicia  videar   tener-e, 
<  My  aim,  ot    course,    is  to  retain    com- 
mand  of    the    courts, '    to    be    still    the 
head    of   the   Roman    Bar.     Cicero    had 
recently  delivered  and  published  the  Pro 
Liqnrio,  and  may  have  in  the  exuberance 
caused    by  its    great   success  (cp.    Plut. 
Cic.    39)    said    in    a    letter    to    Atticus 
that  there  was  nothing  better  than  fame. 
Atticus   appears  to   have    thought    that 
Cicero  was  trying  too  much  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  Caesar   (cp.   669,    I),   and 
may   have    criticized  Cicero's    doing    so 
as  Wing   to  some   extent   untrue   to  his 
constitutional    and    optimate   principles. 
Atticus  on  other  occasions  seems  to  have 
been  solicitous   that  Cic.  should  act  the 
honourable    rather    than   the    expedient 
part :  cp.  783.  3  ;  also  in  49  B.C.  Att.  ix. 
18. 1  (376).    He  did  not  think  Cic.  should 
from  a  desire   for  fame  be  too  effusive 
towards  Caesar.     Cic.  answers   his   own 
remark  about  fame  by  quoting,  in  a  light 
vein  of  irony,  another  from  one  of  his 
philosophical    works — which  is  not,    in- 
deed, to  be   found  in  any  extant  work, 
though  there  is  something  very  similar  in 
Att.  vii.  3.  11  (294) — about  conscience — 
that  one  should  never  deviate  from  its 
admonitions   a   hair's    breadth.     Atticus 
must  not  think  that  he  had  any  interest 

in  the  whole  case,  except  the  support  of 
his  client  Ligarius  (nisi  ut  ei  ne  desim). 
Of  course  it  is  not  permitted  to  elpress 
one's  exact  sentiments  in  such  a  case  as 
that  of  Ligarius,  tried  before  Caesar;  but, 
on  the  whole,  lie  approves  of  what  he 
did,  and  can  endure  readily  any  criticism 
which  is  passed  on  his  conduct  or  on 
the  literary  qualities  of  the  speech.  The 
whole  passage  might  then  be  translated 
thus: — 'As  to  fame,  I  do  not  indeed 
trouble  myself,  though  then  I  wrote  to 
you  foolishly  that  "  nothing  was  better." 
That  remark  you  need  not  mind.  And 
then  this  statement  "that  in  all  one's 
life  one  should  not  swerve  a  nail's  breadth 
from  one's  conscience" — is  not  that  a 
truly  moral  sentiment :  Can  you  suppose 
that  I  am  writing  these  moral  treatises 
of  mine  to  no  purpose  ?  I  would  not  have 
you  perturbed  at  what  I  said,  which  was 
a  mere  nothing  ;  for  I  am  returning  to 
the  same  point  figain.  Do  you  think  I 
cared  for  anything  in  the  whole  business 
except  to  do  rny  best  for  him  (Ligarius)  ? 
Forsooth,  my  whole  object  was  to  be 
thought  still  to  control  the  courts. 
Heaven  forbid  that  I  be  attracted  by 
them  !  I  would  fain  that  I  could  bear 
my  domestic  troubles  as  easily  as  I  can 
scorn  all  such  considerations.  But  do 
you  think  I  ever  wished  anything  that 
would  not  be  strictly  light?  One's  exact 
sentiments,  of  course,  one  cannot  express  : 
yet  I  cannot  but  approve  of  what  has 
been  done,  and  for  all  that  I  can  be 
supremely  indifferent  with  regard  to  it, 
as  I  am.  But  enough  of  trifles.' 

Atque~\  For  this  adversative  sense  of 
atque  c|>.  note  to  607.  3. 

a  recta  conscientia  .  .  .  discedere]  cp. 
Att.  vii.  3.  11  (294),  mihi  cerium  est  ab 
honestissima  sententia  diyitnm  nusquam. 

traversum  unguetn]  a  provertrial  ex- 
pression :  cp.  Fam.  vii.  25.  2  (668),  nee 
transversum  unquem,  ut  aiuttt,  a  stilo : 
Acad.  ii.  58:  Plaut.  Aul.  57. 

EP.  634  (ATT.  XIIP  20). 


curare  fin  toto  nisi  ut  ei  ne  desim  ?  Id  ago  scilicet  ut  indicia 
[dear  tenere.  Mr]  yap  avrolg.  Yellem  tarn  doraestica  ferre 
ossem  quara  ista  contemnere  !  Putas  autem  me  voluisse  aliquid 
uod  perfectum  non  sit  ?  Non  licet  scilicet  sententiam  suam ; 
ed  tamen  quae  turn  acta  sunt  non  possum  non  probare,  et 
amen  non  curare  pulcre  possum,  sicuti  facio.  Sed  nimium  multa 
e  nugis. 

in  toto]     The  meaning  seems  to  be  in 
to  negotio  or  in  tota  orntione,    but  the 
xact   emendation   has   not   been  found. 
re  cannot  agree  with  those  scholars  who 
e  in   the   word   a   corruption   of  some 
roper   name  as  in  Bruto  (Schmidt),  in 
into    (Klotz),    in    Torquato   (MiilL-r)  : 
ei  is  easily  explicable  as  referring  to 
jignrius,  if  the  whole   passage  refers  to 
i(-ero's   speech   on   his   behalf.     0.    E. 
chinidt   (pp.    323-4)    thinks  we  should 
-ad  in  Bruto  for  in  toto,  '  do  you  think 
care   for   anything   in   the    matter   of 
rutus  save  that  I  may  not  fail  to  support 
im?'     Schmidt  supposes  (as  we  under- 
and  him)  that  the  whole  passage  refers 
the   marriage   of  Brutus   and   Gate's 
aughter  Porcia,  which  was  regarded  at 
time  as  having  a  political  significance, 
and  as  evidence  that  Brutus  was  drawing 
ver  to  the  Republicans,  and  away  from 
sar.     The  fama  then  was  the  adverse 
riticism    which    was    directed    against 
ieero  for  his  apparent  apathy  in  failing 
show   interest  in   the    marriage    and 
;o  support   Brutus   in   the  bold    step  he 
was   taking.     We  cannot  pretend  to   be 
ble  to  read  between  the  lines  so  much  as 

indicia  .  .  .  tenere]     It  seems  to  us  that 
is  can  only  mean  'to  hold  a  command- 
ng  position  in  the    law  courts.'     The 
metaphor  is  probably  taken  from  holding 
position   in   military  operations.     For 
ne   meaning    cp.    1    Verr.    20,    nos   non 
enebimus  indicia  diutius,  though  the  con- 
trol there  mentioned  is  not  the  control  of 

an  individual,  but  of  the  whole  body  of 
senators :  cp.  also  dominatio  regnumque 
iwiiciorum,  1  Verr.  35.  Indicia  tenere 
could  hardly  mean  '  to  gain  the  approval 
of  my  fellows'  (though  Schmidt  seeks 
to  defend  the  expression  by  the  analogy 
of  causam  tenere,  « to  gain  one's  suit'), 
and,  if  it  could,  this  sentiment  would  not 
suit  the  context  without  corrections.  The 
latter  remark  applies  also  to  Boot's  con- 
jecture, indicia  tiinere. 

MT?  yap  aurois]  What  word  is  under- 
stood is,  of  course,  uncertain,  hut  cer- 
tainly it  is  not  detector,  or  concedo,  or  any 
verb  in  the  indicative.  The  JUT?  shows 
that  the  verb  to  be  supplied  must  be  in 
the  imperative,  subjunctive,  or  optative, 
such  as  Tcp<j)dir)Ti,  Tepirca/jiat,  or  TepTrot/zrji'. 

ista]     forensic  distinction. 

quod  perfectum  non  sit]  ( which  is 
not  perfect,'  i.e.  strictly  morally  right. 
When  the  word  perfectu*  is  used,  the 
exact  respect  in  which  the  perfection 
appears  is  to  be  judged  from  the  context. 
Boot  suggests  per  se  rectum,  which  is 

sententiam  suam]  Understand  dicer  e  : 
cp.  Heidemann,  p.  76. 

pulcre]  cp.  Planuus  Fam.  x.  23.  1 
(895),  Lepidum  enini  pulcre  noratn, 
*  thoroughly.' 

nugis]  Dr.  Reid  points  out  that  Cicero 
sometimes  uses  this  word  of  matters  con- 
nected witii  his  literary  works,  e.g.  632.  5, 
hui  qnaindiu  de  nugis !  Politics  are 
serious  things  (o-Troi/Scua)  :  cp.  679.  2  and 


EP.  635  (ATT.  XIII. 

635.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  22). 
ARPINUM;  JULY  4;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.C.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Quaerit  rursusde  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis,  de  litteris  Cassii  et  Servii,  del 
morte  Marcelli,  de  scriptis  suis  non  temere  foras  dandis,  de  praedio  Oviae,  de  BrutoJ 
de  Tullio  scriba  ab  Attico  appellate  et  de  fano  aedificando,  de  Attici  adventu  in] 
Tusculanum  a  se  exspectato,  de  Atticae  valetudine. 


1.  De  Varrone  non  sine  causa  quid  tibi  placeat  tarn  diligenterj 
exquiro.  Occurrunt  milii  quaedam,  sed  ea  coram.  Te  autem 
acrjutvairara  intexui,  faciamque  id  crebrius.  Proximis  enim  tuis 
litteris  primum  te  id  non  nolle  cognovi.  2.  DeMarcello  scripserati 
ad  me  Cassius  autea,  ra  Kara  fiipog  Servius.  O  rem  acerbam ! 
Ad  prima  redeo.  3.  Scripta  nostra  nusquam  malo  esse  quam 
apud  te,  sed  ea  turn  foras  dari  cum  utrique  nostrum  videbitur. 
Ego  et  libraries  tuos  culpa  libero  neque  te  accuse,  et  tamen  aliud 
quiddam  ad  te  scripseram,  Caerelliam  quaedam  babere  quae  nisi  a  te( 
habere  non  potuerit.  Balbo  quidem  intellegebam  sat  faciendumi 
fuisse,  tantum  nolebam  aut  obsoletum  Bruto  aut  Balbo  inchoatumi 
dari.  Yarroni,  simul  ac  te  videro,  si  tibi  videbitur,  mittam.  Quid 
autem  dubitarim,  cum  videro  te,  scies.  4.  Attributes  quodJ 

1.  Occurrunt  miki  quaedam]  i.e.  against 
the  project  of  transferring  to  Varro  from 
Catulus  and  Lucullus  the  chief  part  in 
the  Academica.  For  occurrunt  cp.  631  fin. 

sed  ea  coram']  593  fin. 

oo-jwej/aiTttTo]  '  I  introduced  you  in 
the  dialogue  de  tout  mon  coeur.'  M2  gives 
o.fjLfv4ffrara.  Observe  that  ao-fj-eviffrbs, 
above,  Att.  ix.  2a,  2  (356),  is  not  another 
form  of  the  superlative,  but  a  verbal 
adjective  from  aoyiej/ifw,  and  so  should 
be  accented  oxytone. 

2.  De  Marcello]  murdered  by  Magius 
Chilo  :     Ep.  613  is  the  detailed  letter  of 
Servius  Sulpicius. 

Cassius]      cp.     note    to    613.     1.     He 
was  probably  at   Brundisium,  where  he 
certainly  was   at   the  beginning  of   the 
year  :  cp.  Fam.  xv.  7.  4  (541). 
TO  Kara,  pfpos]     '  the  details.' 
0  rem  acerbam']     For   the   interjection 

0  see  Adn.  Crit.  and  note  to  617.  4. 
Here  we  think  it  should  be  inserted,  les 
rem  acerbam  should  be  taken  as  the  direc 
accus.  to  scripserat. 

3.  Scripta  nostra']     cp.  note  to  632.  4 
Caerelliam']     632.  5. 

quae  nisi  a  te  habere~]  The  MSS.  omi 
these  words :  but  they  are  found  in  th< 
ed.  lensoniana  (I).  They  are  essential 
and  the  reason  for  their  omission  i 

sat]     cp.  note  to  665.  2. 

obsoletum  .  .  .  inchoatwn]  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  Cicero  here  uses  Latin 
words,  for  which,  in  a  previous  lette 
(632.  4),  he  had  recourse  to  the  Greek 
<  and  aSiopdwra.  It  is  not  always 
want  of  a  suitable  Latin  word,  but  some- 
times mere  caprice,  which  brings  Greet 
expressions  into  the  letters. 

4.  Attributes']     These     were     persons 

JSP.  635  (ATT.  XIII. 


appellas,  valde  probe.  Te  de  praedio  Oviae  exerceri  moleste  fero. 
De  Bruto  nostro  perodiosum,  sed  vita  fert.  Mulieres  autem  vix 
satis  humane  quae  iniraico  animo  se  ferant,  cum  utraque  officio 
pareat.  Tullium  scribarn  nihil  fuit  quod  appellares :  uam  tibi 
mandassem,  si  fuisset.  Nihil  enim  est  apud  eum  positum  nomine 
voti,  sed  est  quiddarn  apud  ilium  meum.  Id  ego  in  hanc  rem  statui 
conferre.  Itaque  et  ego  recte  tibi  dixi  ubi  esset  et  tibi  ille  recte 
negavit.  Sed  hoc  quoque  ipsum  continue  adoriamur.  Lucum 
bominibus  non  sane  probo  quod  est  desertior  :  sed  habet  gu 

whose  debts  to  other  creditors  had  been 
made  over  (assigned)  to  Cicero,  in  pay- 
ment of  money  owed  to  him  (cp.  606.  1). 
Cicero  commends  Atticus  for  calling  on 
them  for  payment.  We  should  say,  '  you 
are  quite  right  in  insisting  on  those  bills 
being  taken  up.' 

valde  probe]  sc.fecistis.  Possibly  we 
should  read  probo,  with  Wolfflin :  cp. 
626.  1  ;  632.  7. 

Oviae]  the  wife  of  Lollius  before  re- 
ferred to  (557.  4). 

perodiosum,  sed  vita  fert]  '  a  horrid 
bore,  but  such  is  life,'  '  the  ordinary 
course  of  life  brings  it.'  To  add  ita  with 
Wes.  would  give  an  ill-sounding  colloca- 
tion. For  ferre  used  thus  absolutely  cp. 
Ter.  Andr.  188,  dum  tcmpns  ad  earn  rem 
tulit,  sivi  animum  ut  expleret  suum,  and 
phrases  like  si  occasio  tulerit  (Fam.  x. 
21.  6,  Ep.  861),  si  vestra  voluntas  feret 
(Leg.  Manil.  70). 

Mulieres']  Servilia,  the  mother,  and 
Porcia,  the  wife,  of  Brutus. 

?<?  ferant]  We  have  added  se,  as  we 
believe  the  meaning  to  be  '  The  ladies  are 
scarcely  acting  reasonably  in  their  hostile 
feelings  towards  one  another,  though 
both  behave  quite  correctly.'  Their  be- 
ta viour  is  quite  as  ordinary  good  society 
requires,  but  their  inner  feelings  towards 
teach  other  are  unnaturally  hostile — 
tfeline  amenities  were  no  doubt  inter- 
changed. For  inimico  animo  se  ferant, 
cp.  Verg.  Aen.  v.  372,  immani  corpore  qui 
se  Bebrycia  veniens  d.myci  de  genteferebat, 
and  Conington's  note.  Orelli  adds  in 
before  utraque,  making  Brutus  the  subject 
to  pareat.  But  it  is  unlikely  that  the 
women,  especially  Porcia,  could  be  hos- 
tile to  Brutus.  Servilia,  owing  to  her 
close  relations  with  Caesar,  naturally 
disapproved  of  the  marriage  of  Brutus 
with  Porcia. 

Tullium]  cp.  Fam.  v.  20. 1,  8,  9  (302). 
For  ilium,  referring  to  the  same  person  as 
eum,  cp.  Dr.  Reid  on  Lael.  59,  non  est  amid 
talem  esse  in  eum  qualis  ille  in  se  est,  who 
quotes  Sest.  7  :  Prov.  Cons.  1  ;  we  may 
addSull.  19:  Acad.  i.  1. 

nomine  voti]  '  earmarked  for  carrying- 
out  my  vow.'  The  term  is  perhaps  a 
business  one. 

Itaque]  '  Accordingly  I  was  right  in 
telling  you  where  the  money  was,  and  he 
was  quite  right  in  denying  the  fact  to 
you  ' :  for  Tullius  rightly  denied  that  he 
had  any  money  specially  earmarked  for 
the  fulfilment  of  a  vow  :  he  did  not  deny 
that  he  had  in  hands  money  of  Cicero's. 

adoriamur]  *  let  us  make  a  raid  on 
(pounce  on)  this  very  sum.' 

hominibm]  '  for  (the  commemoration  of) 
mortals,'  as  distinguished  from  gods.  But 
the  sentence  is  oddly  expressed.  Schiitz 
suggests  Lucum  quod  est  desertior  ab 
hominibus  non  sane  probo.  Fr.  Schmidt 
(Wiirzburg  Programm  (1892).  p.  27)  sug- 
gests Othonis  for  hominibus ;  and  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermathena,  p.  346),  omnino.  No  doubt 
the  Sca'pulan  gardens  are  referred  to. 
In  605.  2  (written  in  May)  Cicero  says 
lucus  celebritatem  nullam  turn  habebat,  nunc 
audio  maximum.  He  does  not  speak 
definitely  :  and  he  plainly  at  that  time  had 
no  certain  information  about  the  place. 

Sed  habet  fvKoyiav]  (  but  it  has  some- 
thing to  say  for  itself  (Shuckburgh),  like 
cv\oyov  (615.  1  :  619.  1).  Or  perhaps  'it 
is  well  spoken  of.'  Lid  dell  and  Scott 
refer  to  Romans  xvi.  18.  Schiitz  suggests 
fvwviav,  *  cheapness,'  which  would  be  very 
good  if  it  were  nearer  to  the  MS.  For  the 
latter  quality  we  might  suggest  evayiav, 
'  sanctity,'  '  solemnity.'  Its  retired 
position  and  unfrequented  site  would 
enhance  the  solemn  and  religious  associa- 
tions which  such  a  shrine  should  awaken. 

144  EP.  636  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  4,  5}. 

Verum  hoc  quoque  lit  censueris,  quippe  qui  omnia.  Ego  nt  conl 
stitui  adero  :  atque  u  tin  am  111  quoque  eodem  die!  Sin  quid — multJ 
enim — utique  postridie.  Etenim  coheredes :  a  quibus  sine  tua 
opprimi  malitia !  5.  Est  alteris  iam  Htteris  nihil  ad  me  de  Attical 
Sed  id  quidem  in  optima  spe  pono.  Illud  accuso  non  te,  sed  illamj 
no  salutem  quidem.  At  tu  et  illi  et  Piliae  pi  u  rim  am,  nee  me  tame™ 
irasci  indicaris.  Epistulam  Caesaris  misi,  si  minus  legisses. 

636.     CICERO  TO  ATTICU8  (ATT.  xin.  33,  §§  4,  5). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  9  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Varronis  adventu  et  C.  Capitonis  et  T.  Carrinatis,  de  C.  Caesaris  consilio  urbia 
augendae,  de  negotiis,  de  Bruto. 


4.  De  Varrone  loquebamur :  lupus  in  fabula.  Venit  enim  ad 
me,  et  quidem  id  temporis  ut  retinendus  esset.  Sed  ego  ita  egi 
ut  non  scinderem  paenulam  ;  memini  enim  tuum.  l&ienim  multl 
erant  nosque  imparati.  Quid  refer t  ?  Paullo  post  C.  Capito  cum 
'\\  Carrinate.  Horum  ego  vix  attigi  paenulam,  tamen  remanse- 

hoc   quoque"]    sc.  fades.     After   omnia  accusatives  is  rare,  but  the  fact  of  one 

understand   also  facias  ;    after  tu  quoque  of  them  being   a   neut.   pronoun  lessen! 

understand  adsis ;  after  sin  quid  under-  the  strangeness  of  the  construction, 

stand  sit   (=  '  happen  '    to   hinder  you) :  ne  salutem  quidem"]    sc.  dicere,  expresseJ 

after  multa  enim  understand  sunt  ('  many  in  Att.  vi.  4.  3  (268),  and  often  :  equallj 

such  do   occur) ;    after  po*tridie   under-  often  omitted,  550  fin.,  562  fin.,  &c. 

stand  nderis  :  and  after  coheredes  (632.  6)  si  minus']     '  in    case   you   should   not 

aderunt.     All  these  ellipses  are  normal.  have  read  it.' 

malitia]      'Just    think   of  my    being 

pounced  on  by  the  co-heirs  without  your  4.  lupus  in  fabula]    'talk  of  the  devil.l 

shrewdness  to  aid  me ! '     So  we  believe  cp.  Terence  Ad.  537,  and  Otto,  p.  200.   I 

should  run  a  passage  which  has  been  varie  id  temporis  lit]     l  so  late  that  he  had  to 

vexatus  (see  Adn.    Grit.).     For   malitia,  be  kept.'     Cp.  Koby,  §  1092. 

'  shrewdness,'  cp.  763.4,  si  mihi  imposu-  scinderem  paenulam]     '  I  did  not  quit* 

isset   aliquid,    quod  paene  fecit,  nisi  tua  tear  his  cloak  '  in  the  effort  to  keep  him| 

malitia  adfuisset  (a  very  similar  passage  from  going.      Otto    (p.   262)   quotes    nojl 

to  the  one  now  under  consideration)  ;  also  exact  parallel.      For  a  similar  raetaphoj 

Plancus  says  ego  non  mains  homo  hoc  suspi-  he  refers   to    De  Orat.  iii,  110,  obtineim 

cabar,  Fam.  x.  21.  3  (861).  atque    id  ipsum    lacinia,    and   comparei 

5.  in   optima   spe  pono~]     cp.   598.    3,  Plaut.  Asin.  587. 

alterum  in  metu  non  ponere.     Leg.  Agr.  tuwn]       '  your   phrase,'    i.e.    scindef^ 

ii  22  fructus  qui  in  spe  legis  huius  positi  paenulam  :    so    Dr.    Reid   interprets    m 

sunt  i  Q.  Fr.  iii  8.  1  (159)  Plura  ponuntur  Hermathena,  352,  where  he  also  suggestl 

in  spe.  etenim  for  et.    Generally  tuum  is  referred 

Illud  accuso']  '   My  accusation  is  this —  to  the  words  that  follow  as  being  a  fre« 

and  it  is  not  you  I  accuse,  but  her — that  quent  excuse  of  Atticus. 

she  never  sent  her  love ';  accuso  with  two  Quid  refertf]     '  what  good  is   that  to 

EP.  636  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  4,  5). 


•unt,  ceoiditque  belle.  Sed  casu  sermo  a  Capitone  de  urbe  augenda: 
i  ponte  Mulvio  Tiberim  duel  secundum  montis  Vaticanos,  campum 
Martium  coaedificari,  ilium  autem  campum  Vaticanum  fieri  quasi 
Martium  campum.  'Quid  ais?'  inquam  ;  'at  ego  ad  tabulam, 
jt,  si  recte  possem,  Scapulanos  hortos/  '  Cave  facias '  inquit, 

nam  ista  lex  perferetur.  Vult  euim  Caesar.'  Audire  me  facile 
)assus  sum,  fieri  autem  moleste  fero.  Sed  tu  quid  ais  ?  Quam- 
juam  quid  quaere-  ?  Nosti  diligentiam  Capitonis  in  rebus  novis 
3erquirendis  :  nou  concedit  Camillo.  Facies  me  igitur  certiorem 
Je  Idibus.  Ista  enim  me  res  adducebat.  Eo  adiunxeram  ceteras 
juas  consequi  tamen  biduo  aut  triduo  post  facile  potero.  Te  tamen 

n  via  confici  minime  volo  :  quin  etiam  Dionysio  ignosco.  5.  De 
Bruto  quod  scribis,  feci  ut  ei  liberum  esset  quod  a  me  attineret. 
Scripsi  enim  ad  eum  heri,  Idibus  eius  opera  mild  nihil  opus  esse. 

?  Capito  and  Carrinas  turned  up  anon, 
md,  though  I  hardly  laid  a  finger  on  their 
cloaks,  they  stayed.' 

ceciditque  belle]  '  it  turned  out  nicely,' 
jp.  Balbus  ap.  Att.  viii.  15«.  3  (346), 
wmmodius  cadere  non  posse. 

Sed]  This  is  much  as  our  '  well,'  a 
find  of  transition  from  less  important  to 
nore  important  matters.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  we  should  punctuate  ceci- 
iitque  belle  (sed  casu}  sermo,  which  is 
.ngenious  :  but  this  personal  use  of 
tadere  seems  to  be  for  the  most  part 
ontined  in  prose  to  very  general  terms, 
leuter  pronouns  or  general  words  like  res. 

coaedificari~]  '  built  over,'  cp.  Part-it. 
3rat.  36,  celebres  an  deserti,  coaedificati 
in  vasti  (sint  loca). 

Quid  ais?}  <  What?  'said  I;  'why,  I 
Aras  going  to  the  sale  to  buy  Scapula's 
>leasme-ground,  if  I  could  safely  do  so.' 

adtabulam~\  sc.  adero,  as  often.  We  do 
lot  feel  sure  that  the  word  for  '  buying  ' 
>r  '  securing '  can  be  understood  after 
tortos,  and  incline  to  think  that  we  should 
idd  conficiam  (579.  2 :  630.  2)  or  some  such 


facile  passus  swn~\  '  I  was  glad  to  hear 
t'  (i.e.  to  learn  that  Caesar  was  going  to 
nake  the  alterations  in  the  city),  '  but  I 

am  vexed  that  the  scheme  is  being  carried 
out.'  For  facile  pati  cp.  622.  2  :  634.  1. 
Cicero  was  glad  to  hear  about  the  scheme, 
because  it  influenced  him  (as  would 
appear)  not  to  buy  the  Scapulan  gardens. 
We  only  hear  one  later  mention  of  the 
gardens,  viz.  647  fin.  Scripsi  enim  ad  te  de 
hortis,  which  may  have  been  a  determina- 
tion not  to  purchase. 

Camillo']     cp.  note  to  283.  3  :  309.  3. 

Idibus}  Possibly  this  was  the  proposed 
date  of  the  sale  at  Rome  of  Scapula's 
hortiy  which  he  refers  to  as  ista  res. 

quas  consequi  tamen]  '  which,  however, 
I  can  do  two  or  three  days  later,'  if 
Caesar's  law,  with  its  alterations,  should 
prevent  me  from  attending  the  Scapulan 

Te  tamen]  '  yet  (even  though  I  should 
put  off  my  visit  to  Rome  for  some  days) 
I  don't  want  you  to  kill  yourself  with 
travelling.  And  I  excuse  even  Diouy- 
sius.'  Cicero  had  expressed  a  desire  that 
Atticus  should  come  to  Tusculanum,  but 
he  now  says  he  will  not  ask  him  to 
undertake  the  journey  in  the  middle  of 
July,  even  though  some  days  should 
elapse  before  they  met  in  Rome.  Cicero 
liked  the  society  of  Dionysius,  cp.  609.  3. 

Idibm  .  .  .  esse]  cp.  642.  2. 

VOL.    V. 



KP.  637  (ATT.  XIII. 

637.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  23). 
TUSCULIJM  ;  JULY  io;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45 ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  Bruto,  de  libris  ad  Varronem  absolutis,  item  de  libris  quos  Bruto  mittit,  del 
mandatis  suis  ab  Attico  explicandis,  de  possessiunculis  suis  et  de  re  familiari. 


1.  Antemeridianis   tuis    litteris  heri    statim    rescripsi :    nuno- 
respoudeo  vespertinis.     Brutus  mallem  me  arcesseret.    Et  aequius-j 
erat,  cum  illi  iter  instaret  et  subitum   et  longum,  et  mehercule- 
nunc,    cum    ita    simus    adfecti    ut   non    possimus    plane    simul '•: 
vivere — intellegis  enim  profecto    in   quo  maxime  posita  sit  GVJJL- 
jS/wov? — facile    patiebar    nos    potius   Komae  una   esse    quaru   in 
Tusculano.     2.  Libri  ad  Varronem   non  morabantur.     Sunt  enim 
fdeffecti,  ut  vidisti :    tantum    librariorum   menda  tolluntur.     De  j 
quibus  libris  scis  me  dubitasse,  sed  tu  videris.     Item,  quos  Bruto-] 
mittimus,  in  manibus  habent  librarii.     3.  Mea  mandata,  ut  scribis,  I 
explica  :  quamquam  ista  retentione  omnis  ait  uti  Trebatius :  quid 

1.  Antemeridianis  .  .   .  vespertinis]  cp. 

Briitus]  '  I  had  rather  Brutus  had 
summoned  me  to  Rome,'  than  visited  me 
in  Tusculum. 

Her']  to  meet  Caesar  on  his  return 
from  JSpain. 

<rv/m.fiici)  a  i  s~]  'You  know  what  makes 
a  man  good  company,'  sc.  mutual  sym- 
pathy and  community  of  sentiment,  which 
did  not  exist  between  Cicero  and  Brutus : 
cp.  note  to  625.  1.  Or  possibly  it  may  refer 
to  the  different  states  of  mind  of  the  two 
men  just  at  the  time — Brutus  being 
occupied  with  public  concerns  and  about 
to  be  married  ;  Cicero  in  grief  for  the  loss 
of  Tullia. 

2.  non  morabantur]  '  were  not  being  de- 
layed '    (as  you   complained).     So  Orelli 
interpreted  the   imperfect.     Or   perhaps 
4  were  not  delaying  me '  (from  going  to 
Rome),  as  we  should  say   'were  not  the 
delay';    so   Corradus.     Liineberg   conj. 
morabuntur, '  will  not  be  delayed.' 

deffecti~]  Wes.  and  Birt  (Antike  £nch- 
tcesen,  p.  350)  adopt  the  correction  of 
I,  effecti,  'completed,'  a  strange  use. 

Lamb,  more  ingeniously,  detexti  with  the^ 
same  meaning,  lit.  '  taken  or!  the  loom  ' ' 
('  stocks,'    as  we  might  say),  comparing; 
De  Orat.  ii.    158,  quibus  ante  exorsa    et 
potius  detexta prope  retexantur.  Gronovius  / 
suggests  affecti,  comparing  Gell.  iii.  16 J 
19     '  adfecta  '  enim    sicut    M.    Cicero   ea 
veteruin  elegantissimi  locnti  stint   en  pro- 
prie   dicebanlur  quae  non  ad  finem  ipsum. 
sed  proxime   finem     progressa    deductave* 
want  (see  Prov.  Cons.  19,  29).    Dr.  Reid 
prefers  refecti :   cp.   reficcre  teslainentuin 
(Digest  29.  1.  9),fabtilam  reficere  (Gael. 
71  :  also  refectum  773).    The  most  ingen- 
ious   suggestion    we    know   is   that    of 
Mr.  G.W.  Mooney,  who  would  read  defae- 
catl  '  cleared   of   blemishes,'    comparing- 
Sidonius  Ep.    i.    1.    3  tuae  examination^ 
has  litterulas  non  recensendas   .    .    .   sed 
defaccandus,   ut  aitint,   limandasque  com- 
mini.      The  objection  is  that  works  can, 
hardly  be   called  in  the    past   participle 
'  cleared    of    blemishes,'     from     which 
scribes'  errors  are  being  at  the  time  re- 

3.  retentione]    '  rebatement '  :    cp.   640 
(25.  I).    The  Julian  law,  often  referred 

EP.  637  (ATT.  XIII. 


tu  istos  putas  ?  Nosti  domwum.  Quare  confice  tvaywyMz.  Incre- 
dibile  est  quam  ego  ista  non  curem.  Omni  tibi  adseveratione 
adfirmo,  quod  mihi  credas  velim,  milii  maiori  offensioni  esse  quam 
delectation!  possessiunculas  meas.  Magis  enim  doleo  me  non 
habere  cui  tradam  quam  habere  qui  utar.  Atque  illud  Treba- 
tius  se  tibi  dixisse  narrabat.  Tu  autern  veritus  es  fortasse  ne  ego 
invitus  audireni.  Fuit  id  quidem  humanitatis,  sed,  mihi  crede, 
iam  ista  non  euro.  Qua  re  da  te  in  sermonem  et  perseca  et  confice 

to  in  these  letters,  allowed  debtors 
to  pay  their  debts  by  making  over 
property  to  their  creditors  on  the 
valuation  existing  before  the  Civil 
War,  and  with  all  interest  already  paid 
deducted  from  the  amount  of  the  debt, 
qua  condicione  quarto,  pars  fere  crediti 
ieperibat  (Suet.  Jul.  42).  Cicero  appar- 
ently thought  that  people  should  not  avail 
themselves  of  the  rebatement.  He  says, 
when  we  hear  from  Trebatius  (623.  1) 
that  people  are  universally  taking 
idvantage  of  this  rebatement,  what  do 
you  think  those  debtors  of  mine  will 
do  ?  '  He  afterwards  says  that  they  were 
ersons  who  would  be  more  likely  to 
slaini  what  was  not  due,  than  to  remit 
any  portion  of  their  rights. 

dowinum']  Dr.  Eeid  (p.  347)  suggests 
dominum,  i.e.  Caesar,  for  domttm:  'you 
know  their  master  :  like  master,  like  man  ; 
plunderers  all.'  This  is  better  than  to 
attempt  to  explain  domnm  as  if  it  were 
genus  (cp.  de  genere  toto  713.  2)  '  the 

ev  ay  (ay  as]  '  doucement,  in  an  accom- 
modating spirit ;  bono  modo  at  the  end  of 
;he  letter  has  the  same  sense. 

Magis.  .  .  tttar]  Schmidt  would  add 
non  before  habere,  and  interpret  '  I  am 
more  grieved  by  not  having  anyone  to 
.eave  my  property  to  (Tullia  being  dead, 
ind  Marcus  not  very  satisfactory  in  his 
2onduct)  than  by  not  having  command  of 
ready  money  now.'  He  also  suggests 
juam  habere  quin  utar,  '  than  to  hold  my 
property  without  enjoying  it.'  Dr.  Eeid 
|p.  347)  thinks  that  this  is  the  meaning, 
which  he  would  obtain  by  reading  quam 
habere  quo  non  tttar,  which  is  certainly 
better  Latin.  He  also  warns  us  against 
supposing  that  the  first  clause  refers  to 
any  thought  of  disinheriting  young 
Marcus,  though  no  doubt  he  was  not 
quite  satisfied  with  his  son  at  this  time 
[cp.  601. 1 ; 657. 2 ;  664. 2 qualisctmque est}: 

it  expresses  regret  that  he  has  not  a  son 
on  the  spot  to  whom  he  could  devolve  the 
management  of  his  property.  This  seems 
to  us  also  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  first 
clause  :  but  the  second,  quam  habere  qui 
utar,  we  take  to  mean  '  than  rejoice  that 
I  have  sufficient  means.'  Yet  we  would 
not  add  laetor  or  gaudeo,  but  understand 
some  such  verb  by  the  figure  called 
zeugma:  cp.  Att.  x.  4.  4  (382)  Horum 
ego  summorum  imperatorum  non  modo  res 
gestas  non  antepono  meis,  sed  nefortunam 
quidem  ipsam  :  qua  illiflorentissima,  nos 
duriore  conflictati  videmur,  where  we 
should  understand  f elicit er  usi  or  some 
such  word  the  opposite  of  conflictati. 
Prof.  Hotisman  (Class.  Rev.  xv.  404  ff.) 
explains  in  this  way  Hor.  Epod.  xv.  7, 
and  many  other  passages  in  the  poets,  and 
quotes  Att.  x.  4.  4.  This  kind  of  zeugma 
is  most  frequent  in  the  poets,  but  in 
unstudied  prose  it  need  not  surprise  us. 
perseca^  We  meet  rerum  naturas  per- 
secare,  '  to  detect,  lay  bare,  the  secrets  of 
nature'  in  Acad.  ii.  122,  and  the  word 
may  just  possibly  bear  the  same  meaning 
here.  Shuckburgh  racily  translates  '  get 
your  knife  in,'  which  seems  better. 
Dr.  Eeid  would  alter  to  perjlce.  If  we 
believed,  as  many  of  the  commentators 
do,  that  the  words  da  .  .  .  confae  were  a 
quotation  from  some  old  poet,  we  should 
be  disposed  to  read  persece,  as  an  impera- 
tive oiperseco,  or  perse  quo,  an  old  form  of 
persequor,  the  active  form  instead  of  the 
deponent  being  a  characteristic  mark  of 
archaism.  But  there  doesnot  seem  to  be  any 
good  reason  for  regarding  da  . .  .  confice  as 
a  quotation  from  a  play,  or  Scaeva  as  one 
of  the  interlocutors  in  the  scene.  Scaeva 
is  no  doubt  the  favourite  centurion  of 
Caesar,  of  whom  we  read  B.  C.  iii.  53, 
scutoque  ad  eum  relato  Scaevae  centurionis 
inventa  sunt  in  eo  foramina  cxx.  Quem 
Caesar,  ut  erat  de  se  meritus  et  de  rep., 
donatum  milibus  cc  .  .  .  ad  primipilum  se 



EP.  638  (FAM.  XIII.  77). 

et  ita  cum  Polla  loquere  ut  te  cum  illo  Scaeva  loqui  putes,  n( 
existimes  eos,  qui  non  debita  consectari  soleant,  quod  debeati 
remissuros.  De  die  tantum  videto,  et  ipsum  be-no  modo. 

(FAM.  xin.  77). 

ROME  ;    AUTUMN  ;    A.  U.  C.  708  J    B.  C.  46  ;    AET.  C1C.  60. 

M.  Cicero  P.  Sulpicio,  officio  suo  in  supplicatione  decernenda  narrate,  commem 
M.  Bolanum  et  ut  servum  fugitivum  restituendum  curet  rogat. 


1.  Cum  his  temporibus  non  sane  in  senatum  ventitarem,  tamen,, 
ut  tuas  litteras  legi,  non  existimavi  me  salvo  iure  nostrae  veteri* 
amicitiae  multorumque  inter  nos  officiorum  facere  posse  ut  honori] 
tuo  deessem  ;  itaque  adfui  supplicationemque  tibi  libenter  decrevi, 
nee  reliquo  tempore  ullo  aut  rei  aut  existimationi  aut  dignitatij 

traducere  yronuntiavit.  He  is  again 
spoken  of  as  a  protege  of  Caesar's  in  713.  2. 
The  whole  meaning  of  the  paragraph  is, 
'  remember  that  you  have  to  do  with 
Caesariaus,  who  have  the  upper  hand,  and 
are  determined  to  use  their  advantages.' 
Dr.  Reid  strongly  supports  cum  Balbo  for 
compella.  His  influence  was  important 
for  securing  the  debt  due  by  Faberius  :  cp. 
565.  2;  593.  1;  616.1.  We  read  cum 
Polla  (though  who  is  referred  to  is  not 
known),  as  Polla  is  found  in  v.  c.  and  2. 
See  Adn.  Grit. 

De  die]  sc.  soltitionis,  '  see  that  the 
payment,  whatever  it  is,  he  prompt ;  but 
then  also  see  to  it  quietly,'  lit.  *  see  only 
concerning  the  day  and  (do)  that  quietly.' 

bono  modo~\  A  colloquial  expression  for 
'moderately'  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  ii.  4.  3  (105) 
a/ji<pi\a<f)iav  illatn  .  .  .  bono  modo  desidero  : 
Acad.  ii.  137  :  Plaut.  Merc.  1022. 

Misled  by  the  writer  of  Bell.  Afr.  10, 
1,  we  thought  that  Sulpicius  was  a  joint 
commander  with  Vatinius  in  the  province 
of  lllyricum  (as  Manutius  holds),  and  ac- 
cordingly postponed  this  letter  to  the  year 
709  (45),  when  Yatinius  was  in  command 
in  lllyricum.  But  the  event  referred  to 
in  Bell.  Afr.  occurred  in  707  (47) ;  and 
the  dual  command  did  not  necessarily  con- 

tinue beyond   that   year,    or  extend 
more  than  the  fleet.     We  now  perceved 
that  Sulpicius  was  commander-in-chief  of  j 
the  forces  in  lllyricum  during  70S  (46), 
and  that  Vatinius  held  the  same  position] 
from  709  (45)  to  711   (43).     Accordingly] 
this  letter  belongs  to   708    (46),    and  it  I 
should  have  appeared  in   the   preceding] 
volume.     This  error  is,  however,  in  soi 
small  degree  compensated  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  thus   brought  into   connexion  wit" 
the  correspondence  between  Cicero  am 
Vatinius  when  the  latter  was  in  lllyricum.{ 

P.  SULPICIO]  This  P.  Sulpicius 
the  son  of  the  eminent  jurist :  cp.  vol.  iv,| 
p.  Ixxviii.  He  was  a  legatus  of  CaesarJ 
in  Gaul  in  699  (55) :  cp.  B.  G.  iv.  22,  6, 
and  in  Spain  in  705  (49),  cp.  B.  C.  i.  74,) 
6.  He  was  praetor  in  706  (48),  anc 
commander  at  Vibo  of  Caesar's  fleet,! 
which  was  attacked  by  C.  Cassius  (B.  C.j 
iii.  101.  1).  There  is  no  reason  whatever 
to  alter  Sulpicio  to  Vatinio,  as  is  done  by] 
Rutilius,  Corradus,  and  others :  see  Manu- 

1.  salvo  iure]  '  without  prejudice  to,1, 
cp.  Fam.  i.  2.  4  (96),  ut  ne  quid  agi 
populo  aut  salvis  auspiciis  aut  salvis  legibw 
aut  denique  sine  vi  posset. 

aut  rei  .  .  .  tuae]     *  your  interests,  re- 
putation, or  position.'     This  stipplicatio 

EP.  638  (FAM.  XIII.  77).  149 

jtuae  deero.  Atque,  hoc  ut  tui  necessarii  sciant  hoc  me  anirao  erga 
|e  esse,  velim  facias  eos  per  litteras  certiores,  ut  si  quid  tibi  opus 
pit  lie  dubitent  mihi  iure  suo  denuntiare.  2.  M.  Bolanum,  virum 
ijbonum  et  fortem  et  omnibus  rebus  ornatum  meumque  veterem 
kmicum,  tibi  magno  opere  commendo.  Pergratum  mihi  feceris 
pi  curaris  ut  is  intellegat  hanc  commendationem  sibi  magno 
Hiumento  fuisse,  ipsumque  virum  optimum  gratissimumque  cog- 
joosces :  promitto  tibi  te  ex  eius  amicitia  magnam  voluptatem  esse 
papturum.  3.  Praeterea  a  te  peto  in  maiorem  modum  pro  nostra 
tamicitia  et  pro  tuo  perpetuo  in  me  studio  ut  in  hac  re  etiam 
elabores.  Dionysius,  servus  meus,  qui  meam  bibliothecen  mul- 
jtorum  nummorum  tractavit,  cum  multos  libros  surripuisset  nee  se 
inpune  laturum  putaret,  aufugit.  Is  est  in  provincia  tua  :  eum  et 
M.  Bolanus,  meus  familiaris,  et  multi  alii  Naronae  viderunt,  sed, 
bum  se  a  me  manumissum  esse  diceret,  crediderunt :  hunc  tu  si 
mihi  restituendum  curaris,  non  possum  dicere  quani  mihi  gratum 
[uturum  sit :  res  ipsa  parva,  sed  animi  mei  dolor  magnus  est.  Ubi 
jit  et  quid  fieri  possit  Bolanus  te  docebit.  Ego  si  hominem  per 
[:e  recuperaro,  summo  me  a  te  beneficio  adfectum  arbitrabor. 

vas  no  doubt  granted  to  Sulpicius  before          provincia]      Though     Illyricum     was 

Daesar  left  for  Spain  in  tbe  second  inter-  called  a  provincia  during  the  period  of  the 

salary  month.  Civil  War  (Caes.  B.  G.  v.  1.  5  :  B.  Alex. 

ne  .  .  .  iure  suo  denuntiare]     'that  they  42.  4),  and  mentioned,  by  Dio  Cass.  1.  6, 

mist  not  hesitate  to  intimate  it  to  me,  as  among  the  provinces  which  took  the^ide 

,hey  have  every  right  to  do  so ' :  for  suo  of  Augustus  against  Antony,   yet  it  is 

we,  cp.  Fin.  v.  4,  Pomponius  nosier  iocari  omitted  by   Augustus    himself  in   Mon. 

:idetur  etfortasse  suo  iure.  Ancyr.    5.    5;    5.    35.      Mommsen  (Res 

2.  Bolanwn]  Nothing  further  is  known  gestae    d.    Aug.,    p.    99)   considers   that 

;or  certain   of  this    man.     An  irascible  Illyricum  was  not  strictly  organized  m 

Bolanus    appears   in  Horace    (Sat.  i.  9,  the  form  of  a  province   until  after  the 

11).  Orelli  supposes  he  is  Cicero's  friend.  battle  of  Actium,  as  before  that  date  there 

3.  meam    bibliothecen  multorum    num-  were  constant  wars  with  the  Dalmatians 

norum]      'my    very    valuable    library.'  and  other   tribes.     Those   who  were  m 

For  the  genitive,  cp.  Sail.  Jug.  85,  39,  command  in  that  region,  viz.,  C.  Antomus 

olitris  preti  cocum  :  Verr.  iv.  88,  signum  in  705  (49),  Cornificius  in  706,  707  (48, 

oecuniae  magnae  sustulit.     We  read  the  47),  Sulpicius  in   708  (46),  Vidimus  in 

form  -thecen  with  M.  Pal.,  not  -thecam  of  709-711  (45-43),  and  others,  were  rather 

H.     The  form  -am,  however,  occurs  in  M  generals  of  the  forces  than  regular  gover- 

-n  Fam.  vii.  28.  2  (477) ;  Att.  i.  7.  1  (3) ;  nors  of  a  province. 
10.  4  (6),  cp.  Neue-Wagener  i.3  67.  Naronae']     cp.  639.  2. 


EP.  639  (FAM.   V.  9). 

639.     VATINIUS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  v.  9). 

NAHONA  ;    JULY  11  I    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

P.  Yatinius  ex  consulatu  Illyrico  a  C.  Caesare  dictatore  praefectus  M.   Cicei 
dignitatem  suam  contra  invidos  defendendam  commendat. 


1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  E.  V.      Si  tuam  consuetudinem  in  patrocini 
tuendis  servas,  P.  Vatinius  cliens  advenit,  qui  pro  se  causam  dici 
volt :  non,  puto,  repudiabis  in  honore  quern  in  periculo  recepistl 
Ego  autem   quern  potius  adoptem  aut  invocem  quam  ilium  qui 
defendente  vincere  didici  ?     An  verear  ne,  qui  potentissimoruil 
hominum  conspirationem  neglexerit  pro  mea  salute,  is  pro  hono« 
meo   pusillorum   ac   malevolorum   obtrectationes  et  invidias  noil 
prosternat  atque  obterat  ?     Qua  re  si  me,  sicut  soles,  amas,  suscipeJ 
meme  totum  atque  hoc,  quicquid   est  oneris  ac  muneris,  pro  meal 

For  Vatinius  see  Introduction. 

1.  S.V.  B.  E.  E.  F.]  =  si  vales  bene 
est,  ego  valeo:  cp.  vol.  i3,  pp.  57-58. 

consuetudinem  .  .  .  servas]  '  if  you 
continue  to  observe  your  custom  of  de- 
fending clients,  P.  Yatinius  comes  for- 
ward in  that  capacity  with  a  desire  that  a 
case  do  be  pleaded  in  his  behalf.' 

dicier"]  an  archaic  form  of  the  infini- 
tive passive  which  is  not  used  by  Cicero 
except  in  his  Aratea. 

puto']  This  parenthetic  use  we  find  in 
Att.  xii.  11  (502);  49,  1  (597),  and  often. 

in  honore]  '  in  my  time  of  distinction  '  : 
for  this  use  of  in  cp.  Fam.  iii.  11,  4 
(265),  in  summis  tuis  occupationibus  mi  hi 
tamen  rei  p.  statum  per  te  notum  esse 

adoptem]  l  choose ' :  cp.  Div.  in 
Caecil.  64,  Sest.  9  :  for  invocare,  cp.  De 
Orat.  ii.  196. 

conspirationem] '  coalition  ' ;  conspirare 
is  not  used  by  Cicero  in  the  bad  sense  of 
'  conspiring ;  '  but  conspiratio  is  found  for 
'  conspiracy '  in  his  contemporaries,  as 
here,  and  in  Dec.  Brut.  ap.  Fam.  xi.  130, 
5  (900),  contra  sceleratixsimam  conspira- 
tionem hostium  conjligamus ;  and  also  in 
bis  own  speeches  :  Scaur.  20.  Deiot.  11  ; 
cp.  Schmalz  Ueber  die  Latinitdt  des  P. 
Vatinius  (Mannheim,  1881),  p.  17. 

pro  mea]  Schmalz  (p.  22)  notices  that 
Cicero  would  have  used,  prae  :  cp.  Fam. 

xiv.  4.  2  (62);  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  38;J 
Mil.  3.  But  it  is  quite  possible  that  prm 
means  '  on  behalf  of,'  not  'in  comparison 
with.'  The  occasion  was  when  Yutini^H 
was  accused  by  Calvus  of  ambitus  a^| 
Cicero  defended  him  :  cp.  Fam.  i.  9, 

pusillorum  .   .  .  obterat]      '  cast  do 
and   trample  under  foot  the  detracti 
and  jealousies    of    petty   and   malici 
traducers.'    These  were  men  who  wish 
to   impugn   the  conduct   of  Yatinius 
Illyricum,    and    minimize    his    mill 

obtrectationes    et    invidias]       For   th 
collocation    of     these    words     Schm 
(p.  23)  compares  Brut.   156,  tantum  a 
ab  obtrectatione  et  invidia. 

meme]     M    me  GIL     The   reading 
M  is  acknowledged  by  Priscian  xii,  5.  2 
p.  947  (=  i.  592,  4  Ke'il.),  and  adopted  " 
Becher  in  one  of  the  letters  of  Caeliul 
Fam.   viii.  2.  1  (198),  where   see   not 
It  also  occurs  in  one  MS  in  De  Domo, 
in  Sil.  Ital.  ix.  651,  and  in  M  in  Fa 
xiii.  1.  2  (199):  cp.  Neue  ii3  354.     Tl 
evidence  is  so  evenly  divided,  that  it 
perhaps,  best  to  adhere  to  the  reading 
M,  though  Wes.  (Emend.  59)  points 
that  the  usual  form  is  memet.     Yatini 
as  being  an   uncultivated  writer,  wo 
prefer  the  emphatic  form  of  the  prono 

oneris  ac  muneris]  '  responsibility 

EP.  639  (FAM.   V.  9). 


dignitate  tibi  tuendum  ac  sustinendum  puta.  Scis  nieam  fortuuam 
scio  quo  raodo  facile  obtrectatores  invenire,  non  meo  quidem 
raehercules  merito  ;  sed  quanti  id  refert,  si  tamen  fato  nescio  quo 
accidit  ?  Si  qui  forte  f  uerit  qui  nostrae  dignitati  obesse  velit,  peto 
a  te  ut  tuam  consuetudinem  et  liberalitatem  in  me  absente  defen- 
dendo  mihi  praestes.  Litteras  ad  senatum  de  rebus  nostris  gestis, 
quo  exemplo  miseram,  infra  tibi  perscripsi.  2.  Dicitur  mihi  tuus 
servus  anagnostes  fugitivus  cum  Vardaeis  esse  ;  de  quo  tu  mihi 
niliil  mandasti,  ego  tamen  terra  marique  ut  conquireretur  prae- 
mandavi,  et  profeoto  tibi  ilium  reperiam,  nisi  si  in  Delmatiam 
aufugerit,  et  inde  tamen  aliquando  eruam.  Tu  nos  fac  ames. 
Vale.  A.  d.  Y.  Id  us  Quinotilis,  ex  castris,  Narona. 

duty'  :  cp.  Verr.  iii.  7,  qui  praesertim 
plus  etiain  .  .  .  oneris  ac  muneris  suscipere 
debcam  :  De  Orat.  i.  116. 

.si  tamen~\  '  if  only '  =  -si  modo.  This 
use  is  very  frequent  in  the  silver  age  : 
cp.  Mayor  on  Plin.  Epp.  iii.  6.  6,  where 
he  gives  a  long  list  of  examples :  it  is 
found  twice  in  Ovid  (Met.  iv.  537  :  Trist. 
iii.  14.  24).  The  explanation  of  the 
words  is  '  if  (notwithstanding  that  the 
detraction  is  undeserved)  it  is  all  my 

dignitati}  Vatinius  wished  to  obtain 
at  least  a  supplicatio  as  a  reward  for  his 
exploits.  It  was  granted  to  him  in 

consuetudinem  et  liberalitateni}  'your 
accustomed  generosity.' 

Litteras]  This  letter  has  been  lost.  '  I 
have  transcribed  below  for  you  an  exact 
copy  of  the  despatch  I  sent  to  the  senate 
about  my  exploits.'  For  exempltim  '  copy,' 
cf.  note  to  Alt.  ix.  6.  3  (360). 

2.  anagnostes}  '  reader.'  His  name 
was  Dionysius  :  cp.  638.  3  :  696.1.  The 
Vardaei  lived  near  Narona. 

praemandavi}  '  I  have  issued  a  warrant.' 
The  force  ofprae  may  be,  as  Holden  points 

out,  that  the  warrant  was  intended  to  reach 
the  place  of  retreat  before  necessity  for 
action  arose:  cp.  Plane.  31,  idem  postea 
pracmandatis  requisitus,  and  Holden's 
note:  cp.  Plant.  True.  403.  We  think 
it  might  also  mean  '  before  any  letter 
should  come  from  you.' 

nisi  si]  This  combination  belongs  to 
the  language  of  every-day  life  :  cp. 
Ter.  Eun.  662,  nisi  si  domum  forte  ad  nos 
rediit:  Fam.  xiv.  2.  1  (79),  nisi  si  quis 
ad  me  plura  scripsit:  viii.  15.  1  (344)  : 
Att.  x.  1.2  (378).  The  nisi  is  to  be  re- 
garded as  an  adverb,  'except'  :  cp. 
et  /^/  e*  occasionally  in  Greek,  e.g.  Plat. 
Rep.  581  D. 

Delmatiam']  Here  and  676.  3  M  has 
the  form  Delm-.  Elsewhere  it  has  Dalm-. 
Gil  always  have  Dalm-.  Mommsen 
(C.  I.  L.  iii.  1,  p.  280)  says  that  there  is 
equally  good  evidence  for  Delmatia  and 

et  inde  .  .  .  eruam~\  '  and  (even  if  he 
gets  there)  yet  I  will  ferret  him  out  of 
that  some  time  or  other' :  cp.  696.  1. 

Narona\  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Illy- 
ria,  about  half-way  between  Histria  and 
Dyrrhachium,  a  little  south  of  Salonae. 


EP.  640  (ATT.  XIII.  24  AND  25,  §  1). 

640.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  24  AND  25,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  11  ;    A.  IT.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIO.  61. 

De  Cicerone  ab  Andromene  Corcyrae  viso.     De  libris  Varroni  mittendis. 

1.  Quid  est  quod  Hermogenes  mihi  Clodius  Andromenem  sit 
dixisse  se    Ciceronem    vidisse   Corcyrae?     Ego  enim  audita  tib 
putarara.     Nil  igitur  ne  ei  quidem  litterarum  ?     An  non  vidit 
Facies  ergo  ut  sciam. 

2.  Quid  tibi  ego  de  Varrone   rescribam  ?     Quattuor 
sunt  in  tua  potestate  :  quod  egeris,  id  probabo.     Nee  tamen 

fjaL  Tpwa?.     Quid  enim  ?     Sed  ipsi  quam  res  ilia  probaretur  magis 
verebar.     Sed  quoniam  tu  suscipis,  in  alteram  aurem. 

[25.  1.]     De   retentione   rescripsi   ad   tuas   accurate   scripts 
litteras.    Confides   igitur    et    quidem  sine   ulla   dubitatione   aul 
retractatione.    Hoc  fieri  et  oportet  et  opus  est. 

1.  Quid  est  .  .  .  litterartim?]  «  What  is 
this   that  Hermogenes  Clodius  (cp.  note 
to  561.  1)  tells  me,  that  Andromenes  has 
reported  to  him  that  he  saw  my  son  at 
Corcyra  ?     I  made  sure  you  must  have 
heard  of  it  [if  true].     Is  it  possible  that, 
if  my  son   met  Andromenes,  he   should 
have  sent  no  letters  by  him  ?     Or  did  he 
never   see   him  ?  '     Cicero    suspects  the 
whole   statement    to  be    a   canard,  or  a 
mistake.     Atticus,  as  we  learn  from  the 
next  letter  but  one,  confirmed  him  in  this 
opinion — '  About     Andromenes,    I    had 
made  up  my  mind  that  it  was  as  you  say 
in   your  letter,    else    you    would    have 
learned  the  matter,  and  communicated  it 
to  me.' 

2.  8i<t>8epai'](  parchment  rolls.'  This 
is  interesting,  as  showing  that  parchment 
or  vellum  was  used  as  a  writing  material 
even  in  the  time  of  Cicero :  cp.  Sir  E. 
Maunde    Thompson    (Greek    and    Latin 
Palaeography,  p.  29).     It  appears,  how- 
ever, from  Herod,  v.  58  that  the  Ionian 
Greeks    used    to     call    papyrus     sheets 

8t<p0epas  (cp.  ib.  p.  22).  Zifydfpa  is  als<« 
applied  to  the  tnembranu  or  parchment! 
wrapper  in  which  separate  books  wer« 
kept  ;  cp.  Marquaidt-Mau,  frivatlebenm 
p.  818,  note  1. 

cuSe'ojuou  Tp was]    Horn.  II.  vi.  442J 
Hector  to  Andromache,  a  quotation  whicM 
occurs    some    half-dozen    times   in   the 
Letters:  cp.  Att.  ii.  5.  1  (32):  vii.  1.  4 
(284) :   627.  4,  and  Index. 

in  alteram  aurem~\     sc.  dormire  licet,  d 
proverb  for  ease  of  mind  and  absence  of 
concern,  found   in  Ter.  Heaut.  342,  in 
the  form  in  utramvis  aurem  dormire.  Thufl 
usage  of  Cicero's  is  a  variation  of  that 
more    ordinary   form    of    the    proverb! 
Pliny  has  yet  another  form  (Ep.  iv.  29.  1)1 
nihil  est   quod  in  dextram  aurem  fiduciM 
mea  dormias,  as  one  was  supposed  to  sleepl 
more  soundly    on   the  right  ear.     TheJ 
Greeks  appear  to  have  said  lir'  a^orfprn 
[3ro]  KaQfvSeiv  (Menander  ap.  Gell.  ii. 
23.  9). 

[25.  1]  retentione']  *  rebatement '  :  cpJ 
637.  3  :  retractatione  '  demur,'  *  reserve.l 

EP.  641   (FAM.  IX.  8).  153 

641.     CICERO  TO   VARRO  (FAM.  ix.  s). 

TUSCULUM  J    JULY   11  OR  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Promiserat  M.  Varro  ad  M.  Ciceronem  se  librum  aliquem  missurum :  Cicero  eum 
promissi  admonet  missis  quattuor  Academicorum  libris. 


1.  Etsi  munus  flagitare,  quamvis  quis  ostenderit,  ne  populus 
quidem  solet  nisi  concitatus,  tamen  ego  exspectatione  promissi  tui 
moveor  ut  admoneam  te,  non  ut  flagitem ;  misi  autem  ad  te  quat- 
tuor admonitores  non  nimis  verecundos:  nosti  enim  profecto  os 
illius  adulescentioris  Academiae.  Ex  ea  igitur  media  excitatos 
misi,  qui  metuo  ne  te  forte  flagitent ;  ego  autem  mandavi  ut 
rogarent.  Exspectabam  omnino  iam  diu  meque  sustinebam,  ne  ad 
te  prius  ipse  quid  scriberem  quam  aliquid  accepissem,  ut  possem 
te  remunerari  quam  simillimo  munere  ;  sed,  cum  tu  tardius  faceres, 
id  est,  ut  ego  interpreter,  diligentius,  teneri  non  potui  quin  con- 
iunctionem  studiorum  amorisque  nostri  quo  possem  litterarum 
genere  declararem.  Feci  igitur  sermonem  inter  nos  habitum  in 
Cumano,  cum  esset  una  Pomponius :  tibi  dedi  partis  Antiochinas, 

This  is  the  dedicatory  epistle  sent  with  order  not  to  write  anything  to  you  myself 

the  Academica.  before  I  received  something,  and  in  order 

1.  ostenderit]     'held  out  expectations  to  be  able  to  return  you  as  similar  a  gift 

of,'   'promised,'  a  rare  use  of  the  word  :  as  I  could.' 

cp.  549.  4.  Dr.  Reid  quotes  Att.  ix.  13.  4  sustinebam]     cp.  note  to  652.  3. 

(369),  sedet  isle  qui  plus  ostenderat  quam  coniunctionem  .  .  .  nostri]     '  the  close 

fecit ;  De   Sen.   70,    Ver  enim   tamquam  bond  between  us  in  our  studies  and  our 

mdnlescentia  significat  ostenditque  fructus.  love.' 

Add    Arch.     16;    Att.  ix.    9.    1    (364).  Cumano']   '  Between  the  date  of  Tullia's 

Munus,  '  a  gladiatorial  show'  ;  flagitare,  death  (mentioned  in   Acad.  Post.  i.  11) 

to  clamour  for.'  and  the  writing  of  the  Academica,  it  can 

promissi  tui~]    cp.  626.  3.  be  shown  that  Varro,  Cicero,  and  Atticus 

os  illius  adulescentioris  Academiae']  'the  could  not  have  met  together  at  Cumae. 

effrontery    ('cheek'  in  slang   language)  Cicero,  therefore,  for  once  admits  into  his 

of  that  rather  youthful  Academy.'  Cicero  works  an  impossibility  in  fact.    This  im- 

purposely  uses  the  word  adulescentior  in-  possibility  would  at  once  occur  to  Varro, 

stead  of   nova,   to   express   the    '  young-  and  Cicero  anticipates  his  wonder  in  the 

mannishness '  of  the  New  Academy,  and  letter  of  dedication,'  Reid,  Acad.  p.  4<J. 
the  self-assertion  which,  was  its  charac-  Antiochinas  .  .  .  Philonis]    Antiochus 

teristic.    '  of  Ascalon  was  the  Eclectic  philosopher 

excitatos]     a   very   common   word   for  pnr  excellence.      He    professed    to   have 

'•calling-lip'  a  witness:  cp.  De  Orat.  ii.  blended  the  Stoic,  Peripatetic,  and  Aca- 

124.  demic    philosophies    '  into    one    organic 

ne  .  .  .  ut]     This  asyndeton  would  not  unity,   and,  in  reality,  so  far  succeeded, 

appear  according  to  English  idiom :   '  in  that  his  misshapen  doctrine  became  the 


EP.  6J&  (ATT.  XIII.  26,  §§ 

quas  a  te  probari  intellexisse  mihi  videbar ;  mihi  sumpsi  Philonis. 
Puto  fore  ut,  cum  legeris,  rairere  nos  id  looutos  esse  inter  nos  qu< 
numquam  locuti  sumus  :  sed  nosti  morem  dialogorum.    2.  Posthi 
autem,  mi  Varro,  quam  plurima,  si  videtur,  et  de  nobis  inter  nos 
sero   fortasse ;    sed    superiorum   temper um  Fortuna  rei   publi( 
causam   sustineat,  haec   ipsi   praestare   debemus.     Atque  utini 
quietis  temporibus  atque  aliquo,  si  non  bono,  at  saltern  certo  stati 
civitatis  liaec  inter  nos  studia  exercere  possemus  !  quamquam  tui 
quidem   vel  aliae   quaepiam   rationes  honestas  nobis  et  curas  et 
actiones  darent ;  nunc  autem  quid  est  sine  his  cur  vivere  velimus 
Mihi  vero  cum  his  ipsis  vix,  his  autem  detractis   ne  vix   quidem. 
Sed  haec  coram  et  saepius.     Migrationem  et  emptionem  feliciter 
even  ire  volo  tuumque  in  ea  re  consilium  probo.     Cura  ut  valeas.   I 

<U2.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xm.  25,  §§  2,3). 
TUSCULUM  ;  JULY  12 ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45 ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  Andromene,  de  Bruto  et  adventu  Ciceronis  inurbem,  de  libris  Varroni  mittendij 
an  ad  Brutum  transferendis. 


2.  De  Andromene,    ut    scribis,    ita    putaram.     Scisses    enii 
inihique  dixisses.     Tu  tamen  ita  mihi  de  Bruto  scribis  ut  de 

fashionable  philosophy  of  tiie  conserva- 
tives of  his  time,  and  was  conscientiously 
studied  by  the  genteel  dilettanti  and 
literati  of  Rome  '  (Mommsen,  R.  H.  iv. 
560):  cp.  also  note  to  631.  3.  Philo  of 
Larissa  was  the  head  of  the  New  Academy. 
Cicero  attended  the  lectures  of  both  these 
philosophers.  When  Cicero  says  that  the 
•Stoics  differed  from  Plato  and  Aristotle 
only  in  words,  he  was  echoing  Antiochus 
(Fin.  iv.  2  ;  N.  D.  i.  16).  For  a  full 
account  of  their  philosophies  see  Zeller, 
Eclectics,  chap.  iv.  (E.  T.),  and  Dr.  Reid's 
Introd.  to  the  Academica,  pp.  57  ff. 

2.  inter  nos]  sc.  loquemur,  a  common 
ellipse:  cp.  Alt.  iv.  9.  1  (122);  Fain.  xi. 
21.1  (893).  'We  shall  have  ever  so 
many  conversations  (if  you  think  well  of 
it)  with  one  another,  about  ourselves  too.' 
There  is  no  need  to  add  et  before  inter 
with  Victorius  and  Wesenberg. 

sed  .  .  .  debemus']  '  but  let  the  Fortune 
of  our  country  bear  the  blame  for  past 
times ;  we  ourselves  are  bound  to  secure 
the  enjoyment  of  mutual  intercourse  at 

the  present  time.'  Varro  and  Cicero  werij 
engaged  in  the  service  of  their  countrB 
formerly,  and  accordingly  had  not  le 
to  devote  themselves  to  literary  pursuits.  | 

statu  civitatis]    '  order  of  government 
exercere,  '  to  prosecute.' 

quamquam']  '  Although  in  that  cas*;i 
indeed  (i.e.  if  there  was  a  settled  order  ol 
government,  and  everything  was  not  done 
at  the  caprice  of  an  individual)  certain 
other  considerations  would  present  us 
with  an  honourable  field  for  thought  and 
action,'  i.e.  we  might  engage  in  politics. 

sine  his]     i.e.  our  studies. 

ipsis  vix]     sc.  vivere  volumus. 

Migrationem~\     '  your   change  of 
dence  and  new  purchase.'     For  the  al 
stract  emptio  used  of  '  a  thing  purchased^ 
cp.  Fani.  vii.  23.  2  (126),  prorsus  enim  « 
istis   emptionibus   ttullain   desidrro.       But 
here  emptio  may  be  the  abstract.     We  do 
not  know  what  was  the  change  of  resi- 1 
dence  to  which  reference  is  here  made.   1 

2.    Tu  tamen]     The  tamen  here  presen^H 

El\  64$  (ATT.  XIII.  25,  §§  2,  3). 


nihil.  Quando  autem  ilium  putas  ?  Nam  ego  Romam  pridie  Idus. 
Bruto  ita  volui  scribere  —  sed,  quoniam  tu  te  legisse  scribis,  fui 
fortasse  anafyia-tpoQ  —  me  ex  tuis  litteris  intellexisse  nolle  eum  me 
quasi  prosequendi  sui  causa  Komam  nuuc  venire.  Sed  quoniam  iam 
adest  meus  adventus,  fac,  quaeso,  ne  quid  eum  Idus  impediant 
quo  minus  suo  commodo  in  Tusculano  sit.  Nee  enim  ad  tabulam 
eum  desideraturus  eram.  In  tali  enim  negotio  cur  tu  unus  non 
satis  es?  Sed  ad  testamentum  volebam  :  quod  iam  malo  alio  die, 
ne  ob  earn  causam  llomam  venisse  videar.  Scrips!  igitur  ad 
Brutum  iam  illud,  quod  putassem,  Idibus  nihil  opus  esse.  Velim 
ergo  totum  hoc  ita  gubernes  ut  ne  minima  quidem  re  ulla  Bruti 
commodum  impediamus.  3.  Sed  quid  est  tandem  quod  perhor- 
rescas  quia  tuo  periculo  iubeam  libros  dari  Varroni  ?  Etiarn  uunc 
si  dubitas,  fac  ut  sciamus.  Nihil  est  enim  illis  elegantius.  Yolo 
Varronem,  praesertim  cum  ille  desideret,  sed  est,  ut  scis, 

aviip'    TCL\CL  Ktv  KOI  avanov  anowro. 
Ita  mihi  saepe  occurrit  vultus  eius,  querentis  fortasse  vel  hoc,  meas 

a  difficulty,  as  it  often  does  in  the  Letters. 
The  connexion  seems  to  be  :  '  Though  I 
have  just  said  that  if  you  knew  anything 
you  would  he  sure  to  tell  it  to  me,  yet,  in 
writing  about  Brutus,  you  don't  say  a 
word  about  yourself.' 

putas]  sc.  profeeturum,  '  when  do  you 
tliink  he  will  set  out  on  his  journey  to 
meet  Caesar? '  "With  ego  understand  ibo. 
For  future  of  verbs  of  motion  understood 
cp.  590.  3  ;  669.  2. 

Bnito  ita  volni]  '  I  had  meant  to  say 
in  my  letter  to  Brutus— but  as  you  say  you 
read  the  letter  [and  took  another  meaning 
from  it],  perhaps  I  wuspeu  clnir — what  1 
meant  to  write  was,  that  I  gathered  from 
your  letters  that  he  did  not  wish  me  to 
come  to  Rome  just  now,  to  wait  on  him.' 

Idas']  This  is  generally  supposed  to  be 
the  date  of  the  sale  of  the  Scapulan  horti. 
But  the  tabula  may  be  the  Brinnian 
auction  which  on  June  25  had  been  pro- 
visionally fixed  for  the  13th,  626.  4  ;  627 
[14.  1],  Since  the  conversation  on  July  8 
with  Capito  (636.  4),  there  does  iiot 
appear  any  certain  reference  to  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Scapulan  horti :  cp.  note  to 
644  and  to  647  'fin.  After  Ep.  647  we 
hear  no  more  about  them  or  indeed  about 
the  fane  to  Tullia  :  possibly  Cicero  gave 
up  the  idea  of  purchasing  them  and  the 
project  of  erecting  the  fane. 

testamentum']  Hardly  Cicero's  own 
will,  as  he  had  already  made  it  in  March : 
cp.  551.  It  was  possibly  the  will  under 
which  the  auction  was  being  held  :  and 
the  formal  opening  of  that  will  may  be 
meant.  The  will  and  the  auction  had 
some  connexion  with  one  another.  But 
we  cannot  elucidate  the  matter,  or 
know  why  Brutus  was  wanted :  cp. 
636  fin.  ' 

alio  die~\  'to  be  adjourned  '  ;  alio  die 
was  the  formula  by  which  the  augurs 
adjourned  the  coinitia :  cp.  Phil.  ii.  83, 
confecto  negotio  bonus  augur — C.  Laelium 
dicer  es — alio  die  inquit,  and  Mayor's 
note  on  §  81. 

iam  illud  .  .  .  opus  esse]  "  that  the  busi- 
ness I  had  contemplated  need  not  be  done 
on  the  Ides.'  We  cannot  be  at  all  sure 
what  was  the  business  here  referred  to. 

3.  perhorrescas  guia"]  '  tremble  at  the 
thought  of.' 

Nihil  .  .  .  elegnntiui\  Cicero  had  a 
high  opinion  of  \.\\Q  Academica  :  cp.  631.  3. 
We  think  that  this  sentence  should 
precede  the  former. 

Polo  Varronf.m"]  '  I  wish  f or  Yarro, '  as 
the  chief  person  in  the  dialogue. 

8 fit>bs]  Patroclus  says  this  of 
Achilles.  Horn.  II.  xi.  654. 


EP.  643  (ATT.  XIII.  35  AND  36). 

partis  in  iis  libris  copiosius  defensas  esse  quam  suas,  quod  meher- 
cule  non  esse  intelleges,  si  quando  in  Epirura  veneris.  Nam 
mine  Alexionis  epistulis  cedimus.  Sed  tamen  ego  non  despero 
probatum  iri  Varroni,  et  id,  quoniam  impensam  fecinms  in  macro- 
colla,  facile  patior  teneri.  Sed  etiam  atque  etiam  dico,  tuo  periculo 
fiet.  Qua  re,  si  addubitas,  ad  Brutum  transeanms :  est  enim  is 
quoque  Antiochius.  0  Academiam  volaticam  et  sui  similem, 
modo  hue,  modo  illuc  !  Sed,  quaeso,  epistula  mea  ad  Varronem 
valdene  tibi  placuit  ?  Male  mi  sit  si  umquam  quidquam  tarn 
enitar.  Ergo  neTironi  quidem  dictavi,  qui  totas  7TEpio\ae  persequi 
solet,  sed  Spintharo  syllabatim. 

643.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  35  AND  36). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY   13  J    A.   U.  C.  709  \    B.  C.  45;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  urbe  augenda,  de  Varrone  et  libris  Academicis  ei  datis,  de  Bruto. 

1.  0  rein  indignam  !     Gentilis  tuns  urbem  auget  quam  hoc 
biennio  prirnum  vidit,  et   ei   parum   magna  visa  est  quae  etiam 

in  Epirum  veneris]  '  when  you  come 
to  Epirus  [and  are  at  leisure].  Now  we 
must  give  place  to  the  letters  from  Epirus 
of  your  steward  Alexio.' 

teneri]  '  and,  as  yoti  nnd  I  have  gone  to 
expense  in  procuring  folio  sheets,  I  am 
glad  that  this  (design  of  dedicating  the 
book  to  Varro)  is  to  be  persevered  in.' 
Macrocollum  was  a  special  kind  of  large 
paper:  cp.  773.  1.  Sir  E.Maude  Thompson 
(Greek  and  Latin  Palaeography,  p.  25) 
says  it  \vas  about  18  inches  broad.  The 
word  comes  from  /coAAa  'glue,'  as  does 
also  protocol.  On  the  various  sizes  and 
names  of  different  kinds  of  sheets  cp. 
Marquardt-Mau,  Frivatlebev,  p.  802. 
For  teneri  cp.  the  common  phrase  tenere 

transeamnii]  <  I  will  transfer  to  Brutus 
Varro's  place  in  the  dialogue,  as  he,  too,  is 
an  adherent  of  the  philosophy  of  Antio- 

Academiam']  The  school  is  referred  to 
here,  not  the  treatise,  though  he  appears 
to  call  the  treatise  Academiam  in  627.  1. 
Here  the  thought  is,  '  How  characteristi- 
cally shifting  everything  connected  with 
the  Academy  is ;  even  our  treatise  is 
constantly  undergoing  change';  just  as 

the  Academy  changed  and  shifted  its 
philosophical  views,  so  the  treatise  was 
ever  shifting  its  chief  personage,  being 
now  in  the  mouth  of  Catulus  or  Lucullus, 
anon  of  Varro,  and  again  of  Brutus.  Cp. 
sursum  deorstim  said  perhaps  of  the  same 
school:  Att.  v.  10.  5  (198),  where  see 
note,  ed.  2. 

Male  .  .  .  syllabatim]  '  Hang  me  if  I 
ever  take  such  trouble  with  anythingagain. 
That  was  why  I  did  not  even  dictate  it  to 
Tiro,  who  takes  down  whole  clauses,  but 
to  Spintharus  syllable  by  syllable.'  The 
MSS  give  the  strange  reading  ergo  at  ego, 
which  Boot  ingeniously  conceives  to  have 
arisen  from  a  gloss  'al.  ego?  Tiro  was  an 
adept  at  shorthand,  and  even  invented 
a  system  of  abbreviations  which  was 
known  as  Notae  Tironianae  (cp.  Teuffel, 
Rom.  Lit.,  §  191,  5).  For  shorthand 
among  the  Romans  cp.  Reid  on  Sull.  42. 

1.  Gentilis  tuns']  Some  Athenian  archi- 
tect whom  Caesar  was  employing  in  his 
scheme  for  enlarging  the  city  (cp.  636.  4), 
He  calls  the  Athenians  fellow-citizens  or 
namesakes  of  Atticus :  cp.  Cicero's  calling 
Servius  TulMnsgentilem  nieum,  Tusc.  i.  38. 

parum  magnet]    '  too  small  to  hold  him 

EP.  644  (ATT.  XIII.  43).  157 

ipsum  capere  potuerit.  Hac  de  re  igitur  exspecto  litteras  tuas. 
2.  Varroni  scribis  te,  simul  ac  venerit.  Dati  igitur  iam  sunt,  nee 
tibi  integrum  est :  hui,  si  solas  quanto  periculo  tuo  !  aut  fortasse 
litterae  meae  te  retardaruut  :  sed  eas  nondum  legeras  cum  has 
proximas  scripsisti.  Scire  igitur  aveo  quo  modo  res  se  habeat. 
[36]  De  Bruti  amore  vestraque  ambulatione  etsi  milii  uihil  novi 
adfers,  sed  idem  quod  saepe,  tarn  en  hoc  audio  libentius  quo  saepius, 
eoque  mihi  iucundius  est  quod  tu  eo  laetaris,  certiusque  eo  est 
quod  a  te  dicitur. 

644.     CICERO  TO  ATTICTJS  (ATT.  xm.  43). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  14  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

De  prorogatione  dici  gratias  agit. 


Ego  vero  utar  prorogatione  diei,  tuque  humanissime  fecisti 
qui  me  certiorem  feceris,  atque  ita  ut  eo  tempore  acciperem  litteras 
quo  iion  exspectarem,  tuque  ut  ab  ludis  scriberes.  Sunt  omnino 
mihi  quaedam  agenda  Homae,  sed  consequemur  biduo  post. 

(the  architect)  when  it  has  been  able  to  eoque  .  .  .  dicitur  J     «  and  it  gains  an 

hold  the  master  (Caesar)  himself  ':  cp.,  in  added    sweetness   from   your    sympathy 

Shakspeare's    Julius    Caesar,    a    passage  with  it,  and  an  added  certitude  as  coming 

where  there  is  a  play  on  Rome  (formerly  from  you.' 
pronounced  Room]  :  — 

Ego  vero]     '  Yes,  I  will  take  advantage 

is  i*  R°m-e  '-"^  ed  and  ro,om  en°>ugh  of  the  postponement,  of  the  day.'     What 

-    -  , 

When  there  i.  ,n  it  but  one  only 

wag  h  ^  day 

the  Scapulan  gardens  (642.   2),  as   may 

2.    Varroni']    sc.  daturum  Academics  :  possibly  be  inferred  from  the  last  word's 

cp.  Att.    xii.   7.   1   (500)  De  liberalitate  of  Ep."  647,  or  was  it  the  sale   of   the 

dixi  quantum  Publilius,    quantum  flamen  property  left  by  Brinnius,  627  [14]  1  ? 

Lentulus  filio    sc.    darent   me   daturum  :  ita  .  .  .  scriberes]      '  you   have  acted 

715.    1,  multa  illis  Caesar,  sc.  dedit.  very  kindly  in  sending  me  this  informa- 

integrum~\      '  the   matter   is   no  longer  tion,  giving  me  the  pleasure  of  receiving 

in  your  hands.'         Schmidt  would  put  a  a  letter  when  I  did  not  expect  one,  and 

note  of  interrogation  after  integrum.  being  good  enough  yourself  to  despatch  a 

ntardarunt]     *  or   perhaps   my   letter  letter  from  your  seat  at  the  games,'  i.e. 

(possibly   640)  made  you   slow   to  act,'  the  Ludi   Apollinares,   which  were  held 

and  so,  perhaps,   you  have  not  yet  taken  from  July  6  to  13.     Soribere  a  ludis  is 

the  decisive  step.  like  puppi  sic  fatur  ab  alia  (Verg.  Aen. 

sed]     So    Man.    for    si    of    the    MSS.  viii.  115).    Dr.  Keid  has  suggested  :  'and 

Miiller  reads  nisi  '  unless  it  is  that  you  learning  that  you  would  write  after  the 

have  not  read  it,'    comparing   619  fin.:  games'  :  for  a  in  this  sense  cp.  608.  2, 

Att.    iv.   3.    2   (92)   nisi  caedem,  where  Att.  i.  5.  4.  (1).     This  letter  would  then 

M  lias  si.     Klotz  alters  to  etsi.  be  that  mentioned  in  646.  1,  Osuavis  tuas 

[_36]  ambulatione]    some  walk  and  talk  litteras.      We   should  expect,    however, 

which  Atticus  had  enjoyed  with  Brutus.  scriptttnts  sis  for  scriberes. 


EP.  645  (FAM.    VI. 

645.     CICERO  TO  TOEANIUS  (FAM.  vi.  20). 
TUSCUI.UM  ;  JULY  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AKT.  cic.  61. 

Toranio  exsuli  dissuadet  M.  Cicero  consilium  Caesaii  obviam  eundi. 

1.  Dederam  triduo  ante  pueris  Cn.  Planci  litteras  ad  te  ; 
mine  ero  brevier  teque,  ut  antea  consolabar,  hoc  tempore  moneb( 
Nihil  puto  tibi  esse  utilius  quam  ibidem  opperiri  quoad  scire  possis 
quid  tibi  agendum  sit ;  nam  praeter  navigationis  longae  et  hiemalis 
et  minime  portuosae  periculum,  quod  vitaveris,  ne  illud  quidem 
nonquantivis,  subito,  cum  certi  aliquid  audieris,  teistiin  posse  profi- 
cisci.  Nihil  est  praeterea  cur  adeuutibus  te  offerre  gestias.  Multa 
praeterea  metuo  quae  cum  Cilone  nostro  communicavi.  2.  Quid 
mult. a  ?  loco  opportuniore  in  his  malis  nullo  esse  potuisti  ex  quo 
te,  quocumque  opus  erit,  facillime  et  expeditissime  conferas.  Quod 
si  recipiet  ille  se  ad  tern  pus,  aderis  ;  sin — quoniam  multa  accidere 
possunt — aliqua  res  eum  vel  inpediet  vel  morabitur,  tu  ibi  eris  ubi 
omnia  scire  possis.  Hoc  mihi  prorsus  valde  placet.  3,  De  reliquo, 
ut  te  saepe  per  litteras  hortatus  sum,  ita  velim  tibi  persuadeas,  tl 
in  hac  causa  iiihil  liabere  quod  tibi  timendum  sit  praeter  coml 
nmnem  casum  civitatis  ;  qui  etsi  est  gravissimus,  tamen  ita  vixij 

For  Toranius  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi.  21 
(573).  He  was  at  this  time  living  in 
exile  at  Corcyra.  He  appears  to  have 
wished  to  make  a  voyage,  perhaps  to 
Ravenna  (as  Schmidt,  p.  361,  suggests), 
in  order  to  meet  and  congratulate  Caesar 
on  his  victories  ;  and  also  to  take  that 
opportunity  to  beg  for  permission  to 
return  to  Rome.  As  Toranius  was  not 
permitted  to  set  foot  in  Italy,  his  intention 
at  this  time  was  to  meet  Caesar  close  to 
Italy  in  Cisalpine  Gaul. 

1.  Cn.  I'lanci]  who  was  also  living 
in  exile  at  Corcyra :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  15 

hiemalis']  owing  to  the  storms  of  the 
Adriatic  :  cp.  Ilor.  Garni,  iii.  3,  4,  Au&ter 
dux  inquieti  turbidus  Hadriae. 

minime  portuosae']  '  with  hardly  any 
harbour  to  run  into'  :  usually  this  adj. 
is  applied  to  a  coast,  not  to  a  voyage. 

ne  illud  quidem  non  qii«ntivis~\  '  that, 
too,  is  not  a  matter  of  slight  importance* 
non  qnantivis,  lit.  '  not  of  great  irnporj 
tance,'  that  is,  '  of  trifling  importance.'  J 

adeuntibus]  '  to  them  on  their  approach.! 
It  would  be  time  to  come  to  Caesar  when 
he  had  arrived.  This  is  the  readinJ 
of  GR.  M  has  adventibus,  '  arrivals* 
which  some  editors  have  altered  to  afc 
venientibits.  This  reading  of  M  may  be 
right,  as  Cic.  elsewhere  uses  the  plural 
of  adventus  Arch.  4  :  2  Verr.  i.  49 :  cp. 
Tac.  Germ.  2. 

2.  Quod  si  recipiet']  'But  if  he  (Caesar} 
returns  up  to  time,  you  will  be  at  hand.* 
Schmidt  (p.  361)  thinks  that  perhaps  we 
should  add  citius  after  recipiet,  where  it 
might  easily  have  fallen  out.     But  it  is 
simpler  with  Mendelssohn    to    put    the 
comma  after  tempus. 

3.  communem  casum  civitatis]  cp.  573. 3 

EI\  646  (ATT.  XII I.  44). 


mus  et  id  aetatis  iam  sumus  ut  omiiia  quae  non  nostra  culpa 
nobis  accidant  fortiter  ferre  debeamus.  Hie  tui  omnes  valent 
suminaque  pietate  desiderant  et  diligunt  et  colunt  :  tu  cura  ut 
valeas  et  te  istim  ne  temere  commoveas. 

646.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Arr.  xin.  44). 

TUSCULUM  J    JULY  20  Oil  2i  J    A.   U.  709  ;    B.  0.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  Attici  et  rebus  urbanis,  de  Varrone,  de  Attica,  de  Cotta,  de  Libone,  de 
Casca.     De  nomine  Corfidii  ex  oratione  Ligariana  tollendo. 


1.  0  suavis  tuas  litteras ! — etsi  acerba  pompa  :   verura  tamen 

scire  omiiia  non  acerbum  est,  vel  de  Cotta — populum  vero  praecla- 

rum,  quod  propter  malum  vicinum  ne  Yictoriae  quidem  ploditcr. 

!  Brutus  apud  me  fuit,  cui  quidem   valde  placebat  me  aliquid  ad 

Jaesarem.     Adnueram,  sed  pompa  deterret.     2.  Tu  tamen  ausus 

I   culpa]    cp.  575.  3. 

d  swnmaque  pietate}  If  the  sons  of 
Toranius  were  '  most  filial '  at  tins  time, 
me  of  them  did  not  remain  so  to  the  end, 
nasmuch  as  he  betrayed  his  father  during 
I  he  proscriptions  to  the  satellites  of  the 
uriumvirs  :  see  the  touching  story  in  Val. 
llfkz.  ix.  11.  5. 

1.   0]     We  have  inserted  the  interjec- 

ion,  which  fell  out  owing  to  its  having 

>ee'n  united  with  post  at  the  end  of  644, 

ihere  that  word  appears  as  posco.     It  is 

specially  required  here,  as  it  must  govern 

optihim:  cp.  note  to  617.  4. 

I    etsi  .  .  .  Cotta]      'How  delightful  to 

I  et  your  letter,  though  the  procession  [at 

le  Lndi   Victoriae  Caesaris    (July    20  to 

I  0),  in  which  the  statue  of  Caesar  was 

I  anied  amongst  those  of  the  gods]  is  a 

I  itter  pill.     But  it  is  the  reverse  of  bitter 

!  )  know  everything  that  is  going  on,  in- 

iiuling  even  Cotta's  rumoured   proposal 

I  that,   as   Parthia   was  declared  by   the 

ibylline  books  to  be  unconquerable  save 

I  y  a  king,  Caesar    should    assume   that 

tie].      And  how  well  the  people   have 

;ted  ! '      In  speaking   of  the  rumoured 

t  roposal     of     Cotta,    Cicero    writes     in 

«  'e    Div.    ii.    110,    Sibylloe   versus  .   .  . 

lorum     interpres    miper  falsa     quadam 

hominumfamadicturusin  senatu  putabaturr 
enm  quein  revera  reyem  hubebamus  appel- 
landum  quoque  esse  regem  si  salvi  esse 

pompa']  There  had  been  a  previous 
pompa  about  the  middle  of  May :  cp. 
604.  B  and  594,  595. 

scire  oinnia  non  acerbum  est\  Dr.  Reid 
points  out  that  this  is  a  reference  to  the 
Greek  line  y\vicvT€pov  ov8(i>  eariy  %  navr' 
eiScvai.  Alt.  iv.  11,  2  (124). 

malum  vicinum~\  The  statue  of  Caesar 
which  was  beside  that  of  Victory. 

me  aliquid  ad  Gnesarem']  '  who  strongly 
approved  of  my  composing  a  political 
essay  to  be  addressed  to  Caesar.'  We 
are  to  understand  scripturum,  c-p.  559.  1 
te  aliquid  novi,  sc.  scripturum:  Att.  xvi. 
11.4  (799),  De  tertio  pollicetur  se  deinceps 
(sc.  scripturum),  sed  nihil  scripsit,  where 
we  erroneously  printed  scripturiim  in  the 

deterret]  So  Crat.  for  videret  of  M. 
Dr.  Reid  conjectures  po)npam  vides,  like 
Fin.  iii.  9,  sed  aetatem  vides.  The  mean- 
ing is  excellent,  but  the  corruption  some- 
what unlikely. 

2.  Tu  tamen]  l  so  you  have  ventured 
after  all  (lamen)  to  consign  the  Academica 
to  Varro.' 


EP.  647  (ATT.  XIII. 

es  Varroni  dare  ?     Exspecto  quid  iudicet.     Uuando  autem 
leget?      De   Attica  probo.     Est  quiddam  etiaru  animum  lev* 
cum  spectatione  turn  etiam  religioiiis  opinione  et  f ama.    3.  Cottai 
mi  velim   mittas.      Libonem  mecum    habeo    et    habueram    anl 
Cascam.     Brutus  mihi  T.  Ligari  verbis  nuntiavit,  quod  appelletu] 
L.  Corfidius  in  oratione  Ligariana,  erratum  esse  meum,  sed,  ut 
aiuut,  invrifjLOviKov  a/mapTY)ij.a.     Sciebam  Corfidium  pernecessarium 
Ligariorurn,  sed  eum  video  ante  esse  mortuum.    Da  igitur,  quaeso, 
negotium    Pliarnaci,  Antaeo,  Salvio,  ut    id    nomen   ex   omnibus 
libris  tollatur. 

647.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  34). 

ASTURA  ;    JULY  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  adventu  suo  Asturam  et  de  negotiis  ab  Attico  suscipiendis. 

Asturam  veni  vin.  Kal.  vesperi.  Vitandi  enim  caloris  causa 
Lanuvi  tris  horas  acquieveram.  Tu  velim,  si  grave  non  erii 
efficias  ne  ante  Nonas  mihi  illuc  veniendum  sit — id  potes  pd 
Egnatium  Maximum — illud  in  primis  cum  Publilio  me  absent! 

Est  quiddam  etiam~\  '  there  is  something 
in. the  relief  which  the  mind  gets  both 
from  the  spectacle  itself,  and  iVom  the 
general  feeling  that  the  games  are  a 
religious  rite.'  The  popular  mind  always 
connected  the  ludi  \vith  religion :  and 
attendance  at  a  religious  ceremony  has 
generally  a  soothing  effect.  Cicero  seems 
to  have  thought  that  religious  emotions 
especially  attach  to  women  :  cp.  Fam.  xiv. 
4.  1(62). 

3.  Cottam  .  .  .  Libonem  .  .  .  Cascam~\ 
The  reference  is  to  certain  works  which 
he  designates  by  the  author's  name,  just 
as  we  speak  of  a  Virgil  or  a  Horace. 
Libo's  Annals  have  been  already  referred 
to:  Epp.  608,  610.  Nothing  is  known 
about  Casca's  work.  Boot  thinks  the 
Gotta  may  have  been  a  book  on  the  Roman 
republic  written  in  Greek  by  L.  Auruncu- 
leius  Cotta,  Caesar's  lieutenant  in  Gaul, 
who' was  slain  by  the  Eburones  in  700 
(54) :  cp.  Teuffel  197.  9. 

quod  appellelur  L.  Corfidius]  '  that  my 
addressing  (or  '  speaking  of ')  L  Corfidius 
was  a  mistake '  :  cp.  Ligar.  33,  Videsne 

igitur  .  .  .  hunc  L.  Marcium,  C.  Caesetiun 
L.  Corjidium,  hos  omnis  equites  liomam 
qui  adsunt  veste  mutata,  which  show 
that  the  /JLVIJ/ULOVIK^V  o^uaprTjyua  \vas  nevfl 
corrected.  For  appellare  =  to  speak  oi 
cp.  Alt.  i.  16.  10  (22),  Begem  appellas.  1]IJ.ovLKov  ctyuaprrj/ua]  'a  lapsitK 
memoriae.'  This  is  one  of  the  cases  where 
we  use  a  Latin  expression,  while  CiceiM 
has  recourse  to  Greek.  Others  are  q  uotefl 
in  P,  87. 

Antaeo]     cp.  note  to  616.  3. 

This  was  the  regular  placed 
for  breaking  the  journey  between  Tuseu-j 
lum  and  Astura.  590.  3  :  592.  1. 

Eyvatium  Maximum"]     cp.  662.  1,  all 
Pauly-Wissowa  v.  1997,  No.  26. 

cum~\     *  what  I   want   you  to    do  firsn 
of  all  is  to  settle  with  Publilius  in  ifl 
absence  '    [about  the   repayment   of 
dower  of  his  sister  Publilia  now  div< 
by  Cicero].  The  MSS  give  me  pene  al 
and  pene  may  have  arisen  from   dit 
graphy  of  absents  written  apsente,  as 
Iteid  (Hermathena  354)  and  Miiller 

EP.  6£8  (FAM.   VI.  19). 


conficias,  de  quo  quae  fama  sit  scribes.  *  Id  populus  curat  scilicet.' 
Non  mehercule  arbitror.  Etenim  haec  decautata  erat  fabula.  Sed 
complere  pagiiiam  volui.  Quid  plura?  Ipse  enim  adsum,  nisi 
quid  tu  prorogas.  Scripsi  enim  ad  te  de  hortis. 

648.     CICERO  TO  LEPTA  (FAM.  vi.  19). 

ASTURA  ;     JULY  27  (ABOUT)  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  J     B.  C.  45  ;     AET.  CIC.  01. 

M.  Cicero  Q,.  Leptae  significat  sibi  Maculae  Falernum  et  Leptae  Petrinum  satis 
idonea  devorsoria  esse  in  quibus  vivat.  Leptae  curationem  ludorum  quos  Caesar  erat 
facturus  ne  ambiat  suadet. 


1.  Maculam  officio  functum  esse  gaudeo.  Ems  Faleruum 
mihi  semper  idoneum  visum  est  devorsorio,  si  modo  tecti  satis  est 
ad  comitatum  nostrum  recipiendum  :  ceteroqui  mihi  locus  non 
displicet.  Nee  ea  re  Petrinum  tuum  deseram ;  nam  et  villa  et 
amoenitas  ilia  commorationis  est,  11011  devorsori.  2.  De  curatione 

out :  cp.  654.  2,  me  absente.  Peerlkamp 
suggested  me  praesente  absente,  *  whether 
it  may  be  after  I  arrive  in  Home,  or  while 
I  am  still  here.'  This  may  possibly  be 
right,  for,  though  he  says  in  a  subsequent 
letter  (654)  that  he  wishes  the  negotia- 
tions to  be  carried  out  in  his  absence,  yet 
he  might  have  changed  his  mind  (cp. 
malo  654.  2)  in  the  time  intervening 
between  this  letter  and  Ep.  654,  written 
some  four  days  subsequently. 

quae  fama  sit]  k  what  people  say  about 
the  matter.' 

'id populus  . .  .scilicet']  Ter.  Andr.  185. 

decantata  .  .fabula]  'a  twice-told  tale.' 
People  were  tired  of  commenting  on 
Cicero's  relations  with  Publilia :  cp.  De 
Orat.  ii.  75,  qui  mihi  pervulgatapraecepta 
decantat  ;  Senec.  Ep.  24.  6,  decantatae 
.  .  .  fabulae  istae  sunt. 

paffinam]  shows  that  the  page  was  very 

prorogas}  '  unless  you  put  me  off  [tell- 
ing me  that  the  day  of  the  sale  is  post- 
poned] ;  for  I  have  asked  you  to  let  me 
know  about  [the  day  of  the  sale  of 
Scapula's]  pleasure-ground ' :  cp.  note  to 

For  Lepta  see  Introduction  to  Fam.  vi. 
18  (534),  and  vol.  iii,  p.  336,  ed.  2. 

1.  Maculam]  He  was  possibly  P. 
Pouipeius  Macula,  who  was  one  of  the 
lovers  of  Fausta,  daughter  of  Sulla.  A 
good  story  relative  to  this  intrigue  is 
told  by  Macrobius,  Sat.  ii.  2.  9. 

Falernum]  sc.  praedium,  '  his  property 
in  the  Falernian  territory.'  There  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  any  town  from 
which  this  district  obtained  its  name.  It 
was  close  to  Sinuessa  on  the  east. 

devorsorio]  As  Schmalz  (Antib.  i.  616) 
feels  no  difficulty  in  the  dative  after 
idoneus  (which  usually  takes  ad),  cp. 
Caes.  B.  G.  vi.  10.  2  ;  vii.  35.  6,  we 
have  retained  the  MS  reading.  "Wesenberg 
(E.  A.  15)  wishes  to  read  devorso- 

Petrinum]  cp.  Hor.  Ep.  i.  5.  5,  vina 
bibes  iterum  Tauro  diffusa  palustris  Inter 
Minturnas  Sinuessanumque  Petrinum  ;  on 
which  passage  the  Comm.  Cruq.  says, 
'  Petrinus  mons  est  Sinuessanae  civitati 
imminens  vel  ager  Sinuessae  vicinus.' 

commorationis,  non  devorsori]  '  for 
that  villa  with  its  picturesque  site  is 
suitable  for  a  sojourn,  not  merely  for  a 
lodging.'  It  is  not  quite  correct  to  make 
a  concrete  word  devorsorium  balance  the 
abstract  commoratio,  unless  we  take  the 
latter  in  a  concrete  sense  like  emptio,  641. 
2  :  Fam.  vii.  23.  2  (126)— a  sense  it  bears 


JSP.  648  (FAN.   VI.  19). 

aliqua  munerum  regiorum  cum  Oppio  locutus  sum  ;  nam  Balbuni, 
postea  quam  tu  es  profectus,  non  vidi ;  tantis  pedum  doloribus 
adficitur  ut  se  conveniri  nolit.  Omnino  de  tota  re,  ut  mihi 
videris,  sapientius  faceres,  si  non  curares  :  quod  enim  eo  labore 
adsequi  vis  nullo  niodo  adsequere  ;  tanta  est  enim  intimorum 
multitude  ut  ex  iis  aliquis  potius  effluat  quam  novo  sit  aditus, 
praesertim  qui  nihil  adferat  praeter  operam,  in  qua  ille  se  dedisse 
beneficium  putabit — si  modo  id  ipsum  sciet — non  accepisse.  Sed 
tamen  aliquid  videbimus  in  quo  sit  species;  aliter  quidem  non 
modo  non  adpetendum  sed  etiam  fugiendum  puto.  Ego  me 
Asturae  diutius  arbitror  commoraturum  quoad  ille  quandoque 
veniat.  Yale. 

in  late  Latin.  Commoratio  is  less  strong 
than  habitatiot  and  is  used  elsewhere  of  a 
temporary  sojourn  in  opposition  to  per- 
manent residence  :  cp.  De  Sen.  84,  et  ex 
vita  it  a  discedo  tamquam  ex  hospitio,  non 
tfimquam  e  domo  ;  eommorandi  enim  natura 
devorsorium  nobis,  non  habitandi  dedit. 

2.  regiorwn~\  '  ot  the  royal  shows.' 
Cicero  calls  Caes;ir  elsewhere  rex :  cp. 
(357.  2  :  but  the  adjective  regius  is  some- 
times even  less  strong  than  '  royal,'  as 
it  may  mean  little  more  than  '  princely '  : 
cp.  Hor.  Carm.  ii.  15.  1,  lam  pauca 
aratro  ingera  regiae  moles  relinquent  ; 
though  doubtless  it  can  also  bear  as 
strong  a  meaning  as  'tyrannical,'  Cat.  i. 
30,  crudeliter  et  regie factumesse dice-rent ; 
yet  this  is  unusual :  cp.  Verr.  iii.  115, 
regie  seu  potius  tyrannice.  Manutius, 
followed  by  many  commentators,  wisht-s 
to  read  regiomim,  which  is  found  also  in 
some  MSS,  viz.  G  and  Pal  primus.  But,  as 
Orelli  rightly  says,  '  vix  Latinum  est 
pro  munerum  regionatim  edendorum,' 
and  on  this  ground  we  adhere  to  the 
reading  of  M.  For  on  other  grounds 
regionum  is  not  impossible.  It  is  true  that 
the  city  was  not  regularly  marked  out  into 
the  fourteen  regiones  (there  had  of  course 
been  the  four  large  regiones  previously) 
until  the  time  of  Augustus  (Suet.  Aug. 
30  ;  Dio  Cass.  Iv.  8),  but  Suetonius  says 
of  Julius  Caesar  (c.  39),  edidit  .  .  .  ludos 
etiam' regionatim  urbe  tota,  using  the  word 
in  the  untechnical  sense  of  *  quarters.' 
Manutius  argues  that  Cicero  might  use 
the  invidious  word  rex  of  Caesar,  when 
writing  to  an  intimate  friend  like  Atticus, 
but  that  he  would  not  venture  to  do  so  in 
writing  to  Lepta.  But  Lepta  was  intimate 

with  Cic. :  he  had  been  his  praef.  fabrwn* 
But  the  shows  may  have  been  projected  on 
such  a  grand  scale  that  they  were  com- 
monly spoken  of  in  the  talk  of  the  day  a» 
the  '  royal  shows,'  such  as  might  have 
been  witnessed  at  the  courts  of  the  Kings 
of  Syria  or  Egypt.  Accordingly,  we- 
think  that  the  balance  of  probability 
inclines  to  the  reading  of  M.  Lepta 
appears  to  have  been  endeavouring  to 
obtain  a  curatio  vini  on  the  occasion  of 
Caesar's  largesses  to  the  people :  cp.  also 
663.  2. 

ut  ex  its  .  .  .  aditus}  '  so  that  there  it 
more  probability  of  a  man's  dropping  off 
from  the  body  than  of  there  being  an 
opening  for  a  new-comer.' 

praesertim  qiti]  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi- 
2.  3  (575),  '  especially  if  he  is  a  man  wh* 
has  nothing  to  offer  except  his  own  labour, 
in  respect  of  which  (i.e.  in  accepting- 
which,  and  giving  it  scope)  Caesar,  if  hi 
comes  to  know  of  the  matter  at  all,  will 
consider  that  he  has  conferred  a  favour 
rather  than  received  one.'  Note  ille,  by 
itself,  for  Caesar,  cp.  694.  1  :  713.  2.  j 

id  ipsuni]  We  have  added  id  with 
Ernesti,  as  in  Att.  x.  14.  3  (400) :  546.  3  i 
583.  2.  See  Madvig's  note  on  Fin.  ii.  93. 

species']  *  display,'  '  splendour,'  '  dis- 
tinction,' such  as  would  not  attach  to  the 
contract  which  Lepta  was  seeking,  how- 
ever lucrative  it  might  be. 

quandoque~]  =  aliquando,  l  some  time  or 
other '  ;  as  far  as  we  know  this  is  the 
only  passage  in  Cicero  where  quandoqu* 
has  this  indefinite  meaning.  The  use  ii- 
common  in  later  Latin :  cp.  Liv.  xxi.  3, 
6;  Tac.  Ann.  i.  4,  4 ;  vi.  20,  3.  DH 
Reid  suggests  that  we  should  read  quoait